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160 [160]

King Lucius.

kingdome, as the Gospell sayth: like as the henne gathereth her chickinges vnder her winges, so doth the king his people. The people and folke of the Realme of Brytaine be yours, whom if they be deuided ye ought to gather in concord and peace: to call them to the fayth and law of Christ, and to the holy church, to cherish & maintaine them, to rule and gouerne them, and to defend thē alwayes from such as woulde do them wronge, from malicious men and enemyes. A king hath his name of ruling, and not of hauing a Realme. You shal be a king while ye rule well, but if you do otherwyse, the name of a king shal not remayne wyth you, and you shall lose it, which God forbid. The almightie God graunt you so to rule the Realme of Britaine, that you may reigne with hym for euer, whose vicar ye be in the Realme.

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After thys maner, 

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Foxe here elaborates briefly on several important and implied parallels between the Christian conversion of the British Isles and the contemporary experience of reformation. The conversion had occurred through the activity of preachers ('through whose ministery this realm & ileland of Britain was eftsones reduced to the faith & law of the Lord'. The British Isles were Christianised whilst the Roman emperors were still heathens. Foxe weaves in a prophecy from Isaiah ch. 42 and the passage is loosely based on Henry Huntingdon's Chronicle (T. Arnold, ed. Henry of Huntingdon. Henrici Huntendunensis Historia Anglorum, the History of the English, by Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, from B. C. 55 to A. D. 1154 [London: Rolls Series, 1879], ch. 1, pp. 27-8). For the narrative of the death of King Lucius and events thereafter, Foxe relied on Matthew Paris' Flores Historiarum, which had been published in 1567 (H. R. Luard, ed. Matthew Paris. Flores Historiarum 3 vols [London: Rolls Series, 1890], 1, p. 149) and also on the Magdeburg Centuries, II, ch. 2, p. 9.

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as you haue hard, was the christian faith eyther first brought in, or els confirmed in thys realme of Britaine, by the sendyng of Elutherius, not with any crosse or procession, but onely at þe simple preachyng of Fagane & Damian, through whose ministery this realm & ileland of Britain was eftsones reduced to the faith & law of the Lord, according as was prophecied by Esay, as well of that, as other ilandes mo, where he sayth, cap. xlii. he shall not faint, nor geue ouer tyll he hath set iudgement in earth, and ilelandes shal waite for hys law. &c. MarginaliaEsay. xlii.The faythe thus receyued of the Britaynes continued amōg them and florished the space of. CCxvi. yeres, tyll the commyng of the Saxones: who then were Paganes: whereof more followeth hereafter to be sayd, the Lord Christ assisting thereunto. In the meane tyme, something to speake of this space before, whiche was betwixt the tyme of Lucius, and the firste commyng in of the Saxones: first is to be vnderstanded, that all thys whyle as yet the emperours of Rome had not receyued the fayth, what tyme the kinges of Britayne, & the subiectes therof, were conuerted now, as is sayd, to Christ: for the which cause much trouble and perturbatiō, was sought against them, not onelye here in Britayne, but through all partes of Christendome by the heathen infidels. MarginaliaH. Huntendon. lib. 1.In so much that in the persecution onely of Dioclesian and Maximinian raigning bothe together wythin one month. xvii M. martyrs are numbred to haue suffered for the name of Christe, as hath bene hetherto in the booke before sufficiently discoursed.

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Thus therfore although the foresaid Lucius, the Britayne kyng, throughe the mercifull prouidence of God, was then Christened and the gospell receaued generallye almoste in all the lande: yet the state thereof as wel of the religion, as of the common wealth, coulde not be quiet, for that the Emperours and nobles of Rome were yet infidels, and enemies to the same: but especially the case so happenyng, that Lucius the Christen kyng dyed wythout issue: MarginaliaWhat incōmoditie commeth by lacke of succession.for thereby such trouble and variāce fell among the Britaynes (as it happeneth in all other realmes, namely in this our realme of England whensoeuer succession lacketh) that not onely they brought vpō them the idolatrous Romaines, and at lengthe the Saxons: but also inwrapped themselues in such miserye and desolation, which yet to this day amongst them remayneth. Such a thyng it is (where a prince or a kyng is in a kyngdom) there to lacke succession, as especially in thys case may appeare. For after the death of Lucius, when the Barons & nobles of the land could not accord within themselues vppon succession of the crowne: stepte in the Romaines, and gotte the crowne into their own hands, wherupon followed great misery & ruine to the realme: for sometymes the idolotrous Romaines, somtymes the Britaynes raigned and ruled, as violence and victorye would serue, one kyng murderyng an other, tyl at lēgth the Saxons came and depriued them both, as in processe hereafter followeth to be sene.

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In the meane season touchyng the story of king Lucius, here is to be reproued þe fable of some wryters fals-ly fayning of hym, that he should after hys baptisme receaued, put of al his kingly honour, and forsake the land and be made a preacher: who after long trauayl in preachyng and teachyng, in Fraunce, in Germanye, in Augusta, and in Sueuia, at length was made Doctor and rector of þe church of Cureak: where (as thys fable saith) he suffred martyrdome. But this fantasye of whomseouer it first did spring, disagreeth from al our english stories: Who wyth a full consent do for the most part concord in this, that he said MarginaliaThe decease of kyng Lucius.
Ex Flori. lego.
Lucius, after hee had founded many churches, and geuen great ryches and liberties to the same: deceased with great tranquillitie in hys owne land, and was buried at Glocester, the. xiiii. yeare after hys baptisme, as the booke of Flores historiarum, doth counte, whiche was the yeare of our Lorde (as he saith) CC.i. and reckeneth his conuersion to bee, An. 187. In some I fynde his decease to be the fourthe, and in some the tenth yere after hys baptisme, and hold that he raigned in all the space of. lxxvii. yeares, and thus much concerning kyng Lucius.

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Now to procede in order of the story, 

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This is the first in a series of tables running through the early books of Foxe's martyrology from the 1570 edition onwards, laying out the English regnal succession. Here Foxe provides that for the early British kingship. Foxe constructed it independently, and from a number of sources. It is a good example of his collating and critical skills. He certainly used Ranulph Higden's Polychronicon (J. R. Lumby, ed. Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden monachi Cestrensis: together with the English translations of John Trevisa and of an unknown writer of the fifteenth century [London: Rolls Series, 1879], book 4, ch.19-book 5, ch. 4) as well as Bede book 1. Geoffrey of Monmouth (ch. 79) might have been drawn on indirectly (through John Bale's Catalogus or the English Votaries, or even from Fabian's Chronicles (R. Fabyan, The Chronicle of Fabian [London, 1559], preface: table 3). He would almost certainly have consulted one of the editions of the sixteenth-century Breviat chronicles, with their lists of British King, and may even have worked with John Stow whilst he was preparing his A Summary of English Chronicles (London, 1565), which furnishes a similar genealogy, albeit Foxe here provides some telling additional details. Information may have also been taken from Henry Huntingdon's Chronicle (T. Arnold, ed. Henry of Huntingdon. Henrici Huntendunensis Historia Anglorum, the History of the English, by Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, from B. C. 55 to A. D. 1154 [London: Rolls Series, 1879], book 8 ch. 8, pp. 575-77). The evidence suggests that Foxe prepared this material independently, and made up his own mind on the various issues relating to the sensitive issues of chronology which the table contains.

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briefly to touch the state of the foresaid land of Britannye, betwene the tyme of kyng Lucius, and the entryng of the Saxones, who were the kyngs therof: & in what order they succeded, or rather inuaded one after an other, this cataloge here vnder written wyll specify.

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Lucius,a Britayne, MarginaliaEx Beda Polychr. monumetensi.
Seuerus,a Romayne,
Bassianus,a Romayn by the father
Cerausius,a Britayne.
Alectus,a Romayne.
Asclepiodorus,a Britayne.
Kynges of
Britaine frō
the time of
Lucius tyll
the cōming
of the Sax-
ones.
Coilus,a Britayne.
Constantius,a Romayne.
Constantinus,a Britayn by the mother side
and borne in Britayne.
Octauius,a Gewissian.
Maximinianus,a Romayne borne, but hys
mother a Britayne. MarginaliaAn. D. 290.
Gratianus,a Romayne. Marginaliasecūd. fab. Bed.
Constantinus,a Britayne by þe mother MarginaliaAn. 433. fab.
Constans,a Romaine by the father MarginaliaAn. 443.
Vortigerus,a Gewissian or Brit. MarginaliaAn. 448.
Vortimerus,a Brit. MarginaliaAn. 464.
Vortigermis,agayne.
By this table maye appeare a lamentable face of a common wealth so miserably rent and diuided into two sortes of people: differing not so much in countrye, as in religion. For when the Romanes raygned: so were they gouerned by infidels. Whē the Britaines ruled, so they were gouerned by Christians. Thus what quietnesse was or coulde be in the church, in so vnquiet and doubtful daies, it may easely be considered.

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MarginaliaThe Britaynes neuer touched with any persecutiō before the tyme of Diocletian.Albeit, notwithstanding all these foresayd heathen rulers of the Romaines 

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Foxe's account of the Roman government of Constantine in Britain and the eventual retreat of Rome from the British Isles made the important point, from Foxe's point of view, that it was religious persecution, rather than Christianity, which had been imported from Rome. He could have taken his material from a number of sources. He seems to have used Fabian's Chronicle as his base-text (R. Fabyan, The Chronicle of Fabian [London, 1559], book 5, chs 68-75) for most of the passage, although the brief reference to the rise of persecution in the British Isles under Diocletian seems most closely to correspond to Henry Huntingdon's Chronicle (T. Arnold, ed. Henry of Huntingdon. Henrici Huntendunensis Historia Anglorum, the History of the English, by Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, from B. C. 55 to A. D. 1154 [London: Rolls Series, 1879], book 1, ch. 36). The source for the two Latin citations from Gildas at the end of the passage represents something of a puzzle. Neither of them appear in Fabian's Chronicle. The first one could have come from one of a number of sources, though the Joscelyn edition of Gildas, published in 1567, includes it in a version which accords most nearly to the form it appears in Foxe's text. The second quotation does not appear, however, in the Joscelyn edition - indeed it does not appear in Gildas at all, or in any of the sources Foxe habitually used. Its appearance here is something of a mystery.

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, which here gouerned, yet (God be praysed) we read of no persecution, during all these. x. persecutions aboue mentioned, that touched the Christian Brytaines, before the laste persecution onelye of Dioclesian, and Maximianus Herculius, whiche here then exercised muche crueltye. Thys persecution, as it was the last among the Romane Christians, so it was the first of many and diuers that followed after in thys church and realme of England: wherof we wyl here after intreate (Christ wylling) as order of the matter shall leade vs. In the meane tyme thys rage of Dioclesian as it was vniuersally through al the churches in the world fierce and vehement: so in this realme of Britayne also it was so sore, þt as al our English chronicles do testifie, & record, al christianitie almost in þe whole land was destroyed: churches were subuerted, all bookes of the scripture burned, many of the faythful both men and womē

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were
n.ij.
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