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Actes and Monumentes of the church.

For Sainct Paule doth say that the letter sleieth: The sprite it is onely that geueth life. ii. Corinthians. iii. Marke well the sixt chapiter of Ihon, wherall is applied vnto fayth. Note also the fourth chapiter of Saint Paules fyrste Epistle to the Corinthians, and in the ende therof ye shall find that the thinges which are sene are temporal, but they that are not sene are euerlastyng. Yea looke in the thirde chapter to þe Hebrues, and ye shal find that Christ as a sonne and no seruaunte, ruleth ouer hys house (whose house are we, and not the deade temple) if we hold fast the confidence and reioysing of that hope to þe end. Wherfore as faithe the holy Ghost. To day if you shall heare hys voyce, harden not your hartes. &c. Psal. cxiiii.

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☞ The summe of my examination, before the kinges counsel at Grenewich 
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Askew's summons to appear before the Privy Council with her husband Sir Thomas Kyme is recorded in Privy Council records. See Acts of the Privy Council of England, ed. John Roche Dasent, 46 vols (London, 1890), 1: 424, 1: 462).

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YOur request, as concerning my prison fellowes, I am not able to satisfy: Because I hard not their examinations: But the effect of mine, was this. I beinge before the Councell, was asked of master Kyme 

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In the first two editions of the Lattre Examinations edited by John Bale(both published in 1547), Bale elucidates on this question from the Privy Council by informing his reader of the circumstances of Askew's marriage, as well as offering justification for her pursuit of a divorce. He first explains that Askew was married against her will (following the death of her sister who had been betrothed to Sir Thomas Kyme, Anne's husband). He then argues that she yet 'demeaned her selfe lyke a Christen wyfe', having two children with her husband. However, 'by oft readynge of the sacred Bible', she converted from 'all olde superstycyons of papystrye, to a perfyght beleve in Jhesus Christ'. Having been driven for her faith from her husband's house, he claims, Askew considered herself 'free from that uncomelye kynde of coacted marryage, by thys doctryne of S. Paul 1 Cor. 7. If a faytfull woman have an unbelevynge husbande, whych wyll not tarrye with her, she may leave hym. For a brother or syster is not in subjeccyon to soch, specyallye where as the marryage afore is unlawfull'. Askew sought a divorce for this reason and, 'above all', because of her husband's cruel expulsion of her from their home, 'in despyght of Christes veryte'. She could not, supposes Bale, have considered Kyme 'worthye of her marryage' when he so 'spyghtfullye hated God the chefe autor [sic] of marriage' (Bale, Lattre Examination [1547], 15r-v).

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Despite Bale's ability energetically to defend Askew's pursuit of a divorce from Kyme, Foxe's decision to withhold comment himself on Askew's marital problems has been interpreted as reflecting discomfort on his part with this aspect of her story (Thomas F. Freeman and Sarah E. Wall, 'Racking the Body, Shaping the Text: The Account of Anne Askew in Foxe's Book of Martyrs', Renaissance Quarterly 54 [2001], 1180).

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. I answeared, that my Lord Chauncellor knew already my mind in that matter. They with that answer were not contented: but said, it was the kings pleasure, that I should open the matter to them. I answered them plainly that I wold not so do. But if it were the kings pleasure to hear me, I would shew him the truth. Then they sayed it was not mete for the kinge with me to be troubled. I answered, that Salomon was reckened the wisest king, that euer liued: yet misliked he not to heare two poore comon women: much more his grace a simple woman, and his faithful subiect. So in conclusion I made them none other aunswer in that matter. Thē my Lord chauncelour 
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The Lord Chancellor (whom Foxe calls Wrisley) will later be identified as one of Askew's torturers.

asked me of my opinion in the sacrament. My answer was this: I beleue, that so oft as I in a christian congregation, do receiue the bread in remembraunce of Christes death, and with thankes geuing accordinge to his holye institution, I receiue there with the frutes also of his moste glorious passyon. The bishop of Winchester bad me make a direct answer 
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The Bishop of Winchester, Stephen Gardiner, and the Lord Chancellor Thomas Wriothesley will be the main players in the supposed plot against Catherine Parr.

. I said, I wold not sing a newe songe to the Lord in a straunge land. Than the byshop said, I spake in parables, I answeared it was best for him. For if I shewe the open truthe (quoth I) ye wil not accept it. Then he sayd I was a Parate I told him again, I was ready to suffer all thinges at his hands not only hys rebukes, but all that shoulde folowe besydes, yea and all that gladly. Then had I dyuers rebukes of the councel, because I would not expresse my minde in al thinges as they woulde haue me. But they wer not in the mean time unanswered for all that, which now to rehers were to muche. For I was with them there about v. hours. Then the clarke of the counsell conueyed me from thence to my lady Garnish.The next day I was brought again before the councel. Then would they nedes know of me, what I saide to the sacrament. I answeared, þt I already had said that I could say. Then after diuers wordes, they bad me go by. Then came my Lord Lisle, my Lord of Essex, and the Bishop of Winchester, requiringe me earnestlye that I should confesse the sacrament to be flesh bloud and bone. Then said I to my lord Parr and my Lorde Lisle, that it was greate shame for them to councell contrarye to theyr knowledge. Whervnto in few words they did saye, that they would gladly all thinges were well 
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Both Lisle and Essex were known evangelicals; thus Askew's comment that it was 'great shame for them to counsayle contrary to their knowledge'.

. Then the bishop said, he wold speake with me familierly. I sayde, so did Iudas whan he vnfrendly betrayed Christ. Then desyred the byshop to speake with me alone. But that I refused. He asked me why? I said: that in þe mouthe of two or thre witnesses, euery matter shoulde stand, after Christes and Paules doctrine. Mathew xviii. ii. Corinth. xiii. Then my Lord Chauncelor began to examine me again of the Sacrament. Then I asked him how longe he would hault on bothe sides? 
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Askew's retort to Wriothesley, in which she asked 'how long he woulde halt on both sides', does not indicate suspicion of evangelical tendencies on his part. Rather, halting on 'both sides' is a reference to the state of the English Church, which has rid itself of popery, and yet maintains idolatry; is no longer papist, and yet (in the evangelical view) retains the practices and priesthood of Baal. As Bale adds in his elucidation of Askew's words against Wriothesley, 'For all our newe Gospell, yet wyll we styll beare the straungers yoke with the unbelevers, and so become neyther whote nor colde, that God may spewe us out of hys mouth' (Bale, Lattre Examination [1547], 19r-v). For further discussion of this sort of evangelical critique of the Henrician Church, see Alec Ryrie, The Gospel and Henry VIII: Evangelicals in the Early English Reformation (Cambridge, 2003), pp. 132-33.

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Then woulde he neades know where I found that, I said in the scripture. iii. Regum. xviii. Then he went hys way. Then the Bishop said I should be brent: I answered that I had searched all the scryptures, yet coulde I neuer finde, that eyther Christe or his Apostles putte anye creature to death. Well well said I, God will laugh your threatninges to skorne. Psalme. ii. Then was I commaunded to stande aside. Then came to me Doctor Cox, and Doctor Robinson. In conclusion we coulde not agree. Then they made me a bil of the sacrament: willing me to set my hand thervnto but I would not. Then on the sonday I was sore sicke, thinkinge no les then to die. Therfore I desired to speake with Latimer, it wold not be. Then was I sent to Newgate in my extremity of sicknes. For in al my life afore was I neuer in such pain. Thus the lord strēgthen you in þe truth, pray, pray, pray 
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Askew's desire to see Hugh Latimer is another indication of her clear familiarity with the prominent evangelicals of her day. When she requested this audience, Latimer had himself recently survived interrogation for counseling Crome against recantation (See Letters & Papers Foreign and Domestic, of the reign of Henry VIII, ed. James Gairdner and R.H. Brodie [London, 1862 1932], I: 823 [14 May 1546].

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Askew's illness and request for Latimer's counsel, at this point in her Lattre Examination, has been interpreted as a moment of self-described epiphany modelled on that of Saul of Tarsus (marked by physical suffering), in which she realized her fate and stopped attempting to save herself from condemnation. Her request for Latimer and illness is immediately followed, in the Lattre Examination, by her 'first' confession of her sacramentarian belief denying the Real Presence before the Privy Council, after which she is formally condemned as a heretic. (See Paula McQuade, '"Except that they had offended the Lawe": Gender and Jurisprudence in the Examinations of Anne Askew', Literature & History 3 [1994], 9.) However, Kimberly Coles has contested this view, pointing out that Askew had already, when she asked for Latimer, revealed her heresy to William Paget (Kimberly Anne Coles, 'The Death of the Author [and the Appropriation of her Text]: the Case of Anne Askew's Examinations', Modern Philology 99 [May 2002], 535). (The relevant discussion between Paget and Askew does not appear in Foxe's version of the Examinations. This is possibly because Paget, having survived Henry's reign to retain his office of principal secretary to the king during Edward's, was still too important a man, early in Elizabeth's reign, deliberately to antagonize, but it is more likely that the discussion with Paget was omitted from Foxe's base text. The pages with the Paget discussion on them are glued together in many surviving copies of Bale's 1547 Lattre Examination (p. 21), and it is excised in later editions. As Freeman and Wall point out, Paget was dead by 1570 (he died in 1563), and in the second edition of the Acts and Monuments (1570), Foxe identifies him as having advised Philip and Mary to execute Elizabeth (Thomas F. Freeman and Sarah E. Wall, 'Racking the Body, Shaping the Text: The Account of Anne Askew in Foxe's Book of Martyrs', Renaissance Quarterly 54 [2001], 1172-3).

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☞ The confeßion of me Anne Akew for the time I was in Newgate concerning my beliefe.

I Find in the scriptures (sayth she) that christe toke the breade and gaue it to his disciples, saing, take, eate, this is my body which shalbe broken for you, meaning in substance his own very body, the bread being therof an only sign or sacrament. For after like manner of speaking he said, he wold breake down the temple, and in iii. dayes build it vp againe signifieng his owne body by the temple as Sainct Ihon declareth it. Ihon. ii. and not the stony temple it selfe. So that the breade is but a remēbraūce of his death or a sacrament of thankes geuing for it, whereby we are knit vnto him by a communion of christen loue. Although ther be many þt cānot perceiue þe true meanīg therof, for þe vale þt Moses put ouer his face befor þe childrē

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