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144 [144]

King Ethelbert of Kent. King Edwine.

should prosper well. MarginaliaMercy may liue a maydē, for no mā will marry her. This Iohn was so boūtifull in geuing, that he assaide to striue in a maner with the Lord, whether the Lord should geue more or he should distribute more of that which was geuen.This, whether it were true or not, or els inuented for a moralitie, I would wish this florishyng damsell so to be maryed to moe then to this Iohn that she should not lyue so long a virgin now as she doth, because no mā will marry her. But to returne to this Patriarch, who after that day (as the story recordeth) was so mercifull and so beneficiall, especially to the poore and needy, that he coūted them as his maisters, & himselfe as a seruaunt & steward vnto them. This Patriarch was wont cōmonly twise a Weeke to sit at his doore all the day long, to take vp matters, and to set vnitie, where was any variaunce. One day it happened, as he was sittyng all the day before his gate & saw no man come lamented that all that day he had done no good: To whom his Deacon standyng by, aunswered agayne, þt he had more cause to reioyce, seyng he brought the Citie in that order & in such peace, that there needed no reconcilemēt amōgst them. An other time the sayd Iohn the Patriarche was at the seruice and readyng the Gospell in the church, the people (as their vsed maner is) went out of the Church to talke and iangle: he perceauyng that, wēt out likewise, and sat amongest them: whereat they maruailyng to see him do so. My children, sayd he, where the flocke is, there ought the shepheard to be: wherfore either come you in, that I may also come in with you, or els if you tary out, I will likewise tary out together with you, &c.

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MarginaliaThe actes of Gregory the first. As touchyng the actes & deedes of Gregory aboue mētioned, how he withstode the ambitious pride of Iohn, Patriarche of Constantinople, which would be the vniuersall Priest, and onely chief Byshop of all other: declaryng hym to be no lesse then the forerunner of Antichrist, that would take that name vpon him: how and with what reasons he aūswered agayne the letters of the Emperour Mauritius in that behalfe, sufficient relatiō is made therof in the first entry, and beginning of this booke. This Gregory among many other thynges induced into the Churche (the specialties wherof hereafter shall follow Christ willing more at large) first began and brought in this title among the Romaine Byshops, to be called Seruus seruorum Dei: MarginaliaWherupon the Romaine byshops vse in their stile, Seruus seruorum Dei. puttyng them in remembraunce thereby both of their humblenesse, and also of their duetie in the Churche of Christ. Moreouer as concernyng his act for the sole lyfe of Priestes first begon, and then broken agayne. Also concernyng the order of Gregoryes Masse booke to bee receaued in all Churches: hereof who so lysteth to reade more, shall finde the same in other places hereafter, namely when we come to the tyme of Pope Adrian the first.

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MarginaliaSabianus byshop of Rome. After the death of Gregory aboue mentioned, 

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Pope Sabinian to the dispute over Easter

Foxe's narrative of the earliest Christian Saxon kingdoms only appeared in the 1570 edition for the first time. He attempted to weave together the evidence for God's providential inspiration towards those rulers and their kingdoms under whom Christianity was advanced. Edwin, king of Northumbria, is the cornerstone of his demonstration. Foxe could not ignore the contemporary parallel of his queen, already converted to Christianity, who 'ceased not to styrre and perswade the kyng to Chrisian faith'. In a lengthy aside, Foxe pointed out how she served as a godly goad, reminding Edwin of the connection between the afflictions of his kingdom and his failure to convert: 'for by affliction God vseth commonly to call them whom he wyl saue, or by whom he wil worke saluation vnto other'. Misfortune was an essential component of God's providence - and Foxe included the real dangers which had confronted Queen Elizabeth before her accession: 'How hardely escaped this our Quene now being, [...] by whom yet notwithstanding it hath ploeased God to restore this his Gospel now preached amongest vs?' Foxe's point in these remarks was probably to redirect the reader to a proper consideration of the relationship between God and human affairs, and away from the 'miracles' which so frequently accompanied the conversiaon stories of the early Saxon rulers. His problem was that his sources seemed often so unanimous about them - defying the renaissance techniques of source collation, comparison and analysis through which he was trying to rewrite the history of the coming of Christianity to the British Isles. Of Oswald's miraculous hand, preserved from putrifaction by the benediction of St Aidan, all Foxe's sources were in accord. His comment was one of measured scepticism: 'What the stories say more concernyng this hand of Oswald, I entend not to medle farther then simple, trye and dew probabilitie, will beare me out'. Of the 'miracle' accompanying the conversion of the king of the West Saxons, which recounted Birinus, walking back to France from midway across the Channel in order to recover his stole ('pallula'), Foxe mused: 'if it be a fable, as no doubt it is, I cannot by maruell that so many autors so constantly agree in reporting & affirming the same'. For the miracles of St Oswald, 'what it pleased the people of that tyme to reporte of him, I haue not here to affirme', Foxe preferring to emphasise 'the goodnes and charitie of Oswald toward the people' and prominently citing his sources for that. Throughout the section, Foxe balanced sceptical accounts of the 'miracles' accounted to the early Saxon kings with the more concrete evidence for their foundations in bricks and mortar at York, Westminster, and elsewhere.

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Foxe pursued his energetic comparison and collation of the sources that he used for the construction of his narrative elsewhere in book 2. For the brief evocation of Pope Sabinianus and Boniface III, his source was Bale's Catalogus (pp. 63; 69). For King Ethelbert of Kent, Foxe probably started with Fabian's Chronicle (R. Fabyan, The Chronicle of Fabian [London, 1559], book 5, ch. 120), which alerted him to the fact that there were different opinions on the matter. He seems to have pursued them independently in William of Malmesbury's Gesta Pontificium, Henry of Huntingdon's Chronicle, and possibly Bede's Ecclesiastical History. For King Ethelfride of Northumbria and Edwin's conflict with Ethelbert of Kent and subsequent flight to King Redwald, we should not be too impressed by his glosses referring to Geoffrey of Monmouth and Gerald of Wales. He almost certainly copied this material directly from Fabian. For the reign of Edwin of Northumbria, including the letter sent from Pope Boniface V, Foxe's principal source was once more Fabian's Chronicle (book 5, ch. 130) although he perhaps sought confirmation from Henry of Huntingdon's Chronicle (T. Arnold, ed. Henry of Huntingdon. Henrici Huntendunensis Historia Anglorum, the History of the English, by Henry, Archdeacon of Huntingdon, from B. C. 55 to A. D. 1154 [London: Rolls Series, 1879], book 3, chs. 34-8). For the activities of Archbishop Paulinus after Edwin's death, we have a good example of how we should not take Foxe's glosses on his sources at face value. He mentions Henry of Huntingdon and Matthew Paris' Flores Historiarum. Yet, when we pursue the source for Foxe's confident assertion that Paulinus remained at Rochester for 19 years, it transpires that this comes from neither source, but is to be found only in Ranulph Higden's Polychronicon (J. R. Lumby, ed. Polychronicon Ranulphi Higden monachi Cestrensis: together with the English translations of John Trevisa and of an unknown writer of the fifteenth century [London: Rolls Series, 1879], book 5, ch. 12). For Foxe's narrative of Oswald as King of Northumbria, Foxe's main source was once more Fabian's Chronicle (book 5, ch. 130), which provided him with the references to Geoffrey of Monmouth and the Polychronicon. Foxe also consulted John Brompton's Chronicle (J. Brompton, 'Chronicon Johannis Brompton Abbatis Jornalensis.' In Historiæ Anglicanæ Scriptores X. [....], ed. by Roger Twysden [London, 1652], cols 784-8) and William of Malmesbury's Gesta Regum for this section (J. S. Brewer, and C. T. Martin, 'William of Malmesbury: Gesta Regum.' In Reigistrum Malmesburiense. The Registor of Malmesbury Abbey, ed. by J.S. Brewer and C.T. Martin [London: Rolls Series, 1869-1880], book 1, ch. 49). Foxe cites some Latin directly from Brompton's Chronicle in his description of Berinus in England. On the death of Oswald, Foxe directly copied some of the material from Fabian's Chronicle (book 5, ch. 134); and for the character of Oswine and his murder, Foxe turned to Henry Huntingdon's Chronicle (book 9, chs. 14-17). For the final brief references in this section to Oswy, King of Northumbria and Bede, once again, Foxe turned mainly to Fabian's Chronicle (book 5, ch, 134) though it is possible that he had directly consulted Bede's Ecclesiastical History (book 4, ch. 18).

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Matthew Phillpott and Mark Greengrass
University of Sheffield

first came Sabinianus who as he was a malicious detractor of Gregory & of his workes: so he continued not long, scarse the space of two yeare. MarginaliaBonifacius. 3. Byshop of Rome. After whom succeded next Bonifacius the 3. which albeit he reigned but one yeare, yet in that one yeare he did more hurt, then Gregory with so great labours, and in so many yeares could do good before: for that which Gregory kept out, he brought in, obtainyng of Phocas the wicked Emperour for him and his successours after hym, that the sea of Rome aboue all other Churches should haue the preeminence: and that the Byshop of Rome should be the vniuersall head, through all Churches of Christ in Christendom: alleagyng for him this friuolous reason, that S. Peter had and left to his successours at Rome the keyes of bindyng and loosing, &c. MarginaliaHow Rome began first to take an head aboue other Churches. And thus began first Rome to take an head aboue all other Churches, by the meanes of Boniface the 3. who as he lacked no boldnes nor ambitiō to seeke it, so neither lacked he an Emperour fit and meete to geue such a gift. MarginaliaPhocas traitor & murderer of his Emperour. This Emperours name was Phocas, a man of such wickednes and ambition, most like to his owne Byshop Boniface: that to aspire to the Empire, he murthered his owne maister and Emperour Mauritius, & his children. Thus Phocas cōmyng vp to be Emperour, after this detestable vilanie done: thinkyng to stablishe his Empire with frendship and fauour of his people, and especially with the Byshop of Rome: quickly condiscended to all his petitions, and so graunted him (as is sayd) to be that he would: the vniuersall and head Byshop ouer all Christen Churches. MarginaliaBloud reuēged with bloud. But as bloud commonly requireth bloud agayne, so it came to passe on þe sayd Phocas. For as he had cruelly slayne his Lord and Emperour Mauritius before, so he in like maner (of Heraclius the Emperour succedyng him) had his handes and feete cut of, and so was cast into the Sea. And thus wicked Phocas whiche gaue the first supremacie to Rome, lost his owne. But Rome would not so soone lose his supremacy once geuen, as the geuer lost his life: for euer since, from that day it hath holden, defēded, and maintained the same still, and yet doth to this present day, by all force & policie possible. And thus much concernyng Boniface, whō, by the wordes of Gregory, we may well call the runner be fore Antichrist. For as Gregory brought in to their stile, Seruus seruorum Dei, MarginaliaVolumus [illegible text] brought in by Boniface the thrd. so this Boniface brought into their heades, first Volumus ac mandamus: Statuimus ac præcipimus: That is. We will and commaunde, we enioyne and charge you, &c.

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Mention was made a litle before of Ethelbert kyng of Kent, and also of Ethelfride king of Northsaxons or Northumbria. This Ethelbert hauing vnder his subiection all the other Saxon kyngs, vnto Humber: after he had first receaued him selfe, and caused to be receaued of other, the Christian fayth by the preachyng of Austen, being cōfirmed afterward in the same fayth, among other costly deedes, with the helpe of Sigebert kyng of Essex his nephew, then reignyng vnder hym MarginaliaFabian [illegible text]
Ethelbert & Sigebert builders of Paules Church.
began the foundation of Paules Church within the Citie of London, & ordained it for the Byshops see of London. For the Archbyshops sea which before time had bene at London, was by Austen and this Ethelbert at the prayer of the Citizens of Dorobernia translated to the sayd Citie. Malmesberiensis. Lib. de pontific. MarginaliaThe Archbishops sea translated from Lōdon to Dorobernia
Mamesberiensis. lib. de pontifi.
H. Huntyngton. lib. 3.
Wherfore such authors as say þt Paules was builded by Sigebert, say not amisse: which Sigebert was þe kyng of Essex, in which prouince stādeth þe citie of Lōdō. This Ethelbert also foūded þe church of S. Andrew in the Citie of Dorubres in Kēt, now called Rochester, of one Rof, distāt frō Dorobernia. 24. miles. Of this citie, Iustus was Byshop ordained before by Austē. Moreouer the forenamed Ethelbert styrred vp a dweller or Citizen of London to make a Chappell or Church of S. Peter in the West end of Lēdon, thē called Thorney, now þe towne of Westminster: which church or chappell was after by Edward the confessour MarginaliaThis Edward was the third of that name before the conquest. enlarged or new builded: MarginaliaThe monastery of Westminster. lastly of Henry the 3. it was newly agayne reedified and made as it is now a large Monastery. &c. After these Christian and worthy actes this MarginaliaAn. 616 Ethelbert whē he had reigned the course of. lvj. yeares, chaunged this mortall lyfe about the yeare of our Lord. 616. whō some stories saye to be slayne in a fight betwene him and Ethelfride kyng of the Northsaxons.

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MarginaliaBloud reuenged with bloud. In the meane time the foresaid Ethelfride kyng of Northumberland, after the cruell murther of the Monkes of Bangor, escaped not long vnpayed his hyre: for after he had raigned. 24. yeares, he was slayne in the field of Edwyne, who succeeded in Northumberlaand after him.

MarginaliaEdwine first Christened king in Northumberland.
[illegible text] Cambrēsis.
This Edwyne beyng the sonne not of Ethelfride (as Galfridus Monumetensis sayth, but rather of Alla (as Giraldus Cābrensis seemeth to witnesse more truly) was first a Panim or idolater: afterward by Paulinus was Christened and the first Christened kyng in Northūberland. The occasion of which his callyng or conuersion, as is in sundry stories contained, was this.

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MarginaliaThe order and maner of the conuersion of Edwine to the fayth of Christ. Edwine beyng yet a Pagane, maried the daughter of Ethelbert kyng of Kent, called Edelburge a Christen woman, otherwise called Tace. But before this mariage, Edwyne beyng yet young, Ethelfride the kyng, conceiuyng enuy agaynst him: persecuted him so sore, that he was forced to flee to Redwaldus, kyng of Eastangles, as in the table of the kynges is aboue expressed. MarginaliaThe trouble of Edwine. The whiche Redwaldus, what for feare, what with bribes being corrupted of Ethelfride, at length priuely had intended to haue betrayed Edwyne. But as Gods will was, Edwyne hauyng warnyng therof by a secret frēd of his, was moued to flee and to saue himselfe, beyng promised also of his frend to be safely conueyed away, if he would thereto agree. To whom Edwyne sayd: whether shall I flee, whiche haue so long fleene the handes of myne enemyes through all prouinces of the Realme. And if I must needes be slayne, I had rather þt he should do it, then an other vnworthy person. Thus he remayning by himselfe alone and solitarie, sittyng in a great study, there apeared vnto him sodainely, a certaine straunger, to him vnknowen and sayd: I know well the cause of thy thought and heauynes. What wouldest thou geue hym that should deliuer thee out of this feare, and should recōcile kyng Redwald to thee agayne? I would geue him (sayd Edwyne) all that euer I could make. And he sayd agayne: And what if he make thee a mightyer kyng, then was any of thy Progenitours? He aunswered agayne as before. Moreouer, (sayth he) and what if he shew thee a better kinde and way of life, then euer was shewed to any of thine aunceters before thee: wilt thou obey him and do after his counsell? Yea (sayd Edwyne) promising most firmely, with all his hart so to do. MarginaliaThe maruelous calling of Edwine. Thē he laying his hand vpon his head, when (sayd he) this token happeneth vnto thee: then remēber this tyme of thy tribulation, and the promise which thou hast made, and the word which now I say vnto thee. And with that he vanished out of his sight sodainly. MarginaliaEdwine miraculously deliuered. After this so done, as Edwyne was sittyng alone by him selfe pensiue and sad: his forsayd frend, which moued him before to flee, commeth to him, biddyng him be of good chere, for the hart

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(sayd
L.j.
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