Commentary on the Glosses
Book 10Book 11
Commentary on the Glosses for Book 11
The Martyrdom of Rogers

As with the sections that precede it, this one is strong on narrative, and many of the glosses reflect this (e.g., 'M. Rogers Chaplayne to the Marchaunt aduenturers at Antwerpe'; 'M. Rogers brought to the Gospell by M. W. Tindale, & M. Couerdale'; 'M. Rogers goeth to Wittenberge'; 'M. Rogers returneth from Saxonie into England in K. Edwards tyme'). In a departure from the usual practices in the 1563 edition, the names of speakers are placed in the margin during the portions of the text concerned with Rogers' examinations. The later editions insert the names into the text, reflecting their need to make space available for other forms of comment. The 1563 layout here is further evidence that Foxe had not yet fully worked out a set of conventions governing his annotations at this stage: 1563 was more experimental and irregular than later editions (but see the beginning of Book X for evidence which points another way).

Several changes after 1563 show Foxe sharpening his attacks on the papists in later years. For example, the gloss 'The catholike church' is replaced by the polemically more powerful 'No head of the Catholicke Church, but Christ' from 1570; other examples are 'The papistes ar loth to abide trial' and 'A fayre pretense to excuse your ignorance'; 'Catholike what yt signifieth' and 'The Popes church proued not to be Catholicke'; 'Mariage of priestes' and 'Lawfulnes of priestes mariage'. These examples suggest that Foxe's more comprehensive and careful annotating from 1570 onwards in part grew out of a desire to make the most of the opportunities it afforded for making polemic points. One example shows an interesting shift in tone after 1563: the more vindictive and demotic 'Here my Lorde lacked but an onion to make the teares com oute' comment of 1563 became 'These murderers pretend a sorrow of hart and yet they will not cease from murdering', which makes the same point, but more directly. Thus, Foxe after 1563 seems to have allowed more space for attacking the opposition, but did so in a more careful manner.

His attacks are often (following Rogers) procedural ('Steph Gardiner refused to haue the truth to be tryed by learning'; 'Gardiner wil compel to that, which he cānot teach to be true'; 'M. Rogers could not be heard to speake'; 'Confused talke without order'; 'M. Rogers imprisoned against all law and right'; 'M. Rogers punished before any law was broken'), and they also point out the cruelty ('The Pope a destroyer of maryage and maynteyner of whoredome'; 'M. Rogers could not be suffered of Boner to speake to his wife before his burning'), ignorance ('A fayre pretense to excuse your ignorance') and vice ('The Bishop of Winchester iudgeth M. Rogers, by his owne disease') of the persecutors, while also joining Rogers in capitalising on the past opinions and allegiances of the persecutors ('The Bishops contrary to theyr former doinges and wrytinges'; 'The Byshops neyther will stand by theyr assertion, nor yet will suffer other men so to doe'). The last of these glosses neatly combines an attack on the hypocrisy of the bishops who will not hold to their old opinion with criticism of their cruelty for persecuting Rogers for doing precisely that.

Providing contrast to the failings of the papists, the glosses emphasise Rogers' pious concern for his family ('M. Rogers carefull prayer for his wife and children'), his generosity ('Prouision by M. Rogers for the prisoners') and his steadfastness ('M. Rogers refuseth his pardon'). Two pairs of glosses contrast protestant virtue and papist vice ('M. Gosnold laboured for M. Rogers' and 'Great mercy of Winchest. no lesse then the Foxe hath to the chickenes, or the Wolfe to suck the bloud of Lambes'; 'The godly spirite of M. Rogers' and 'Marke here the spirite of this prelate'). A series of glosses concerned with Rogers' prophecies appears at the end of the section: 'M. Rogers seemeth to prophesie here of England, and that truely' notes that Rogers 'seemeth' to predict the defeat of the papists, and this gloss is followed by others predicting the return of the exiles and the gospel, and concerning Rogers' attitude to the ministry and 'Priestes cappes'. The 'seemeth' perhaps functions as a device to remind the attentive reader that the threat of antichrist is never entirely subdued. This is especially significant given the glosses which follow on the provision of preachers and caps: these glosses would have been read in the shadow of the fear of antichrist. In line with established practice, 1583 has 'read afore' where 1570 and 1576 give accurate references.

1563 Edition, page 1092 | 1570 Edition, page 1695 | 1576 Edition, page 1439 | 1583 Edition, page 1508[Back to Top]
Saunders

Some of the glosses in this section lead the reader towards an appreciation of the other-worldliness and strength of faith inherent in the act of martyrdom ('M. Saunders in prison, till he was in prison'; 'Saunders godly bequest to his wife'; 'Experience of the comfortes of Christ in prison'). The effect of this can be paradoxical, with prison being a genuine comfort to the spiritually minded. This pious, Christ-like turning the world upside-down finds its parodic twin in the characterisation of the papists and popery. Thus Bonner, in line with previous conduct, is so perverse as to see preaching the truth as treason ('Preaching of Gods word, made treason with Bishop Boner'). A nearby gloss reinforces Foxe's characterisation of him as intemperate by describing him as seeking Saunders' blood. Elsewhere, and again building on an established typology, a gloss ('He meaneth peraduenture when the Sanctus is singing for then the Organs pipe merely and that may giue some Comfort') bemoans the sensuality of the mass.

The attacks on Gardiner focus on the contrast between his conduct under Mary and under her father ('A priuy nippe to Winchester'; 'Winchesters booke de vera obedientia'). This is behaviour implicitly contrasted with Saunders' constancy, which the marginal glosses emphasise ('The constant minde of a christian souldiour'; 'M, Saunders would haue no suite made for him'). There are examples of the cruelty and use of force by the catholic authorities ('Note how Winchester confuteth M. Saunders'; 'M. Saunders wife not suffered to speake with him in prison'). Saunders' constancy and his indifference to worldly pain or pleasure are ascribed to his humility and thus to his reliance on divine grace ('A notable example of the Lord comforting his seruauntes in their troubles'; 'Strength to stād in Christ, commeth not of our selues, but it is the gift of God'). The gloss 'M. Saunders put in the common gayle in Couentrye' gives a hint of a Christ-like or apostolic bearing on Saunders' part. There are also references emphasising conscience as a source of resolution and (religious) resistance ('Argument. Conscience ought neuer to stand vpon things vncertaine. Tyme and authoritye be thinges of themselues alwayes vncertayne: Ergo, conscience ought neuer to stand vpon tyme and authoritye'; 'To liue as the Scripture leadeth vs, is not to liue as we list').

The shift from the previous book towards narrative and the reproduction of epistles led Foxe to increase the number of glosses referring to scriptural passages; many of these are erroneous either in terms of their variation across editions or their accuracy as scriptural references. Errors of positioning of notes also occur in this section, with the 1570 edition as usual being the most accurate.

1563 Edition, page 1106 | 1570 Edition, page 1703 | 1576 Edition, page 1446 | 1583 Edition, page 1517[Back to Top]
Saunders' letters

The glosses mainly offer support in this section, giving scriptural references and identifying the recipients of the letters. An effect of this is to give a kind of outline of the ties which bound the Marian protestants together: the lessons and comforts of scripture were grafted on to the various patterns of association highlighted in the glosses naming the recipients of the letters: ties between pastor and flock, ties within the godly family, ties of friendship and comfort. Some of the glosses help to characterise Saunders in the scriptural terms which dominate the section: the gloss 'To this his flocke the parish of Alhallowes in Bredstreate. He wrote also a fruitefull letter, exhorting and charging them to beware of the Romish religiō and constantly to sticke to the truth which they had confessed' notes Saunders addressing his 'flock'; 'What it is to follow Christ' and 'The true badge of Christ. Iohn 13' highlight the link between suffering and following Christ). The only variation from this supprtive work can be found in the glosses next to Saunders' brother's letters urging him to return to Catholicism ('Iustice sayth. Audi Alteram partem'; 'He meaneth peraduenture when the Sanctus is singing for then the Organs pipe merely and that may giue some Comfort').

There are various references which are badly positioned: the gloss 'Iosephes handling of his brethrē applyed to Christ' is well positioned in 1570 and 1576, but badly in 1583; in all the other cases 1570 has accurately placed references while 1576 and 1583 do not. A scriptural reference given correctly as '2. Cor. 4.' in 1570 appears as '1. Cor. 4.' in both 1576 and 1583.

1570 Edition, page 1710 | 1576 Edition, page 1452 | 1583 Edition, page 1524[Back to Top]
Hooper

Material similar to the glosses of the previous section can be found in the margins of this section, although they also perhaps reflect what seems to be Foxe's sense that Hooper was a somewhat grander, more confident figure than Saunders (as in the gloss 'Discretion how ministers and preachers ought to behaue themselues' which comments on Hooper's austere manner, framing the point in terms of the difficulties this presented for those who sought spiritual comfort from Hooper). Thus there are glosses linking catholicism and insanity ('This Morgan shortly after fel into a phrensy, and madnes and dyed of the same') and pointing out the catholic reliance on 'force and extremitie' ('The popes religion standeth onely vpoon force and extremitie'). Hooper endures a somewhat more thoroughgoing examination than Saunders and, as a result, some glosses in this section fulfill a similar function to those found in the Oxford disputations section; thus Foxe takes Hooper's point that the Council of Nice ruled that no minister should be separated from his wife as proving that the Council permitted clerical marriage, a rather wider point ('The coūcel of Nice permitteth Priests mariage'); also 'Gardiner exhorteth M. Hooper to returne to the Popes church', (Gardiner says 'Catholique Church' in the text), 'Queene Mary will shew no mercy but to the Popes friendes' (the text says, 'the Queene would shew no mercy to the Popes enemies'). A repetition of the term 'care' in two glosses ('The diligent care of B. Hooper in his Dioces'; 'The care of M. Hooper in instructing his family') show how the marginalia could be used to make a point with economy and subtlety; in this that there was a profound analogy between Hooper's godly governance of his home and his concern for his pastoral flock, a point which made the catholic opposition to marriage appear all the more destructive and misguided. There are also some glosses which are badly positioned in editions after 1570.

1563 Edition, page 1118 | 1570 Edition, page 1713 | 1576 Edition, page 1455 | 1583 Edition, page 1526[Back to Top]
Hooper's Letters

In these letters scriptural references are prominent, and the glosses are mainly concerned with indicating the recipients of the letters and with amplifying the basic points made by Hooper, without altering their focus or meaning (in contrast to Foxe's earlier marginal treatment of the disputations). Several of the glosses deal with the dangers of worldliness, underlining the other-worldly destination and values of Hooper ('Two thinges commaunded by S. Paule writing to the Collossians'; 'The first is to see and know what thinges are aboue and what thinges are beneath and and to discerne rightly betwene them'; 'The second is to set our affection vpon them that are aboue, and not vpon the other And this lesson is harder then the other'; 'How thinges of this world may be possessed, and how not'; 'Gaynes with Gods displeasure is beggary').

The importance of suffering is also emphasised ('Afflictions be the messengers and seruauntes of God'; 'Pacience the gift onely of God'; 'To suffer for Christ, is honorable'; 'Example taken of our meate and drinke how thinges neuer come to their perfection before they be vtterly waysted'; 'Vnmortefied men, be no people to God'). This is in part related to the future (though in narrative terms, past) suffering of Hooper, but there are also glosses which allow Foxe's readers to apply Hooper's approaches to suffering to their own difficulties ('Read also M. Hoopers exposition vpon thys Psalme, most comfortable for all broken and afflicted hartes'; 'Read also the fourth chapter. of Eccle'). There are also glosses which point to the relations between the persecuted church and the actions of antichrist ('Iudgement first beginneth with the house of God'; 'Gods wrath vpon the beast and them that take his marke'; 'In this time of Antichrist is the pacience and fayth of Gods children tryed, whereby they shall ouercome all his tyranny read. Math. 24') and the inversion of values inherent in popery ('Errour taken for truth and persecution for Gods seruice').

There are examples of glosses missing or out of place in either of the editions after 1570. A notable and rare case of an error in 1570 later corrected is 'The blacke horse in the Apocalyps chapt. 6. what it meaneth' (1570 and 'The pale horse in the Apocalips chap. 6. what it meaneth' (1576 and 1583.

1570 Edition, page 1725 | 1576 Edition, page 1465 | 1583 Edition, page 1536[Back to Top]
Rowland Taylor

A distinctive feature of this section is the relatively large number of glosses in the 1563 edition. In many cases these glosses were expanded in later editions. Several glosses, including some of those present in all editions at the start of the section, emphasise Taylor's pastoral effectiveness and the misery of the people of Hadley at his death ('Hadly towne commended'; 'D. Taylour desirous to see his flocke'; 'The carefull zeale of Doctor Taylour for Hadley'). Other glosses dwell on the pernicious influence of Taylor's successor and Taylor's concern about this ('Syr Robert Brachers cōming to Hadley'; 'A popishe Sermon of Syr Robert Bracher'; 'This packet was Syr Robert Bracher preaching popish doctrine at Hadley'; 'The Popes packeware: Iustification by workes. Corporall presence, Praying for soules, Auricular confession'). Alongside his pastoral concern, the other main feature of the presentation of Taylor in the margins is his boldness, and the robustness verging on aggression of his responses to those questioning and maltreating him ('The notable answere of Doctor Taylour to the bishop of Winchester'; 'D. Taylours prayer agaynst the pope and his detestable enormities'; 'D. Taylour prayeth a gayne agaynst the Pope and his detestable enormities'). A gloss in the 1570 edition, and later dropped, draws the reader's attention to Bonner's fear of physical reprisal at striking Taylor as part of the degradation ceremony ('Cowardly Boner durst not strike according to his Canon'). Taylor's confutation of his enemies could take the form of praying against the pope and also mocking his tormentors by joking about recantation ('D. Taylor maketh a iest of death, with a meete answere for such Doctours and Councellours'; 'D. Taylor maketh a iest of death').

As is common in the marginal glosses concerned with the martyrs towards the end of their lives, Taylor's joy at his impending death is mentioned more than once ('D. Taylour is ioyfull in his way'; 'D. Taylour desirous to see his flocke'). His abilities in civil law are advertised in the glosses (e.g. 'D. Taylour learned in diuinitie, and also in the ciuill lawe'), and this is perhaps because of the extensive discussion of marriage. The presentation of the popish enemy follows familiar lines. Gardiner is subjected to considerable criticism, much of it concerned with his past allegiances and the contrast with his position under Mary ('The notable answere of Doctor Taylour to the bishop of Winchester'; 'Gardiners booke de vera obedientia'); he is also attacked for 'rayling', a favourite charge used by Foxe to suggest both defeat in argument and lack of self-control ('Gardiner agayne rayling'). Foxe also uses the glosses to characterise ironically the use of force by the enemies of Taylor as 'argument', which is another way of demonstrating the unreasonable nature of popery ('The Papistes argumentes wherewith they maintaine their doctrine'; 'Winchesters strong argument cary him to prison'). Other attacks on popery are concerned with cavilling, obsequiousness, the analogy between popery and darkness and errors in debate: ('Secretary Bourne cauilleth a-agaynst the religion set forth in K. Edwardes dayes'; 'A testimony of the book of seruice set out in K, Edwardes dayes'; 'Winchester belyeth the Councell'; 'Tonstall helpeth Winchester at neede'; 'Gardyner denyeth his owne Canonist and calleth it a patched lawe'; 'Christs aduersaryes worke all by darkenes'). In a gloss in all editions ('Marke how vnwillingly the people were to receiue the papacy agayne'), Foxe presents opposition to the mass as reluctance to receive the papacy again, thus demonstrating the link between ceremonial and political allegiance; in the gloss ' The Masse the Popes youngest daughter', a reference to antichrist in the text is glossed as the pope in the margin. In a gloss with resonances for Elizabethan vestarian disputes, Foxe recalls the sending of a round cap to Taylor by Coverdale ('This cap was a roūd cap sent by M Couerdale to D. Taylor by his wyfe'). In a gloss concerned with the 'Queenes proceedings' and the nature of Satan, Foxe seems to have problems deciding how to characterise and criticise the political role of the queen in the persecutions. In this gloss and the next ('D. Taylor here playeth a right Elias. 3. Reg. 18'), Foxe steers the reader's thoughts away from political realities/authority to consider a higher law, just as the martyrs exemplify a state of being which transcends the worldly.

Many glosses are better placed in 1563 and 1570 than in 1576 and 1583 in this section. The gloss 'Gardiners booke de vera obedientia' would seem to suggest that the 1583 edition was composed with reference to the 1570 edition as well as the 1576. In line with usual practice, the glosses 'Of this memoriall cloke read before in D. Ridleys disputations' [1583]; 'Of this memoriall cloke read before in D. Ridleyes disputations pag. 1377' [1576]; 'Of this memoriall cloke, read before in D. Ridleys disputacions pag. 1615' [1570] contain references to other places in the text which are accurate in 1570 and 1576 and not specific in 1583. 'D. Taylour confesseth the truth, and confirmeth the same wyth hys bloud' [1570]; 'An other Apophthegma of Doctour Taylour' [1576] shows a correction of the gloss of 1570 in 1576. A mistaken name in 1563 is corrected in later editions ('Gardiner. Clopton. Boner. Capon. Tunstall' [1563]; 'Gardiner. Hopton. Boner. Capon. Tonstall').

1563 Edition, page 1134 | 1570 Edition, page 1732 | 1576 Edition, page 1471 | 1583 Edition, page 1542[Back to Top]
Becket's Image and Other Events

The glosses in this section (1570, 1576, 1580) for the most part act as pointers to the narrative.

1563 Edition, page 1150 | 1570 Edition, page 1744 | 1576 Edition, page 1482 | 1583 Edition, page 1553[Back to Top]
Miles Coverdale and the Denmark Letters

The glosses in this section (1570, 1576, 1580) are mainly functional, making clear the authorship of each letter.

1563 Edition, page 1150 | 1570 Edition, page 1745 | 1576 Edition, page 1482 | 1583 Edition, page 1553[Back to Top]
Judge Hales

Several glosses reflect the apposite theme of the injustice/illegality of the papists ('The Catholickes proued to doe agaynst the law in Q. Maryes tyme'; 'Iustice Hales for Iustice sake troubled'). The gloss 'Winchester quarelleth with M. Hales religion' perhaps reveals something about Foxe's priorities here: it takes Gardiner's point that Hales's actions were motivated not by legal rigour but by religious bias and uses it in a general attack on Hales's religion, leaving out the legal issue. This has the effect of leaving intact Hales's reputation for commitment to the law whatever the political consequences, and makes the contrast between his legality and catholic illegality all the stronger. The gloss 'Winchester might rather haue sayd how their cruell dealing worketh desperation' implicitly accepts that Hales fell prey to desperation, although the reason for the desperation is laid upon the papists. Later glosses ('The cause of Iudge Hales drowning considered'; 'The case of Iudge Hales drowning considered') reveal Foxe's non-judgemental response to the question of Hales's spiritual destination.

1563 Edition, page 1182 | 1570 Edition, page 1747 | 1576 Edition, page 1484 | 1583 Edition, page 1556[Back to Top]
Tomkins

Tomkins' constancy is emphasised ('The notable constācie in a true Christian Souldiour'; 'Tomkins constāt in his fayth'; 'Tomkins constantly standeth to the truth of the Gospel'), and this point can be taken to apply to his robust adherence to true doctrine, and also his calm in the face of the occasionally violent caprices of Bonner, as when he was forced to make hay ('Tomkins maketh the Bishops hay'), when Bonner sought to remove his beard ('B. Boner wysheth Tomkins beard to be shauen, because he had pluckt of a peece of his beard before'), and the burning of his hand. Foxe also uses the glosses to draw a classical comparison with the treatment of Tomkins by Bonner, which perhaps carries connotations of tyranny and pagan practices which fits well with the lustful, bloodthirsty image of Bonner already established. ('B. Boner playeth K. Porsenna burning the hand of Scæuola'; 'Boner more cruell then Porsenna the Hetruscan'). An incorrect date (March 15) in 1563 is corrected to March 16 in 1570 and 1583

1570 Edition, page 1748 | 1576 Edition, page 1485 | 1583 Edition, page 1557[Back to Top]
William Hunter

Several notes focus upon the unnaturalness of popery: Foxe exploits the request to Hunter's father to return his son to what he suspects, with justice, will be his death; the glosses concerned with this episode use metaphors of 'fruit', and comment on the naturalnes of the relations between Hunter and his father. In the gloss 'The fruite of the Popes doctrine to set the father agaynst the sonne', Foxe sets the generative metaphors of fruit and paternity against each other to emphasise the subversion of the natural order by papal doctrine and offers a contrast in a later gloss, 'The working of nature betwene the father & the sonne'. Another gloss emphasises the comforting of Hunter by the son of the sheriff ('The Shriffes sonne geueth comfortable wordes to W. Hunter'), which suggests that a son was set against his father. Two glosses make use of phrases established in Book X as anti-catholic commonplaces: the charge that papists cannot 'abide' scripture ('The Catholickes cannot abide the Bible') and the use of the phrase 'pelting chafe' to indicate the fury of a persecutor ('M. Browne in a pelting chafe'). Some glosses near to the account of Hunter's death ('His father and mother come to cōfort him'; 'His father & mother exhort him to be constant'; 'Maister Higbed maruelleth at the constancy of Williams mother') emphasise constancy and several relate the prophetic dream Hunter had shortly before his death and the occasions of 'verification' of it ('A notable thing concerning W. Hunters dreame'; 'W. Hunters dreame verefied'; 'Williams dreame verified'). The cruel treatment of Hunter is also stressed ('Boner commaundeth W. Hunter to the stockes. W. Hunter 2. dayes & 2. nightes in the stockes, with a crust of bread, & a cuppe of water'; 'W. Hnnter layd in the conuict prison with as many yrons as he could beare'). An erroneous date in the 1563 edition is corrected in later editions.

1563 Edition, page 1178 | 1570 Edition, page 1751 | 1576 Edition, page 1488 | 1583 Edition, page 1560[Back to Top]
Higbed and Causton

Starting with a gloss recording the date of their martyrdoms (as appears to be Foxe's standard practice at the beginning of the lives of his martyrs), the glosses in this section serve the usual purpose of marking the events leading up to execution: interrogation, imprisonment, preparation for the end. The gloss 'Also sir Edmund Boner priest before the death of Cromwell, seemed to be of the opinion and was sworne twise agaynst the Pope' makes the point that Bonner's conduct under an earlier monarch cannot be reconciled with his actions under Mary, sustaining the all-important charge of hypocrisy. Foxe parodies the form of the article in calling Bonner 'sir Edmund Boner priest'. The glosses 'M. Causton and M. Higbed constant to death in their confession' and 'The constāt Martirdome of M. Thomas Caustō, and Maister Higbed Martyrs' emphasise the constancy of the martyrs, a virtue as important to the portrayal of the martyrs as hypocrisy was to that of their persecutors. The glosses relating to the confession of faith illustrate a common difference between 1563 and later editions. 1563 uses the most perfunctory form of annotation (numbers) while the later editions include the numbers in the text and have full glosses. The restrained, factual tone of the gloss 'M. Causton appealeth to the Cardinall' probably reflects Foxe feeling torn between the desire to expose procedural injustice with the tacit endorsement of Pole's, and therefore the pope's, authority that such an appeal implied. Several of the glosses (especially at the start of the 'confession' section) are badly placed, no more commonly in one edition than another.

1563 Edition, page 1174 | 1570 Edition, page 1755 | 1576 Edition, page 1491 | 1583 Edition, page 1563[Back to Top]
Pigot, Knight and Laurence

Narrative dominates the glosses in this section, along with an account of the issues discussed between the martyrs and their persecutors. As is usual, the day of death is given at the start (for two of the martyrs who died on the same day). The gloss 'Beliefe of the pretensed Catholicke church' qualifies the term 'catholic': the term was thus not always to be conceded to the other side without comment. The glosses remind the reader that Laurence was a priest and register the fact of his conversion from monastic life to protestantism ('Talke betweene Boner and Iohn Laurence Priest'; 'Iohn Laurence sometymes a Fryer'; 'The Martyrdome of Iohn Laurence Priest at Colchester. Anno. 1555'), illustrating that even those at the heart of the pope's church could see the truth if they wished.

1563 Edition, page 1180 | 1570 Edition, page 1759 | 1576 Edition, page 1494 | 1583 Edition, page 1566[Back to Top]
Farrar

There is a long section dealing with the stirring in Farrar's diocese under Edward. This precedes the account of Farrar's troubles under Mary and leads to a different balance in the glosses from the previous few martyrs. The many articles against Farrar are noted in the 1563 and 1583 editions only; readers are advised in 1570 and 1576 to consult a copy of 1563. The 1583 glosses seem to have been set from the 1563 version. In these glosses, Foxe occasionally uses terms supportive of Farrar, describing the charge of Praemunire against him as 'pretensed' ('Premunire pretended agaynst B. Farrar') and noting the 'crafty packing' of his opponents ('Crafty packing agaynst Farrar'). Stoical phrases such as 'stoutly standeth' are used, along with commendation of constancy ('B. Farrar stoutly stādeth vpon his truth'; 'B. Farrar standeth to his oth made to the K. agaynst the Pope'; 'A memorable example of constancie in this blessed B. & Martyr'). The familiar charge that Winchester once supported the royal supremacy is introduced when opportunity serves ('Winchesters periury touched'), and there is a repeat of the restrained drawing attention to an appeal to the cardinal ('B. Farrar appealeth from the B. of S. Dauids to the Cardinall'). There is a mistaken date in 1583 (March 32) which was correctly given as March 30 in 1570 and 1576.

1563 Edition, page 1153 | 1570 Edition, page 1760 | 1576 Edition, page 1496 | 1583 Edition, page 1568[Back to Top]
The Restoration of Abbey Lands and Other Events in Spring 1555

The main topics in this section are the queen's decision to restore the abbey lands she held, and the response to the death of Julius III. The glosses concerning the pope are far more ribald than those relating to Mary. Julius III's prodigious appetite is recounted, as are the blasphemies linked to his greed; the glosses underline this at various points, using the phrase ' a Porkishe Pope' to describe his affection for pork. The glosses relating to Mary are more restrained but revealing. The use of 'conscience' in the gloss 'The Q. taketh a conscience in keeping Abbay landes' does not contain the sense of unanswerability that its invocation by protestants appears to carry. The gloss 'Note the nature of the Papistes where they can ouercome, they are Lions: where they are ouermatched, they play the Foxes' attacks the catholics for not living up to their principles and delaying the enforcement of the return of land for fear of rousing the nobility. The contrast between these two glosses perhaps hints that the queen was not devious, but was zealous in her pursuit of papal interests.

There are examples of mistakes in the editions after 1570: a 'no' is lost from the 1570 gloss 'Here lacked no good will in the Bishops, but time as yet did not serue them'; the gloss 'Note here what an holy Catholicke Church this is' is out of place in 1583, and a date given correctly in 1570 and 1576 ('Aprill. 10') is incorrect in 1583 ('Aprill. 20').

1563 Edition, page 1187 | 1570 Edition, page 1768 | 1576 Edition, page 1502 | 1583 Edition, page 1583[Back to Top]
George Marsh

As is usual, many of the glosses in this section describe the various stages of apprehension, interrogation and execution. Some of the glosses suggest Marsh's approximation to / imitation of Christ ('G. Marsh of his owne voluntary minde offereth himself to his enemies'; 'Peters counsell to Christ, to saue himselfe'; 'G. Marsh followeth Christes aunswere to Peter'). Opposed to him are the forces of Antichrist, characterised in the usual ways: Marsh is cruelly treated during his imprisonment (the favoured term is 'straitness') and is forced to do things asked of common criminals ('G. Marsh caused to hold vp his handes at Lancaster amongest other malefactours'; 'The vnmercifull straitenes of the Byshop toward G. Marsh in prison'; 'The strayt keeping of Marsh in prison'). Bishop Cotes is particularly disliked by Foxe. One gloss accuses Cotes of prejudice ('The B. iudgeth Marsh to be an hereticke, before he heareth him'), followed soon after with a series of glosses accompanying an account of bad bishops of the ancient church ('No new thing for Byshops to be persecutors', 'Examples of persecuting Bishops in the old tyme', 'Byshop Iasan', 'B. Annas and Cayphas'). There is a reference to the lustful demise of the bishop ('Gods iust reuenging hand vpō a persecuting Bishop'); the text reveals Foxe's source to have been rumour.

Further attacks on the ungodly include a gloss pointing to the disloyalty of catholic nobles to Edward I ('The Earle of Darby, L. Windsor, and Lord Dacars in K. Edwards time agreed not to the Actes of Religion') and an attack on the blasphemous utterance of one of Marsh's detractors ('This blasphemous mouth of the parson of Grapnal'). There are also glosses objecting to the manner in which discussions with Marsh were conducted ('The Byshops clergy more able to examine than to dispute'; 'So sayth the Turke in his Alcaron that no man must dispute of his lawe'). These objections may have been motivated by Marsh's less than authoritative performance in the face of his interrogators. The glosses point to his reluctance to answer on the crucial question of the sacrament, and his later sense that this was due to a lack of boldness ('G. Marsh loth to aunswere to the question of transubstantiation'; 'Marsh troubled in his consciēce for being no more bolde touching the Sacrament'), a quality he eventually obtains ('G. Marsh strengthened in prison with the boldnes of Gods spirite').

There is an interesting contrast between the glosses 'Neither the place nor person of the Pope spoken agaynst but onely his doctrine' and 'Gods mercy preferred before the Queenes mercy': the first reproduces Marsh's relatively sophisticated point that his dislike of the papacy is not to be taken as hatred for particular popes. The latter gloss emphasises his stark choice between the queen's authority and his faith. Unlike the earlier gloss, it omits his qualifications (in this case his loyalty to the queen in all but this), presenting the reader with the bare terms of his choice; the precedence of faith over political allegiance was too crucial a point to be obscured. Foxe occasionally sharpens or adds logical matters to Marsh's words ('Christes breaking of bread. Luke 24 proueth not the receiuing vnder one kinde'; 'Argument. Linus and Anacletus were good men. Ergo the Pope is the supreame head of all Churches'). Some glosses are out of position in the 1583 edition.

1563 Edition, page 1189 | 1570 Edition, page 1770 | 1576 Edition, page 1504 | 1583 Edition, page 1585[Back to Top]
Letters of George Marsh

As is usual with the martyrs' letters, scriptural references dominate. There are also glosses which contrast worldly and outer things with godly and inner things ('The glory of the Church standeth not in outward shewes'; 'If worldly men ieopard so much for earthly thinges, how much more ought we to ieopard for euerlasting thinges?' ). There are glosses relating to the binary between truth and falsehood ('True salte discerned from the corrupt and vnsauory salt'; 'True receauers of the word, who they be'). The paradoxical characterisation 'Death is a dore to lyfe' is also highlighted. A section concerned with the proper conditions for godly fasting is quite heavily annotated ('Praying and fasting'; 'True fast what it is'; 'How to fast without hipocrisie'; 'Abuse of fasting among Christians'; 'The Iewish maner of fasting reproued'; 'The Christians in superstitious fasting exceede the Iewes'). Most of the non-scriptural glosses simply note the basic topics under discussion, but there are some examples of Foxe drawing out some of the theological issues implicit in Marsh's letters, as with the soteriological 'Workes of mercy doe not merite with God touching our saluation, any thing' and the glossing of the term 'we' as the 'elect' in 'Straite is the way which the elect must walke in' (there is a reversal of this in 'The Church is euer forewarned before afflictions', in which the 'the Church' is substituted for the 'elect' in the text). Marsh's warning against strange doctrine is taken by Foxe (without direct textual warrant) as a reference to 'Doctrine of good workes'. There are many examples of disagreement between editions among the large number of scriptural references.

1563 Edition, page 1191 | 1570 Edition, page 1778 | 1576 Edition, page 1510 | 1583 Edition, page 1591[Back to Top]
William Flower

Flower's mind does not seem to have been entirely balanced, and Foxe's notes seek to steer the reader away from this conclusion to the belief that he was a genuine, if somewhat confused martyr (with a penchant for physically attacking priests). Thus, the gloss which describes him leaving his monastic house says he 'turned his religion', but as the next gloss records that he went on to be a mass priest, one must doubt the assertion; the gloss plants the suggestion that Flower underwent a conversion to the truth when no solid evidence exists for when that occurred: the gloss supplies a generic necessity in a case where empirical proof is lacking. Several of the glosses show that Foxe was keen to play down the violent aspects of the story: Flower's regret at the violence is highlighted and distinguished from regret about his religious principles ('W. Flower repenteth his acte in striking'; 'W. Flower constant in his fayth'), while another gloss asks the reader to bear in mind that Flower later revised his opinion about the violence (with the implication that his regret increased) ('Note that the sayd W. Flower afterward in his next appearaunce, corrected & reformed this aunswere'). Foxe's difficulties with Flower can perhaps be seen most clearly at the gloss 'Extraordinary zeales are no generall rules to be followed': the text it is next to is Flower's slightly confused assertion that God sometimes acts through individuals (which would seem to be a justification for his violent actions) followed by the assertion that he had been willing to suffer before striking the priest; Foxe's gloss notes that extraordinary zeals should not be followed as general rules, which would seem to be a warning to his readers not to do likewise. As such, this gloss marks the limits of the imitation of the martyrs which Foxe makes so much of elsewhere. Indeed, it would seem that Flower's status as a martyr is all that stops the reader seeing him as an unbalanced ruffian with an iconoclastic bent. As often happens, Foxe greets a popish text with some adversarial glosses ('In the latter dayes certayne shall depart frō the fayth, forbidding mariage and eating of meates'; '1. Tim. 4'). Despite his somewhat unconventional route to the stake, the marginal glosses accord Flower the usual honour of emphasising his constancy ('W. Flower refuseth to reuoke his fayth and doctrine'; 'W. Flower standeth to his doctrine'; 'W. Flowers constancie'; 'Cōstancy' [1563]).

1563 Edition, page 1199 | 1570 Edition, page 1785 | 1576 Edition, page 1517 | 1583 Edition, page 1597[Back to Top]
Cardmaker and Warne

Most of the glosses in this section are the usual narrative pointers. There are glosses mocking the articles alleged against the martyrs ('The beliefe of the Popes Catholicke church'; 'To speake naturally of the naturall body of Christ, these two canot stād together at one tyme, vnles we graunt Christ to haue 2. bodyes'; 'That Christ neuer willed, neyther can the Scriptures beare it'; 'Heresye for laughing at a Spaniell shorne on the head'). A gloss which records that Warne was pardoned under Henry VIII makes the useful (implicit) point that the religious policy of his daughter was even more conservative. As ever, constancy is the signature of the martyrs as portrayed in the glosses ('Iohn Warne constant agaynst the Bishops persuasions'; 'Iohn Cardmaker standeth constantly to the fier'; 'The reioycing of the people at Cardmakers constancye'), and there is also a gloss recording the (as it emerged, groundless) fears of the people about Cardmaker's constancy ('The people afrayd at Cardmakers recanting').

1563 Edition, page 1206 | 1570 Edition, page 1788 | 1576 Edition, page 1520 | 1583 Edition, page 1602[Back to Top]
Warne and Cardmaker: A Confession and a Letter

As is usual when dealing with the literary remains of the martyrs, Foxe's glosses are supportive rather than interventionist or critical; he draws out the basic issues and examples without comment, although there may be something artful in the highlighting of Christ's triumph over death in 'The triumphāt victory ouer death'.

1570 Edition, page 1791 | 1576 Edition, page 1523 | 1583 Edition, page 1604[Back to Top]
The Martyrdom of Ardley and Simpson

The usual narrative pointers are given in the glosses in this section, along with glosses giving summaries of the contents of articles alleged against the martyrs and their answers. As it often does, 1563 uses numbers in the margin to mark out the articles and the answers to them; this is in line with its generally (though not universally) less ambitious attitude to annotation in comparison with later editions. Two notes continue Foxe's campaign to portray Bonner as the slave to his passions: 'Q. Mary stirreth Boner to shedde innocent bloud' and 'A note of the sodaine fear of Boner'. The first of these is an interestingly unreserved comment on the role of the Queen in the persecutions: she is portrayed as the principal agent in the stirring up of Bonner, even though the letter was also from her husband.

1563 Edition, page 1238 | 1570 Edition, page 1793 | 1576 Edition, page 1524 | 1583 Edition, page 1606[Back to Top]
John Tooly

Many of the glosses (apart from the narrative pointers) are adversarial, and seek to show the absurdity of burning Tooly's bones. The use of the term 'Councell' ('A Councell called agaynst Tooly') seems designed to mock the excessive effort given over to the pursuit of Tooly after his death. Pole's name is linked with the practice ('Cardinall Poole a great doer in burning dead mens Bones'; 'M. Bucer Paulus Phagius, Peter Martyrs wyfe. Iohn Tooly, burned for heretickes after their death'). Another gloss investigates Bonner's motives and denies his assertion that he was motivated by conscience; his motivation was rather simply obedience to the Council, an attitude which could be more easily allied to the stereotype of Bonner as passionate and fearful than could the notion of a delicate conscience ('Note how Boner here pretendeth conscience in prosecuting this matter. when onely he was commaunded vnto it by the Counsells letters'). There is also a suggestion that the attack on Tooly's remains was a ploy to reveal sympathisers ('The Bishop layeth his bayte to catch whom he may trouble').

1570 Edition, page 1795 | 1576 Edition, page 1526 | 1583 Edition, page 1607[Back to Top]
Thomas Hawkes

Many of the glosses draw attention to stages in the narrative and also matters under discussion; indeed Hawkes' is one of the more disputational lives, and the margins reflect this fact. Some of the glosses take specific points made by Hawkes in arguments with his interrogators and draw out the general principles inherent in them ('Fecknam maketh euery act spoken of in the new Testament to be a ceremony'; 'The wordes of Christ are to be vnderstand, not as he spake , but as he ment thē'). The gloss 'Other doctrine taught in the Church of Rome then euer Paule taught' makes Hawkes' point clearer for the reader, and there are also glosses highlighting poor attempts at exegesis by Bonner and Fecknam ('See how Boner proueth holy water by the scripture'; 'Elizeus put salt in the water, not to washe away sinne, but onely to make the water sweete'; 'Boner proueth holy bread by the 5. loaues and 3. fishes'; 'Fecknams reason lyeth in Paules Breches'). In short, Foxe's margins are in some respects similar to those we find in the Oxford disputations sections; he also includes a comment of his own about the sacrament that is not indicated by the text ('It is his sacramentall body, or the Sacramēt of his body, but not his true body'). Bonner gets his usual criticism, his pride and anger both drawing marginal comments ('Boner looked to be curtised'; 'Boner in a fume with Thomas Haukes'), while another gloss uses the disparaging term 'coniure' in relation to his persuasion of Baget ('Boner taketh Baget with him aside to coniure him'). A gloss emphasises his assertion that he is no preacher ('B. Boner iudgeth other men by his own sore'). The limitations of papist debating skills are highlighted ('Boner whē he can not ouercome by doctrine, goeth about to oppresse by authoritie'; 'Fecknam falleth out of his matter to rayling'). The solidity of Hawkes' profession is emphasised in the use twice of the gloss 'Thomas Haukes builded his fayth vpon no man'. The gloss 'Thomas Haukes standing at the stake reasoneth with the Lord Rich' uses the surprising term 'reasoneth' to describe Hawkes' mode of speaking at the stake: a more biblical term might have been expected. There are various errors of placing, with 1570 (as is usual) more accurate in comparison to later editions.

1563 Edition, page 1217 | 1570 Edition, page 1797 | 1576 Edition, page 1527 | 1583 Edition, page 1609[Back to Top]
Letters of Hawkes

Hawkes' obsession with the avoidance of idolatry is made clear ('He exhorteth her to beware of Idolatry'; 'Idolatry punished of God'; 'Praying to God & not to creatures'). As is usual (and in contrast to the far more disputational section which precedes this one), the glosses accompanying the letters are informative rather than interpretative.

1570 Edition, page 1806 | 1576 Edition, page 1535 | 1583 Edition, page 1617[Back to Top]
Thomas Watts

Most of the glosses in this section give brief summaries of the content of the articles against Watts and his answers to them. As is usual, 1563 simply uses marginal numbers to distinguish articles, while later editions use verbal glosses. Foxe in the gloss 'Q. Maryes seruice reproued' interestingly goes out of the way (if one compares it to the text) to make the point that the religious service in question was the queen's. Sir Anthony Browne's turn against his former profession is also highlighted in the margin ('Syr Anthony Browne a Gospeller in K. Edwardes dayes & a persecuter in Queene Maryes dayes'). A reference in 1563 to two who wanted to be burned along with Watts was later dropped, although the piece of text it corresponds to was retained: perhaps Foxe did not want to emphasise a case which could be portrayed as seeking martyrdom.

1563 Edition, page 1231 | 1570 Edition, page 1808 | 1576 Edition, page 1537 | 1583 Edition, page 1618[Back to Top]
Censorship Proclamation

The fact that the scriptural reference in the gloss 'Astiterunt reges terræ, & principes conuenerunt in vnum aduersus Dominum & Christum eius' is given in Latin is probably because it opposes royal intentions and God in such a stark way; if so, this tells us something about what Foxe felt should be kept from vulgar eyes and ears (however, it would be simple enough to follow up the reference in an English Bible).

1570 Edition, page 1811 | 1576 Edition, page 1540 | 1583 Edition, page 1621[Back to Top]
Our Lady's Psalter

This section may be compared with the reproduction of the 'Rubric of the Mass' in Book X: as on the earlier occasion, the glosses constitute a running attack based on interlinked themes against the content of catholic devotion. In contrast to the glosses next to the rubric of the mass, the tone here is less varied: there is nothing like the mocking of the arbitrariness of the mass found in book X. The reason for this difference is that the subject is not so much a pointless if insulting ritual, but the place of Mary in the Christian scheme, and so the glosses seek, firmly but without mockery, to put her in a more modest position than that accorded to her by the catholic texts criticised. The organising principle of the critique is the divine hierarchy, and many of the glosses point out that the primer and psalter contain ideas which displace God and (especially) Christ from their places in that hierarchy ('One mediatour betwene God and men, the man Iesus Christ'; 'Wrong mediation'; 'The office of Christ geuen to our Lady'; 'If Maryes merites might helpe vs, then Christ dyed in vayne'; 'Treason agaynst Christes person and dignitye'; 'All iudgement is geuē to Christ alone, and before him the virgin also her self shalbe iudged'; 'If our Lady be all in all then God belyke sitteth idle in heauen';' O impious blasphemye'; 'If Mary forgeue sinnes, then is our fayth in Christ in vayne'; 'The Deuill and the Pope sayth so and not God'; 'Mary made a commaunder of Christ'; 'Christ made a captiue and a prisoner in the Popes Church'; 'Our Lady made equall with God in the Church Rome'). One consequence of the misdirection of devotion is that it does the misdirector no spiritual good, and various glosses point out the vain or false nature of the devotional formulations they lie next to ('False merite'; 'Vayne trust'; 'Wrong inuocation'; 'False trust'). As with the critique of the mass in Book X, such a misdirection of effort is not merely useless, it is also dangerous because it constitutes an insult to God, or blasphemy ('Horrible blasphemye and derogation to Christes bloud'; 'Derogation of the Crosse of Christ'; 'Derogation of Christes passion'; 'Horrible blasphemy agaynst the Lord'), and furthermore it invests objects and subjects with a spiritual significance they do not deserve, which is idolatry ('Idolatrye to the material Crosse'; 'Blasphemous Idolatrye'; 'Manifest Idolatrye'; 'Idolatrye of the cloysterers'; 'These wordes stincke of blasphemous Idolatrye'; 'The Church of Rome conuict of manifest idolatry'). Thus, Foxe's critique works through a few intertwined points which he makes again and again.

1570 Edition, page 1812 | 1576 Edition, page 1540 | 1583 Edition, page 1622[Back to Top]
Osmund, Bamford and Osborne (and Chamberlain)

As is usual, the glosses in this section are mainly narrative pointers and references to articles and answers (with 1563 giving only numbers, while later editions provide fuller references). There is some confusion in this section about the names of the martyrs, and this is reflected in the glosses. There is also a reference back to an earlier mention of the martyrs which is not accurate ('Tho. Osmund, W. Bamford, Tho. Osborne, Martyrs. Read before. Page. 1766' [1570]; 'Thomas Osmund, William Bamford, Thomas Osburne, Martyrs. Read before pag. 1508' [1576; 1583]).

1563 Edition, page 1235 | 1570 Edition, page 1816 | 1576 Edition, page 1544 | 1583 Edition, page 1625[Back to Top]
John Bradford

Much of the text in this section is concerned with the discussions between Bradford and various catholic interlocutors. Many of the glosses give prompts and cues to the ebb and flow of this debating, with a good deal of quiet and not-so-quiet moulding of readers' expectations and perceptions in Bradford's favour. There are several examples of a marginal gloss denouncing a catholic assertion as untrue on the strength of it being about to be objected to by Bradford (e.g. 'Boner agayne commeth in with an other vntruth'; 'An other vntruth in Winchester'). At one point when Winchester changes the subject, the gloss announces that he has lost his 'holde' ('Winchester leaueth his holde'; see also the gloss 'Winchester driuen to eate his owne wordes'). A syllogism in the margin assumes that which the catholic interrogator it is directed against sought to disprove ('Argument who so receaue the body of Christ do receiue the fruite and grace of lyfe: no wicked do receiue fruite and grace of lyfe. Ergo, no wicked men receiue the body of Christ'). In addtion to all this there are more direct attacks. The dubious legality of holding Bradford is often alluded to in the margin ('Bradford committed to the tower most vniustly'; 'M. Bradford imprisoned without a cause'; 'Bradford condemned without iust cause but as was gathered at his iudgement against him'; 'Bradford imprisoned for that, for which he had the lawes on his side'), and the point that is made in the case of other martyrs, that they have been imprisoned in order to generate evidence rather than on the strength of any evidence, is also used ('M. Bradford imprisoned not for matter they had, but for matter they would haue agaynst him'). Foxe emphasises anything embarrassing to the papists, producing yet another reference to Winchester's De Vera Obedientia ('Herodes oth quoth Winchester'; 'Winchest. De vera obedientia') and reporting Tunstal's admission about the relative novelty of the doctrine of transubstantiation ('Note how these Bishops themselues do graunt, that the time was, when transubstantiation was not defined by the Church. Tonstall sayth it was more then 800: yeares after Christ'). The catholic preference for acting in darkness is also gets mentioned ('Bradford kept in the Vestrey till darke night'; 'M. Bradford had from the Counter to Newgate by night'), as does Winchester's apparent preference of vows to men over those to God ('The preposterous iudgement of Winchester, to care so little for an othe to God, and so much for his vowe to the Pope'; 'Winchester stumbling at vowes made to mā and leaping ouer solemne othes made to God') which ties in with Foxe's general complaint against catholicism: that it fails to give due weight to the genuinely divine over the merely human. The standard characterisation of the exasperation of the papists in the face of resolved protestants is used three times: twice they are portrayed as 'in a chafe', and once as in a 'pelting chafe' ('The Frier in a chafe'; 'Wynchester in a chafe'; 'Wynchester in a pelting chafe'). An implicit marginal unmasking occurs in the description of Seton as 'flattering' and then as one who 'rayleth' soon after ('The flattering commendation of D. Seton to Mayster Bradford'; 'D. Seton rayleth agaynst M. Bradford').

While in comparison to certain moments in the Oxford disputations Foxe's notes are on the whole less intrusive, the level of aggression in the glosses increases somewhat during Bradford's discussion with Harpsfield; this may be because they go through a more diverse agenda than is usually the case. Alternatively, the fact that they agree on quite a few points and have quite a civilised discussion for the most part may have encouraged Foxe to display more opposition in the glosses. Pendleton is ungenerously treated, for the straightforward reason that he was a turncoat ('Pendleton belike would study out the reasons that moued him to alter, for he had none ready to shew'). As for the contribution of the glosses to the portrayal of Bradford, his ongoing pastoral enthusiasm despite his imprisonment is noted ('Bradford preacheth and ministreth the Sacrament in prison'; 'Byshop Farrar confirmed in the truth, by Iohn Bradford'; see also the gloss 'Note well the Popes way to bring men to fayth', which bemoans the catholic use of imprisonment as a means of conversion), as is the affection shown to him by the people ('The reuerēt regard and affection of the people to M. Bradford'; 'The people in Cheapside bad Bradford farewell') and the tears of the prisoners at his departure ('The prisoners take their leaue of Bradford with teares'). The glosses set Bradford up as the charismatic pastor that his letters in the following section prove him to have been. He also enjoys the martyr's privilege of forseeing his own death ('Bradford dreameth of his burning, according as it came to passe') and is shown to be unworldly ('Bradford content with a little sleepe'). His tearfulness ('Bradfordes teares') and (especially) the mention of his name in connection with mortification ('Bolde confidēce and hope of Gods word and promise, semeth strange among them which are not exercised in mortification') should be read in part as preparatives for the joyfully self-condemnatory nature of the impending letters. There are several cross-references to other places in the book; 1570 has a correct reference to all three citations, 1576 to one, in all other cases, no specific reference is given. There is one example of a gloss badly placed after 1570 and an example of a scriptural reference wrong in 1563 (1. Cor. 12) but correct thereafter (1. Cor. 11).

1563 Edition, page 1241 | 1570 Edition, page 1818 | 1576 Edition, page 1546 | 1583 Edition, page 1627[Back to Top]
Bradford's Letters

In the previous section and others like it, the most interesting aspect of the glosses is the way in which they condition the reader's response to the text; in this section something like the opposite happens: certain pieces of the text are reformulated in the glosses in a way which suggests that they were designed for the kind of 'garnering' familiar in a commonplace-book culture: less entries to the text than things to take out. The margin thus provided a place for the reconstruction of the sufferings of the martyrs and their responses to them in a way which helped to soothe the religious pains of godly Elizabethans. This can be seen in glosses such as 'learne here to put away doubting al tender harts that seeke after christ': there is nothing specifically 'Marian' about this apart from its setting. By concentrating the statements of Bradford about spiritual and other suffering into tags which could be appropriated beyond their immediate context, Foxe produced a resource which could be used in his own church. The overlap of many of Bradford's concerns with Elizabethan practical divinity helps to explain this phenomenon. Thus, many of the glosses are concerned with affliction: what causes it (sin: 'Our sinnes prouoke persecutiō'; 'Gods manifold plagues vpon England in Q. Maryes dayes'; 'The cause of Gods plagues is our iniquities, and not knowing the tyme of Gods visitation'), the fact that to be punished in this world is a mercy ('Gods mercy the cause why we are punished here'; 'God punisheth not twise for one thing'), and that affliction is for the trial of God's children ('God vseth to proue and try his children'; 'Trouble tryeth who be of God, & who be not'; 'Affliction tryeth who goe with God, and who goe with the Deuill').

All of these points were as relevant thirty and more years after they were made, to judge from the output of later divines. A related point is Bradford's continual allusion to the cross, exploiting a pun between the death of Christ and a synonym for affliction ('The efficacy of the crosse, and what it worketh in Gods children'; 'Prayse of the Crosse'; 'The Crosse a great tokē of Election'; 'Worldly losse recompēsed With endeles and perpetuall gayne by the Crosse'; 'What commoditie the Crosse bringeth'; 'Promises annexed to the Crosse'; 'The Crosse a token of Gods election'). This allows him to make the point that the persucutors do not attack his sins but Christ in him ('The Martyrs persecuted of the prelates not for their sinnes, but onely for Christ'; 'The Papistes condemne not Bradford but Christ'; 'Christ himselfe persecuted in his Martyrs'; 'The Prelates persecute and hate the Martirs not for their iniquities, but for hatred of Christ & of his veritye in them'; 'Bradford persecuted of the prelates not for his sines but for the truth of Christ'). Bearing this fundamental self-confidence in mind makes it easier to understand the glosses which highlight Bradford's highly self-critical attacks on his own sinfulness ('Bradford sory that he doth not more reioyce dying in so good a quarell'; 'He confesseth his sinnes before God'; 'M. Bradford accuseth agayne his owne lyfe'; 'M. Bradford accuseth himselfe of negligence. &c.'); these also have their use in practical divinity as models for articulating self-recrimination in the godly without tipping too far into despair (and along those lines, there is a gloss advising on the proper attitude to predestination: 'M.B. For the certainty of this fayth search your hartes. If you haue it. prayse the Lord: for you are happy, and therefore cannot finally perishe: for then happines were not happines, if it could be lost. Whē you fall the Lorde will put vnder his hand that you shall not lye still. But if ye feele not this fayth, then know that predestination is to high a matter for you to be disputers of, vntill you haue been better scholers in the schoolehouse of repentance & iustification. which is the Grammer schoole wherein we must be conuersant and learned, before we goe to the vniuersitye of Gods most holy predestination and prouidence'). Other glosses introducing letters make it clear that at the centre of Bradford's understanding of such issues was an ongoing concern with helping the afflicted ('A pithy and effectuall letter of M. Bradford to M. Warcup, and Mistres Wilkinson'; 'A letter of M. Bradford to a faythfull womā inwardly afflicted'). His pastoral concern is also advertised in the fact that he is often quite critical of the failings of Marian protestants: as with his successful chastising of the people attacking Bourne, he clearly felt (and Foxe was keen to portray him as such) able to issue reproofs which from others might have been less well taken ('Complaynt of the Carnall and wicked lyfe among the Gospellers'; 'Bradford prophecied before the Sweat time what would follow of carnall Gospelling, if repentance did not come'; 'Wanton Gospellers'; 'Proud Protestantes'; 'False Christians'; 'M. Bradford accuseth himselfe of negligence. &c.').

In addition to glosses setting out Bradford's charisma and those packaging his wisdom for later generations to use, are the more usual type of glosses. There are many scriptural references, as is usual with the letters of martyrs, and there are also many glosses summarising Bradford's attacks on the mass ('The Masse is a poyson to the Church'; 'Doubtes & obiections aunswered'; 'The Sacrament of the aultar quite ouerthroweth the Lordes supper'; 'Fayth commeth by hearing the word and not by hearing Masse'; 'What daunger it is to goe to the blasphemous masse'; 'Reasōs prouing that no Christian may come to the Popishe mattins and euensong, with a good conscience'; 'The Popes seruice is in a tongue vnknowen'; 'The Popes seruice is full of Idolatrye; 'The Popes seruice cōdemneth our English seruice of heresye'; 'The Popes Latin seruice is a marke of Antichrist'; 'The going to the popes seruice geueth ill example, and is offensiue'; 'The Masse is the principall seruice of Antichrist'; 'A false Christ of the Priest & the bakers making'). Scory is listed as godly preacher in the earlier editions, but not in 1583. For the most part the glosses deviate little from the text, as one might expect given the profound sympathy Foxe felt for Bradford's writings. Two exceptions to this are: 'All our election is in and for Christ only', which is somewhat more theologically nuanced than Bradford's own formulation of Christ's relationship to election, and 'Gods sheepe must feede on the bare common: where the deuills cattell are stalfed', which expands Bradford's metaphorical pasture to talk of the devil's cattle that God's sheep must live among: this may reflect the less stark (and in a sense more troubling) distinctions between godly and ungodly in Elizabethan England. There are problems with the placing of glosses at several points, and disagreements about cross-references (with 1570as the most consistently correct as usual) can be found. As one might expect in a section with many scriptural references, there are several disagreements between editions.

1576 Edition, page 1567 | 1583 Edition, page 1648[Back to Top]
Find:
Type a keyword and then restrict it to a particular edition using the dropdown menu. You can search for single words or phrases. When searching for single words, the search engine automatically imposes a wildcard at the end of the keyword in order to retrieve both whole and part words. For example, a search for "queen" will retrieve "queen", "queene" and "queenes" etc.
in:  
Humanities Research Institute  *  HRI Online  *  Feedback
Version 2.0 © 2011 The University of Sheffield