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Anne Boleyn

(c. 1500 - 1536) [ODNB]

Queen of England (1533 - 36); 2nd wife of Henry VIII; beheaded

While considering the question of the king's divorce, Cardinal Wolsey became aware that King Henry favoured Anne Boleyn. 1570, p. 1195; 1576, p. 1023; 1583, p. 1051.

Anne Boleyn was sent a copy of Simon Fish's Supplication for the Beggars. At the urging of her brother, she showed the book to the king. 1570, p. 448; 1570, p. 1153; 1576, p. 956; 1583, p. 1014.

Parliament approved Thomas Cranmer's separation of Henry and Catherine and his marriage to Anne Boleyn. 1570, p. 1197; 1576, p. 1025; 1583, p. 1053.

Henry married Anne Boleyn. She, her father and her brother maintained many learned men at Cambridge. 1570, p. 1198; 1576, pp. 1025-26; 1583, p. 1054.

Anne was crowned and soon after gave birth to a daughter. 1570, p. 1198; 1576, p. 1026; 1583, p. 1054.

Anne had Hugh Latimer placed in the bishopric of Worcester and Nicholas Shaxton in the bishopric of Salisbury. 1570, p. 1233; 1576, p. 1055; 1583, p. 1082.

In 1536 parliament declared the marriage of the king and Queen Anne illegitimate and accused the queen of carnal relations with her brother and other men. 1570, p. 1233; 1576, p. 1055; 1583, p. 1082.

Anne was imprisoned in the Tower with her brother and others. She was beheaded, delivering a short address before. 1563, p. 526; 1570, p. 1233; 1576, p. 1055; 1583, p. 1082.

Catherine of Aragon died in the same year in which Anne Boleyn and William Tyndale were executed. 1570, p. 1232; 1576, p. 1055; 1583, p. 1082.

Anne Boleyn is given as an example of one wrongly accused and judged. 1570, p. 1360; 1576, p. 1161; 1583, p. 1189.

 
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Arthur

(1486 - 1502) [ODNB]

Prince of Wales; eldest son of Henry VII

After Arthur's death, his wife Katherine married his brother Henry. 1563, p. 456; 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

 
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Catherine of Aragon

(1485 - 1536) [ODNB]

Queen of England (1509 - 33); 1st consort of Henry VIII

After the death of Prince Arthur, his widow Catherine married his brother Henry. 1563, p. 456; 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

When Catherine learned from the legates that they had been deputed to determine the matter of a divorce between the king and her, she composed an answer to them. She blamed Wolsey as the cause of the proposed divorce. 1563, pp. 456-57; 1570, pp. 1193-94; 1576, p. 1022; 1583, p. 1050.

Henry and Catherine were summoned to appear before the papal legates, Cardinals Wolsey and Campeggi, who had a commission to judge the matter of the divorce. Henry sent two proxies; Catherine arrived in person, accompanied by ladies and counsellors, including four bishops. She appealed from the cardinals to the pope. 1563, pp. 456-57; 1570, p. 1194; 1576, p. 1022; 1583, p. 1050.

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Parliament approved Thomas Cranmer's separation of Henry and Catherine and his marriage to Anne Boleyn. 1570, p. 1197; 1576, p. 1025; 1583, p. 1053.

The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), along with the bishops of London (Stokesley), Winchester (Gardiner), Bath and Wells (Clerk) and Lincoln (Longland) and other clergy went to see Queen Catherine. She failed to attend when summoned over 15 days, and they pronounced that she and the king were divorced. She appealed to the pope. 1570, p. 1200; 1576, p. 1027; 1583, p. 1055.

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The duke of Suffolk was sent to Catherine of Aragon after her divorce from the king to reduce the size of her household, removing those who refused to serve her as princess rather than queen. 1570, p. 1200; 1576, p. 1027; 1583, p. 1055.

Catherine of Aragon died in the same year in which Anne Boleyn and William Tyndale were executed. 1570, p. 1232; 1576, p. 1055; 1583, p. 1082.

 
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Charles V

(1500 - 1558) [C. Scott Dixon, M. Greengrass, www.leedstrinity.ac.uk/histcourse/reformat/biograph.htm]

Duke of Burgundy; king of Spain (1516 - 56)

Holy Roman Emperor (1520 - 56); abdicated the Spanish throne in favour of son Phillip II of Spain and the imperial throne in favour of brother Ferdinand

Charles V had promised to marry Princess Mary, daughter of Henry VIII, but bowed to objections in Spain that the marriage of her parents had been irregular. He married Isabella of Portugal instead. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

Henry VIII, encouraged by Cardinal Wolsey, began to question the validity of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon. He sought the advice of universities and learned men, but needed the assent of the pope and the emperor to a divorce. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

After the Act of Supremacy, Henry VIII attempted to improve relations with other monarchs by sending ambassadors. Sir Thomas Wyatt was sent to Emperor Charles V. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, p. 1043; 1583, p. 1070.

The emperor and other princes requested Henry VIII to attend the council to be held at Mantua or to send delegates. Henry again refused, sending a protestation. 1570, pp. 1293-94; 1576, pp. 1106-08; 1583, pp. 1132-33.

Francois I of France and Emperor Charles V retained Robert Granceter, a condemned traitor, and refused to hand him over to Henry VIII. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1087.

Charles V requested of Edward VI that his cousin Mary Tudor be allowed to have the mass said in her house. The request was denied. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

 
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Clement VII (Giulio de Medici)

(1479 - 1534) [Kelly]

Illegitimate son of Giuliano de Medici; b. Florence

Archbishop of Florence 1513; cardinal 1513; vice-chancellor 1517; governed Florence from 1519

Pope (1523 - 34); cousin of Pope Leo X

The indulgences granted by Pope Leo X to the guild of Our Lady at Boston had been granted previously by Innocent VIII and Julius II and were later renewed by Clement VII. Further indulgences granted by Nicholas V, Pius II and Sixtus IV were also renewed by Clement at the request of Henry VIII. 1570, p. 1347; 1576, p. 1150; 1583, p. 1178.

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After Francois I was released from captivity in Spain, Clement VII released him from his oath, fearing the power of the emperor in Italy. He contracted an alliance with the Venetians and other princes. 1570, p. 1122; 1576, p. 961; 1583, p. 987.

Clement was captured by the duke of Bourbon when he sacked Rome in 1527. 1570, p. 1122; 1576, p. 961; 1583, p. 987.

He was besieged in the Castello Sant'Angelo after taking refuge there with many cardinals. He surrendered in July and was able to issue bulls, but was kept imprisoned in the fortress for six months. 1570, p. 1123; 1576, p. 961; 1583, p. 988.

Henry VIII, encouraged by Cardinal Wolsey, began to question the validity of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon. He sought the advice of universities and learned men, but needed the assent of the pope and the emperor to a divorce. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

Stephen Gardiner was sent as ambassador to Rome by Henry VIII during the time of Clement VII to deal with the matter of the king's divorce and to promote Thomas Wolsey as pope. 1570, pp. 1125-28, 1193; 1576, pp. 963-66, 1021; 1583, pp. 990-92, 1049.

Thanks to the influence of Lorenzo Pucci and other cardinals, Clement VII initially viewed the proposed divorce between Henry VIII and Catherine of Aragon favourably. 1570, p. 1457; 1576, p. 1242; 1583, p. 1279.

Clement sent Cardinal Campeggi as legate to England to join with Cardinal Wolsey to consider the matter of the king's divorce. 1570, p. 1193; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

Clement pronounced a sentence definitive against Henry VIII's divorce from Catherine of Aragon. 1570, pp. 1458-59; 1576, p. 1243; 1583, p. 1280.

 
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Emanuel I of Portugal

(1469 - 1521)

King of Portugal (1495 - 1521)

The Spaniards having objected to the proposed marriage between Princess Mary of England and Emperor Charles V, the emperor instead married Isabella, daughter of Emanuel I of Portugal. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

 
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Ferdinand II of Aragon

(1452 - 1516)

King of Aragon (1479 - 1516); king of Castile and León as Ferdinand V (1474 - 1504); king of Sicily (1468 - 1516); king of Naples (1504 - 16)

Both Ferdinand II and Henry VII agreed to the marriage of Catherine, Ferdinand's daughter and widow of Prince Arthur, to Arthur's brother Henry. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

 
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Henri II

(1519 - 1559)

2nd son of François I of France; duke of Orleans (1519 - 36); dauphin (1536 - 47)

King of France (1547 - 1559)

A marriage was proposed between the duke of Orleans and Princess Mary of England. The French raised questions of the validity of the marriage of her parents, and the proposed marriage did not take place. 1563, p. 456; 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

François I allied himself with Pope Clement VII in marrying his son to Clement's niece. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1088.

Learning of the rebellions in England in 1549, Henri II recalled his ambassador and attacked Jersey and Guernsey. The attack was repulsed and the French ships retreated. 1570, p. 1501; 1576, p. 1272; 1583, p. 1309.

 
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Henry VII

(1457 - 1509) [ODNB]

Earl of Richmond 1457; king of England (1485 - 1509); married Elizabeth of York

Both Ferdinand II and Henry VII agreed to the marriage of Catherine, Ferdinand's daughter and widow of Prince Arthur, to Arthur's brother Henry. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

 
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Henry VIII

(1491 - 1547) [ODNB]

Duke of York 1494; duke of Cornwall 1502; prince of Wales, earl of Chester 1503

King of England (1509 - 47)

After the death of Prince Arthur, his widow Catherine married his brother Henry. 1563, p. 456; 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

Henry issued a proclamation against the heresies of Luther. 1570, p. 1159; 1576, p. 991; 1583, p. 1019.

Through Thomas Wolsey, Henry received the title of defender of the faith from the pope. 1570, p. 1124; 1576, p. 962; 1583, p. 989.

After Clement VII had been taken prisoner by imperial forces, Wolsey urged Henry VIII to go to the pope's assistance. The king refused to send troops, but allowed Wolsey to take money out of the treasury to help. 1563, p. 439; 1570, pp. 1123; 1576, p. 961; 1583, p. 988.

Henry, encouraged by Cardinal Wolsey, began to question the validity of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon. He sought the advice of universities and learned men, but needed the assent of the pope and the emperor to a divorce. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

Stephen Gardiner was sent as ambassador to Rome by Henry VIII during the time of Clement VII to deal with the matter of the king's divorce and to promote Thomas Wolsey as pope. Both the king and Wolsey wrote letters to him. Nicholas Harvey was sent as ambassador to Emperor Charles V. 1570, pp. 1125-29, 1192; 1576, pp. 963-67, 1021; 1583, pp. 990-93, 1049.

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Wolsey and Cardinal Campeggi had a legatine commission to consider the matter of the king's divorce. Henry began to suspect that Wolsey was not fully supportive. 1570, pp. 1129, 1193; 1576, pp. 967, 1021; 1583, pp. 994, 1049.

Henry gave an oration at Bridewell setting out his reasons for the divorce. 1563, pp. 456-57; 1570, p. 1193; 1576, pp. 1021-22; 1583, p. 1050.

Henry and Queen Catherine were summoned to appear before the papal legates, Cardinals Wolsey and Campeggi, who had a commission to judge the matter of the divorce. Henry sent two proxies; Catherine arrived in person, accompanied by ladies and counsellors, including four bishops. Finally the king himself appeared, delivering an oration to the legates. 1563, pp. 456-57; 1570, p. 1194; 1576, p. 1022; 1583, p. 1050.

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Anne Boleyn was sent a copy of Simon Fish's Supplication for the Beggars and showed it to the king. He offered his protection to Fish, allowing him to return to England. 1563, p. 448; 1570, p. 1153; 1576, p. 986; 1583, p. 1014.

After Wolsey had been deprived of most of his offices and the associated lands and goods returned to the king, Henry allowed Cardinal College, Oxford, to continue, endowing it and renaming it King's College. 1570, p. 1129; 1576, p. 967; 1583, p. 994.

When the king heard of the exhumation and burning of William Tracy's corpse, he angrily sent for Sir Thomas More. More blamed the now deceased archbishop of Canterbury, but was fined three hundred pounds to have his pardon. 1570, p. 1186; 1576, p. 1015; 1583, p. 1042.

Henry, failing to get a positive response from the pope on the question of his divorce, associated the clergy in Wolsey's praemunire and demanded over £100,000 for their pardon. 1570, p. 1195; 1576, p. 1023; 1583, p. 1052.

Henry had published the opinions of the universities against his marriage to Catherine. 1570, p. 1196; 1576, p. 1024; 1583, p. 1052.

Parliament approved Thomas Cranmer's separation of Henry and Catherine and his marriage to Anne Boleyn. 1570, p. 1197; 1576, p. 1025; 1583, p. 1053.

Thomas Temys asked parliament to urge the king to take Queen Catherine back as his wife. The king replied via the Speaker, Sir Thomas Audeley. The king also had the Speaker read in the Commons the two oaths taken by clergy, one to the pope and one to the king, to demonstrate that they were irreconcilable. 1570, p. 1197; 1576, p. 1025; 1583, p. 1053.

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Henry married Anne Boleyn. 1570, p. 1198; 1576, p. 1025; 1583, p. 1054.

The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), along with the bishops of London (Stokesley), Winchester (Gardiner), Bath and Wells (Clerk) and Lincoln (Longland) and other clergy went to see Queen Catherine. She failed to attend when summoned over 15 days, and they pronounced that she and the king were divorced. 1570, p. 1200; 1576, p. 1027; 1583, p. 1055.

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The king sent Edward Lee, under Cromwell, to visit the monasteries and nunneries to release all those in religious orders who wished to leave. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, p. 1043; 1583, p. 1070.

Henry VIII ordered a religious procession in London in 1535 because the French king was ill. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, p. 1043; 1583, p. 1070.

After the Act of Supremacy, Henry VIII attempted to improve relations with other monarchs by sending ambassadors. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, p. 1043; 1583, p. 1070.

Messages were sent between Henry and François I about the pope's refusal of Henry's divorce from Catherine and his supremacy over the English church. 1570, pp. 1218-22; 1576, pp. 1043-46; 1583, pp. 1070-73.

Henry VIII wrote to Bonner commanding that excess holy days be abolished. 1563, p. 682; 1570, p. 1441; 1576, p. 1229; 1583, p. 1259.

Henry had Queen Anne imprisoned in the Tower with her brother and others. She was then beheaded. 1563, p. 526; 1570, p. 1233; 1576, p. 1055; 1583, p. 1082.

Stephen Gardiner was suspected of involvement in the downfall of Anne Boleyn, and urged the king to disinherit Elizabeth. 1570, pp. 1233, 1243; 1576, p. 1056; 1583, pp. 1082, 1083.

Henry married Jane Seymour shortly after the execution of Anne Boleyn. 1570, p. 1234; 1576, p. 1056; 1583, p. 1083.

Cromwell urged King Henry to destroy the monastic houses and to grant the lands to the nobility and gentlemen. 1570, p. 1350; 1576, p. 1153; 1583, p. 1181.

The king answered the rebels in Lincolnshire and sent the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the marquess of Exeter and the earl of Shrewsbury into Yorkshire to put down the Pilgrimage of Grace. 1570, pp. 1237-38; 1576, pp. 1059-60; 1583, pp. 1086-87.

Along with the protestant German princes, Henry refused to send delegates to the council in Mantua called by Pope Paul III. 1570, p. 1234; 1576, p. 1056; 1583, p. 1083.

The emperor and other princes requested Henry to attend the council or to send delegates. He again refused, sending a protestation. 1570, pp. 1293-94; 1576, pp. 1106-08; 1583, pp. 1132-33.

François I of France and Emperor Charles V retained Robert Granceter, a condemned traitor, and refused to hand him over to Henry VIII. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1087.

Francis I had allied himself with Pope Clement VII in marrying his son to Clement's niece. He also married his daughter to James V of Scotland, breaking an agreement with Henry VIII. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1088.

Stephen Gardiner urged Henry to withdraw his defence of religious reform in order to ensure peace within the realm and to restore good relations with foreign rulers. 1570, p. 1296; 1576, p. 1109; 1583, p. 1135.

Stephen Gardiner urged Henry VIII to use the case against John Lambert as a means of displaying the king's willingness to deal harshly with heresy. The king himself would sit in judgement. 1563, pp. 533-34; 1570, p. 1281; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, pp. 1121-22.

At the end of Lambert's trial, the king had Cromwell read the sentence of condemnation. 1563, p. 537; 1570, p. 1283; 1576, p. 1097; 1583, p. 1123.

Cromwell was instrumental in getting Edmund Bonner's nomination to the bishopric of London. He procured letters from King Henry to François I that resulted in a licence being granted to print bibles in English at the University of Paris. 1570, p. 1362; 1576, p. 1162; 1583, p. 1191.

Although Edmund Bonner performed his ambassadorial duties well as far as Henry VIII was concerned, he displeased the king of France, who asked for him to be recalled. Henry recalled him, giving him the bishopric of London, and sent Sir John Wallop to replace him. 1570, p. 1245; 1576, p. 1066; 1583, p. 1093.

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The king sent Thomas Cromwell and the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to dine with Thomas Cranmer to reassure him after his opposition to the Six Articles. 1570, p. 1298; 1576, p. 1111; 1583, p. 1136.

Henry asked for a summary of Cranmer's objections to the Six Articles. 1570, p. 1355; 1576, p. 1157; 1583, p. 1185.

Philip Melancthon wrote a letter to Henry VIII against the Six Articles. 1570, pp. 1340-44; 1576, pp. 1144-47; 1583, pp. 1172-76.

Thomas Cromwell arranged the marriage between the king and Anne of Cleeves. 1570, p. 1295; 1576, p. 1109; 1583, p. 1134.

Henry had Thomas Cromwell arrested on charges of heresy and treason. Shortly after Cromwell's execution, the king lamented his death. 1563, p. 598; 1570, p. 1360; 1576, p. 1157; 1583, p. 1185.

Henry VIII repudiated Anne of Cleves, divorced her and married Katherine Howard at the time of the execution of Cromwell. 1570, pp. 1361, 1385; 1576, pp. 1161, 1181; 1583, pp. 1190, 1210.

After Cromwell's death, the king was persuaded against the Great Bible and had sales stopped. 1570, p. 1363; 1576, p. 1163; 1583, p. 1191.

King Henry commanded that Robert Barnes, Thomas Garrard and William Jerome recant the doctrine they had been preaching. 1570, p. 1371; 1576, p. 1170; 1583, p. 1198.

King Henry wrote to Archbishop Cranmer, ordering that idolatrous images be removed from churches. 1563, p. 625; 1570, p. 1385; 1576, p. 1181; 1583, p. 1210.

For a long period, Henry VIII denied his daughter Mary the title of princess. Thomas Cranmer urged a reconciliation. 1570, p. 1565; 1576, p. 1335; 1583, p. 1396.

Katherine Parr read and studied the scriptures and discussed them with her chaplains. The king was aware of this and approved, so she began to debate matters of religion with him. When the king became more ill-tempered because of his sore leg, her enemies, especially Stephen Gardiner and Thomas Wriothesley, took the opportunity to turn the king against her. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

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Henry gave a warrant for the gathering of articles against Katherine. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

Henry told one of his physicians of the charges against Katherine; the physician was then sent to treat her when she fell ill, and he divulged the charges to her. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

The king then visited Katherine, who explained that she was ill because she feared she had displeased him. She submitted humbly to him and was forgiven. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

When Thomas Wriothesley with 40 of the king's guard came to arrest the queen and her ladies-in-waiting, he found them walking happily in the garden with the king. The king sent him away. 1570, p. 1425; 1576, p. 1214; 1583, p. 1244.

Henry gave an oration to parliament in 1545. 1570, pp. 1412-13; 1576, pp. 1203-04; 1583, pp. 1233-34.

When Claude d'Annebault, the French ambassador, went to see Henry VIII at Hampton Court, lavish entertainment was laid on for him, but he was recalled before he had received half of it. During the course of the banquet, he had private conversation with the king and Archbishop Cranmer about the reform of religion in the two countries. 1570, p. 1426; 1576, p. 1215; 1583, p. 1245.

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As long as Henry had good advisers, like Anne Boleyn, Thomas Cromwell, Thomas Cranmer, Anthony Denny and William Buttes around him, he did much to foster religious reform. 1563, p. 682; 1570, p. 1441; 1576, p. 1229; 1583, p. 1259.

During Henry VIII's final illness, Sir Anthony Browne tried unsuccessfully to get Stephen Gardiner reinstated in the king's will. 1570, p. 1478; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1291.

When Henry was on his deathbed, Anthony Denny asked him if he wished a spiritual adviser, and he asked for Thomas Cranmer. Before Cranmer could arrive, however, the king had lost the power of speech. He clasped Cranmer's hand, and shortly after died. 1570, p. 1477; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1290.

 
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Isabella of Portugal

(1503 - 1539)

Daughter of Emanuel I and Maria of Aragon, princess of Spain

Married Emperor Charles V in 1526; mother of Philip II of Spain

Charles V had promised to marry Princess Mary, daughter of Henry VIII, but bowed to objections in Spain that the marriage of her parents had been irregular. He married Isabella of Portugal instead. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

 
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Julius II (Giuliano della Rovere)

(1453 - 1513) [Kelly]

Franciscan; nephew of Pope Sixtus IV; bishop of Carpentras 1471; cardinal priest of S. Pietro in Vincoli 1471; cardinal bishop of S. Sabina; papal legate in France (1480 - 82)

Pope (1503 - 13)

Julius II gave dispensation for Prince Henry (later Henry VIII) to marry his brother's widow. 1563, p. 456; 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

The indulgences granted by Pope Leo X to the guild of Our Lady at Boston had been granted previously by Innocent VIII and Julius II and were later renewed by Clement VII. 1570, p. 1347; 1576, p. 1150; 1583, p. 1178.

 
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Lady Mary (Mary Tudor)

(1516 - 1558) [ODNB]

Mary Tudor, later Mary I, queen of England and Ireland (1553 - 58)

Charles V had promised to marry Princess Mary, daughter of Henry VIII, but bowed to objections in Spain that the marriage of her parents had been irregular. He married Isabella of Portugal instead. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

A marriage was proposed between the duke of Orleans and Princess Mary. The French raised questions of the validity of the marriage of her parents, and the proposed marriage did not take place. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

Thomas Wolsey set up a household for Princess Mary. 1563, p. 435; 1570, p. 1121; 1576, p. 960; 1583, p. 987.

William Paulet sent a letter to Princess Mary via Lord Hussey, her chamberlain, informing her she was to move her household and omitting her title. Mary wrote to her father and to the lords he sent to her, complaining of the denial of her title and legitimacy. 1570, p. 1565; 1576, p. 1335; 1583, p. 1395.

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When Nicholas Ridley visited Princess Mary at Hunsdon, she recalled the sermon he preached at the marriage of Elizabeth and Anthony Browne in the presence of King Henry. Ridley offered to preach before her, but she refused. 1570, pp. 1565-66; 1576, pp. 1335-36; 1583, p. 1396.

For a long period, Henry VIII denied his daughter Mary the title of princess. Thomas Cranmer urged a reconciliation. 1570, p. 1565; 1576, p. 1335; 1583, p. 1396.

Charles V requested of Edward VI that his cousin Mary Tudor be allowed to have the mass said in her house. The request was denied, in spite of the strong urgings of Thomas Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Mary exchanged letters with the Lord Protector and privy council, relating to her inability to adhere to the king's new laws concerning religion. The king also sent a letter to his sister, urging her to comply with the laws, to which she replied. 1576, pp. 1289-97; 1583, pp. 1332-39.

The king sent his own councillors to Mary after her servants, Rochester, Englefield and Waldegrave, had failed to prevent masses being said in her household. 1576, pp. 1296-97; 1583, pp. 1338-39.

In his will, Edward VI excluded his sister Mary from the succession because of her religious views. 1570, p. 1565; 1576, p. 1335; 1583, pp. 1395.

 
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Lorenzo Campeggi (Campeggio)

(1471/2 - 1539) [ODNB]

Born in Milan. DCnCL Bologna 1500; papal diplomat; bishop of Feltre (1512 - 20); cardinal legate 1517; sent to England 1518; bishop of Bologna (1523 - 25); bishop of Salisbury (1524 - 34); bishop of Huesca and Jaca (1530 - 34); bishop of Candia (1534 - 36)

Campeggi was one of three legates sent out to France, Germany and England when Leo X was planning to fight the Turks. Thomas Wolsey sent delegates to greet Campeggi in Calais, hoping to get himself appointed fellow legate. Campeggi complied, and within 30 days a papal bull had arrived in Calais with Wolsey's commission. 1563, p. 418; 1570, p. 1120; 1576, p. 959; 1583, p. 986.

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Campeggi was greeted with processions at every town in Kent, and then at Blackheath by the duke of Norfolk with great ceremony. From there he made his procession into London with twenty mules. 1563, p. 418; 1570, pp. 1120-21; 1576, pp. 959-60; 1583, p. 986.

Campeggi was sent back to England from Rome in 1528, when the question of the king's divorce was revived, to hear and debate the matter. Henry was disappointed in the lack of progress made by Campeggi and Wolsey. 1570, pp. 1129, 1193; 1576, pp. 967, 1021; 1583, pp. 994, 1049.

When Queen Catherine learned from the legates that they had been deputed to determine the matter of a divorce between the king and her, she composed an answer to them. Campeggi wrote down her answer in French, which was then translated by Edward Hall. 1563, pp. 456-57; 1570, pp. 1193-94; 1576, p. 1022; 1583, p. 1050.

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When the question of the king's divorce was calling into question the authority of the pope, Campeggi left for Rome. 1563, p. 458; 1570, p. 1195; 1576, p. 1023; 1583, p. 1051.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Sir Nicholas Harvey

(c. 1491 - 1532) [ODNB]

Diplomat; English ambassador to Charles V (1530 - 31)

Sir Nicholas Harvey was sent to the emperor to put the case of Henry VIII for a divorce from Catherine of Aragon. 1570, p. 1193; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Stephen Gardiner

(c. 1495x8 - 1555) [ODNB]

Theologian, administrator; BCnL Cambridge 1518; DCL 1521; DCnL 1522; chancellor of Cambridge

Principal secretary to the king 1529; ambassador to France

Bishop of Winchester (1531 - 51, 1553 - 55)

Thomas Cromwell, Thomas More and Stephen Gardiner served together in Thomas Wolsey's household. 1563, p. 592; 1570, p. 1347; 1576, p. 1150; 1583, p. 1178.

Gardiner and Edward Fox urged leniency on Cardinal Wolsey when dealing with Robert Barnes. They stood surety for him and convinced him to abjure. 1563, pp. 601-02; 1570, pp. 1364-65; 1576, pp. 1164-65; 1583, pp. 1192-93.

Stephen Gardiner was sent as ambassador to Rome by Henry VIII during the time of Clement VII to deal with the matter of the king's divorce and to promote Thomas Wolsey as pope. Both the king and Wolsey wrote letters to him. 1570, pp. 1125-28, 1193; 1576, pp. 963-66, 1021; 1583, pp. 990-92, 1049.

Shortly after Gardiner became secretary to King Henry, he and William Fitzwilliam were assigned by the king to ensure that Thomas Wolsey's goods were not stolen after his deprivation of his offices, but returned to the king. 1570, p. 1130; 1576, p. 967; 1583, p. 994.

Richard Bayfield was tried before John Stokesley, assisted by Stephen Gardiner and others. 1563, p. 484; 1570, p. 1161; 1576, p. 993; 1583, p. 1021.

John Frith was taken first to the archbishop of Canterbury at Lambeth, then to the bishop of Winchester at Croydon, and then to London to plead his case before the assembled bishops. He was examined there by the bishops of London, Winchester and Lincoln. 1563, pp. 501-03; 1570, pp. 1176-78; 1576, pp. 1006-08; 1583, pp. 1034-35.

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Andrew Hewett was examined by Stokesley, Gardiner and Longland. 1563, p. 506; 1570, p. 1180; 1576, p. 1009; 1583, p. 1036.

The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), along with the bishops of London (Stokesley), Winchester (Gardiner), Bath and Wells (Clerk) and Lincoln (Longland) and other clergy went to see Queen Catherine. She failed to attend when summoned over 15 days, and they pronounced that she and the king were divorced. 1570, p. 1200; 1576, p. 1027; 1583, p. 1055.

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Gardiner swore an oath of allegiance to Henry VIII as head of the church. 1570, p. 1203; 1576, p. 1030; 1583, p. 1057.

In his De vera obedientia, Gardiner challenged the authority of the pope and argued against the validity of the king's marriage to Catherine of Aragon. 1570, pp. 1204-06; 1576, pp. 1031-32; 1583, pp. 1058-59.

Gardiner was one of the subscribers to the Bishops' Book. 1570, p. 1211; 1576, p. 1037; 1583, p. 1064.

Gardiner was sent with a Henry VIII's answer to Francis I, king of France, regarding Henry's supremacy over the English church. 1570, p. 1221; 1576, p. 1045; 1583, p. 1072.

Gardiner was suspected of involvement in the downfall of Anne Boleyn, and urged the king to disinherit Elizabeth. 1570, pp. 1233, 1243; 1576, p. 1056; 1583, pp. 1082, 1083.

Gardiner was a resident ambassador to France in 1538, when Edmund Bonner, through the efforts of Thomas Cromwell, was brought in to replace him. There were great disagreements between the two, since Bonner at the time was in favour of reform. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1088.

The bearward who had a book belonging to Archbishop Cranmer's secretary intended giving it to Sir Anthony Browne or Stephen Gardiner. 1570, p. 1356; 1576, p. 1157; 1583, p. 1186.

In a letter to Henry VIII, Philip Melancthon called Gardiner wicked and impudent. 1570, p. 1341; 1576, p. 1145; 1583, p. 1173.

Bonner sent a declaration to Cromwell of Stephen Gardiner's evil behaviour. 1570, pp. 1241-44; 1576, pp. 1063-66; 1583, pp. 1090-92.

Gardiner urged Henry VIII to withdraw his defence of religious reform in order to ensure peace within the realm and to restore good relations with foreign rulers. 1570, pp. 1296; 1576, p. 1109; 1583, p. 1135.

Stephen Gardiner urged Henry VIII to use the case against John Lambert as a means of displaying the king's willingness to deal harshly with heresy. 1563, pp. 533-34; 1570, p. 1281; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, pp. 1121-22.

Cranmer had sent letters for Henry VIII to sign relating to reform in the church. Gardiner convinced the king that these reforms would jeopardise a league with the king of France and the emperor, so the letters were never signed. 1570, p. 1426; 1576, p. 1215; 1583, p. 1245.

Gardiner disputed with Lambert during his trial. 1563, pp. 535-36; 1570, pp. 1282-83; 1576, p. 1097; 1583, p. 1123.

Stephen Gardiner was Thomas Cromwell's chief opponent. 1563, p. 598; 1570, p. 1359; 1576, p. 1160; 1583, p. 1189.

Stephen Gardiner complained to the king about the sermon of Robert Barnes preached during Lent at Paul's Cross. He disputed with Barnes, and Richard Coxe and Thomas Robinson acted as arbiters. Gardiner then submitted articles against Barnes. 1570, p. 1371; 1576, pp. 1169-70; 1583, p. 1198.

Adam Damplip was brought before Thomas Cranmer, Stephen Gardiner, Richard Sampson and others and examined. 1563, p. 657; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1194; 1583, p. 1224.

Thomas Broke, Ralph Hare, James Cocke and James Barber were sent from Calais with their accusers to England to be examined by Cranmer, Gardiner, Sampson and other bishops. 1563, p. 661; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1195; 1583, p. 1224.

William Symonds and John London kept notes of Anthony Pearson's sermons at Windsor. They included the names of all those who frequented the sermons and reported all of these to Stephen Gardiner, who in turn reported to the king and received a commission for a search at Windsor. 1570, pp. 1389-90; 1576, p. 1185; 1583, pp. 1213-14.

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Gardiner had Simon Haynes and Philip Hoby committed to the Fleet, but their friends secured their release. 1570, p. 1390; 1576, p. 1186; 1583, p. 1214.

Gardiner conducted the third examination of John Marbeck himself. He ordered Marbeck to be placed in irons and kept in isolation. 1570, pp. 1391-92; 1576, pp. 1186-88; 1583, pp. 1215-16.

On the orders of Stephen Gardiner, John Massie took Adam Damplip to Calais. 1570, p. 1400; 1576, p. 1193; 1583, p. 1223.

John Capon and others of the judges in the trial of Marbeck, Testwood, Pearson and Filmer at Windsor sent a message to Stephen Gardiner in favour of John Marbeck. Gardiner went straight to the king and obtained a pardon. 1570, p. 1397; 1576, p. 1191; 1583, p. 1220.

After the burning of Filmer, Pearsons and Testwood, Capon sent Robert Ockham with a report to Stephen Gardiner. 1570, p. 1398; 1576, p. 1191; 1583, p. 1221.

Gardiner was one of the questioners at the second examination of Anne Askew in 1546. 1563, p. 683; 1570, p. 1417; 1576, p. 1208; 1583, p. 1237.

Katherine Parr read and studied the scriptures and discussed them with her chaplains. The king was aware of this and approved, so she began to debate matters of religion with him. When the king became more ill-tempered because of his sore leg, her enemies, especially Stephen Gardiner and Thomas Wriothesley, took the opportunity to turn the king against her. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

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Gardiner and other enemies of Katherine Parr planned to accuse and arrest Lady Herbert, Lady Lane and Lady Tyrwhit and search their quarters for books and other evidence to use against the queen. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

During Henry VIII's final illness, Sir Anthony Browne tried unsuccessfully to get Stephen Gardiner reinstated in the king's will. 1570, p. 1478; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1291.

After the death of Henry VIII, the duke of Suffolk related to Thomas Cranmer how Stephen Gardiner had nearly been arrested at the time of the execution of Germaine Gardiner. He confessed his fault to the king and was pardoned. 1570, p. 1477; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1290.

Stephen Gardiner preached a sermon contrary to King Edward's injunctions. He was arrested and taken to the Tower by Sir Anthony Wingfield and Sir Ralph Sadler; Sadler and William Hunnings were instructed to seal off doors to his house. He was transferred to the Fleet. 1563, pp. 728, 760; 1570, pp. 1521, 1529; 1576, pp. 1297, 1304; 1583, pp. 1340, 1353-54.

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Gardiner wrote to Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, the Lord Protector and others while imprisoned in the Fleet. 1563, pp. 728-54; 1570, pp. 1522-25; 1576, pp. 1297-1300; 1583, pp. 1340-50.

Gardiner was released out of the Fleet by a general pardon, but was placed under house arrest for failure to conform. Nicholas Ridley, Thomas Smith and William Cecil were sent to him. He was called before the council. 1563, p. 755; 1570, pp. 1525-26; 1576, p. 1301; 1583, p. 1351.

Gardiner was imprisoned in the Tower with Cuthbert Tunstall under Edward VI and Edward Seymour. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1296.

After Gardiner had been in the Tower for nearly a year, Sir William Paulet and Sir William Petre visited and urged him to admit his fault. Paulet, Petre, the earl of Warwick and Sir William Herbert delivered the king's letters to him. 1563, pp. 761-62; 1570, pp. 1529-30; 1576, p. 1304; 1583, p. 1354.

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Edward Seymour, John Russell, John Dudley and Sir William Petre visited Stephen Gardiner in the Tower at various times to attempt to get him to accept the king's reforms. 1563, pp. 766; 1570, p. 1532; 1576, p. 1306; 1583, p. 1356.

Articles were put to him to answer. 1563, pp. 754-68; 1570, pp. 1525-34; 1576, pp. 1300-07; 1583, pp. 1350-57.

When Sir William Herbert and Sir William Petre went to Stephen Gardiner in the Tower with new articles, they took with them a canon and a civil lawyer: Nicholas Ridley and Richard Goodrich. 1563, p. 768; 1570, p. 1534; 1576, p. 1307; 1583, p. 1357.

After Gardiner's sequestration, Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Thomas Goodrich, Henry Holbeach, Sir William Petre, Sir James Hales, Griffith Leyson, John Oliver and John Gosnold were commissioned to examine him. 1563, p. 776; 1570, p. 1535; 1576, p. 1309; 1583, p. 1358.

William Paget, Andrew Baynton and Thomas Chaloner were deponents in the case of Gardiner. 1563, pp. 814-18; 1570, p. 1536; 1576, p. 1309; 1583, p. 1359.

Gardiner was examined and deprived of his bishopric. 1563, pp. 814-67; 1570, pp. 1536-37; 1576, pp. 1309-10; 1583, pp. 1359-60.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Thomas Wolsey

(1470/71 - 1530) [ODNB]

BA Oxford 1486; MA 1497; dean of divinity 1500

Dean of York 1513; bishop of Lincoln 1514

Lord chancellor (1515 - 29); archbishop of York (1514 - 30); cardinal (1515 - 30); arrested and died on his way to the Tower

Thomas Wolsey sent delegates to greet Cardinal Campeggi, the newly appointed legate to England, in Calais, hoping to get himself appointed fellow legate. Campeggi complied, and within 30 days a papal bull had arrived in Calais with Wolsey's commission. Wolsey set up a special legate's court in England, richly furnished. 1563, p. 418; 1570, pp. 1120-21; 1576, pp. 959-60; 1583, pp. 986-87.

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Wolsey was sent as ambassador to the emperor at Brussels, taking with him the great seal of England, and behaved like a prince. He enriched himself at the expense of the religious houses and commons. 1570, p. 1121; 1576, p. 960; 1583, p. 987.

In England, Wolsey lived in great luxury. He leased Hampton Court, and then gave the lease to the king. He lodged at times at the king's manor at Richmond. 1570, pp. 1121-22; 1576, p. 960; 1583, p. 987.

Wolsey suspected that his failure to be selected pope after the death of Adrian VI was due to Richard Pace's lack of effort on his behalf. He turned the king against Pace, causing Pace to go mad. Pace recovered, but Wolsey brought charges against him and he was imprisoned in the Tower for nearly two years, leaving him in a worse mental state than before. 1570, pp. 1124-25; 1576, p. 963; 1583, pp. 989-90.

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Wolsey founded Cardinal College at Oxford, and began to build in sumptuous style. He invited the best scholars to join, many of them from Cambridge. He did not live long enough to see it completed. 1563, p. 497; 1570, p. 1174; 1576, p. 1004; 1583, p. 1032.

Thomas Wolsey, William Warham, Cuthbert Tunstall, John Fisher, Nicholas West, John Veysey, John Longland, John Clerk and Henry Standish took part in the examination of Thomas Bilney and Thomas Arthur in 1527-28. 1563, pp. 461-78; 1570, pp. 1134-46; 1576, pp. 971-81; 1583, pp. 998-1008.

Wolsey opposed the emperor because the emperor refused to support his desire to be made pope. 1563, p. 440; 1570, p. 1124; 1576, p. 962; 1583, p. 989.

Having fallen out with the emperor, Wolsey encouraged Henry VIII's divorce from Catherine of Aragon. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

Wolsey attempted to confiscate all copies of Supplication for the Beggars and discovered that the king had a copy. He was determined to forbid the reading of English books, specifically this book and Tyndale's translation of scripture. 1563, p. 449; 1570, p. 1157; 1576, p. 990; 1583, p. 1017.

After Clement VII had been taken prisoner by imperial forces, Wolsey urged Henry VIII to go to the pope's assistance. The king refused to send troops, but allowed Wolsey to take money out of the treasury to help. Wolsey then went to the French court to contribute to the ransom of Clement VII, hiring soldiers and furnishing the French army.1563, p. 439; 1570, pp. 1123; 1576, pp. 961-62; 1583, p. 988.

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Stephen Gardiner was sent as ambassador to Rome by Henry VIII during the time of Clement VII to deal with the matter of the king's divorce and to promote Thomas Wolsey as pope. Both the king and Wolsey wrote letters to him. 1570, pp. 1125-29; 1576, pp. 963-67; 1583, pp. 990-93.

Wolsey and Cardinal Campeggi had a legatine commission to consider the matter of the king's divorce. Henry began to suspect that Wolsey was not fully supportive. 1570, p. 1129; 1576, p. 967; 1583, p. 994.

When Queen Catherine learned from the legates that they had been deputed to determine the matter of a divorce between the king and her, she composed an answer to them. She blamed Wolsey as the cause of the proposed divorce. 1563, pp. 456-57; 1570, pp. 1193-94; 1576, p. 1022; 1583, p. 1050.

Wolsey became aware that King Henry favoured Anne Boleyn. 1570, p. 1195; 1576, p. 1023; 1583, p. 1051.

Articles against Wolsey were introduced to the House of Commons from the Lords. He confessed to the charges. He departed for Southwell in his diocese of York, but many of his household left him to enter the king's service. 1570, p. 1132; 1576, p. 969; 1583, p. 996.

Wolsey planned a grand enthronement at York without informing the king. The earl of Northumberland was given a commission by the king to arrest Thomas Wolsey at Cawood Castle and turn him over to the earl of Shrewsbury. Although Wolsey protested, he submitted to the arrest. He was taken to Sheffield Castle and placed in the keeping of Shrewsbury. 1570, pp. 1132-33; 1576, p. 970; 1583, p. 996.

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Sir William Kingston was sent to Sheffield Castle to take Wolsey to the Tower. Wolsey was ill, and Sir William treated him gently and made the journey in easy stages. Wolsey died at Leicester Abbey. 1570, p. 1133; 1576, p. 970; 1583, p. 996.

1073 [1049]

K. Henr. 8. Ten Annabaptists executed. Queene Anne maried. The kinges mariage iudged vnlawfull.

And thus we haue, as in a grosse summe, cōpiled together the names and causes, though not of al, yet of a great, and to great a number of good men & good women, whych in those sorowful daies (from the yere of our Lord 1527. to this present yere 1533. that is, til the comming in of Queene Anne) were manifold wayes vexed and persecuted vnder the tiranny of the Bishop of Rome. Where again we haue to note, that frō this present yeare of our Lord 1533. during the time of the sayd Quene Anne, we read of no great persecution, nor any abiuration to haue bene in the Church of Englande, Marginalia

Ten Dutchmen Annabaptists put to death. Segor, Derycke, Symon, Runa, Derycke, Dominicke, Dauid, Cornelius, Elken, Milo,

Anno. 1533.

saue onely that the Registers of London make mention of certaine Dutchmen, counted for Anabaptists, of whom 10. were put to death in sondry places of the realme. an. 1535. other 10. repented and were saued. Where note again that 2. also of the said company, albeit the diffinitiue sentence was read, yet notwithstāding were pardoned by the king, which was contrary to the Popes law. 
Commentary  *  Close

See Susan Brigden, London and the Reformation [Oxford,1989], pp. 270-71 for the background to these execiutions.

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Now to proceede forth in our matter, after that the Byshops and heads of the clergy had thus a long time taken their pleasure, excercising their cruell authoritie against the poore wasted flocke of the Lord, and began furthermore to stretch foorth their rigour and austeritie, to attach & molest also other greater persons of the temporaltie: 

Commentary  *  Close
Henry VIII's divorce

Foxe's treatment of Henry VIII's divorce from Queen Catherine of Aragon was clearly central to how he explained the coming of the protestant reformation to England. In the 1563 edition, his explanatory structure was clear and unadorned. He sought to provide 'the whole summe and matter' and to prove that it was a 'maruelous and moost gracious worke', a direct intervention of the 'holy prouidence of God', an event which would have been unthinkable for 'anye Prince within this realme' on his own, let alone any subject of it. That providence worked through the conscience of the king, by which God 'did kepe al princes and kinges so vnder him'. The problem for Foxe was that, if he were to provide the comprehensive account of the affair that he promised, it necessarily involved a complex narrative that concentrated more upon the secret and public affairs of men (and women) rather than the inner workings of divine providence. At all events, by 1570, this explicit explanatory structure, with its ringing introductory claims, was abandoned by Foxe in favour of a denser, but more circumstantiated account of the divorce, in which the point about God's providence became buried in the narrative. By concentrating on the events post-1529, Foxe conveniently ignores, of course, the longer history of the early fourteenth-century praemunire and provisor acts of the English parliament which were essential background to the parliamentary intervention in the 'King's Great Matter' in due course.

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In the 1563 edition, Foxe quickly asserts his view that the marriage of King Henry VIII to Catherine of Aragon in 1509 had been unlawful ab initio. His view was shared by many contemporaries, who thought that it contravened both divine law and human legal custom (so-called 'impediments'). It contravened divine law in that Catherine had been married to Henry's elder brother Arthur. When he died, it was considered imperative by all parties (Henry VII, Ferdinand of Aragon and Isabella of Castile) that the marriage tie between England and Spain continue, but a papal dispensation was necessary as the subsequent marriage contravened divine law as spelled out in Leviticus (18.16 and 20.21). In other words, there was both an impediment of affinity and of a consanguinity relationship (within forbidden degrees) between Catherine and Henry. Affinity was understood in one of two ways, however, in either 'biblical' or 'canonical' forms. The former (as outlined in Leviticus) arose out of the 'sponsalia' only, that is the 'matrimonium ratum', for which consummation was irrelevant (unlike in the case of the latter and out of which consanguinity or the blood relationship developed). There was a contemporary opinion (e.g. that of William Warham) that even with a papal dispensation the subsequent marriage would be unlawful (see BL, Cott. MSS, Vit. B, xii, fol.123v; L&P, iv:iii, 5774) and certain complications over the dispensation itself, when it was granted by Pope Julius II, were raised. In the event, while the full dispensation was being considered, Queen Isabella of Castile, near death, demanded action and was sent a rather hastily written papal brief (subsequently known as the 'Spanish Brief') dated 26 December 1503 (actually despatched in the autumn of 1504). This was known in England [see, L&P, i, p.243] and the brief was believed to be an inexact version of the bull. Later legal difficulties arose over the Latin word 'forsan' ('perhaps') which appears in the bull but not in the brief with regard to the consummation of the earlier marriage. (For a view of the bull and the brief that reflects some of these contemporary perceptions, see Edward Lord Herbert of Cherbury, The Life and Raigne of King Henry the Eighth (London, 1649), pp. 264ff.) While the brief acknowledged consummation, the bull merely stated that it was probable. This question mark over the consummation, despite the definition of affinity, was a matter for heated opinions for which no definitive theological evidence existed, and over which opinion (among the divines, ancient Fathers and canonists) was divided well into the sixteenth-century (see Andrew A Chibi, Henry VIII's Conservative Scholar (Bern, 1997), pp.23ff; J. J. Scarisbrick, Henry VIII [Berkeley, 1968], pp.163ff). In 1504 there were also certain financial matters to be faced. King Henry VII had been slow in making treaty-related payments to King Ferdinand of Aragon as he and Queen Isabella had not completed their 'dowry' obligations. Henry VIII stalled the new marriage to put pressure on his ally, which raised rumours that Catherine was actually pregnant, rumours exacerbated by the delay in created prince Henry as 'Prince of Wales'. The king also had the prince record a formal protest against the marriage (he was fourteen, considered of age, while the marriage had been negotiated without his prior consent). When Henry became king in 1509, he married Catherine nine weeks after his accession, despite theological opinion. These other legalities and political tactics would be brought up again in due course. Human legal custom (not obligatory) had been contravened in that the impediment of 'public honesty', which arose from the apparent non-fulfilment of the original marriage contract (non-consummation), had not been officially addressed in any contemporary documents. For a difference of opinion, cf. Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, pp.184-97 and Jasper Ridley, Thomas Cranmer (London, 1962), pp.37ff. These were all delicate issues. In a quite remarkable revision of his presentation, Foxe is much less strident about the 'unlawfulness' of the marriage in 1570 and later editions. It was 'very straunge and hard, for one bother to mary the wife of an other'. This enabled him to place the emphasis elsewhere - on the advice that Henry VIII received from learned theologians on the matter in Europe's universities; and to heap blame on the papacy for its role in the affair.

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To make the point that the marriage had been 'unlawful', Foxe somewhat exaggerates the point by saying that 'all universities' in the 1563 edition had found it to be so. He nuances the point in the editions after 1570. No university in Germany was found to give a positive determination, and many of the positive determinations were predicated upon the belief that Catherine's first marriage was consummated (over which there is a question mark). However, twelve positive determinations were sent, several of which were published as a preface to a book detailing the theological conclusions of the king's scholars, written by Stokesley, Fox and de Burgo and translated into English by Thomas Cranmer. The twelve positive determinations of 1530 come from Oxford (8 April) - gained by Fox, Longland and Bell; Cambridge (9 March) - gained by Fox and Gardiner; the canon law faculty of Paris (25 May) - gained by Stokesley, Fox and Reginald Pole; the divinity faculty of Paris (2 July) - gained by Stokesley, Fox and Pole; Angers (7 May); Bourges (10 June); Bologna (10 June); Orléans (5 April); Toulouse (1 October); Padua (1 July), Ferrara and Pavia (no dates mentioned). The text of some of these can be found in The Divorce Tracts of Henry VIII, ed. by Edward Surtz and Virginia Murphy (Angers, 1988), pp.5-27. There was a related problem of determining how valuable these university opinions were. Many modern scholars (e.g., Rex, Scarisbrick) have said that they had limited value in that they were bought and paid for (see, Rex Fisher, p. 163; Scarisbrick, Henry VIII, p. 256). Others (e.g., Chibi, Farge) have examined in more detail how the royal scholars solicited and interpreted the advice they received (see Andrew A Chibi, Henry VIII's Bishops [Cambridge, 2003], pp.110-2; James K Farge, 'The Divorce Consultation of Henry VIII', in Orthodoxy and Reform in Early Reformation France: The Faculty of Theology of Paris, 1500-1543 [Leiden, 1985], pp.135-43).

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Foxe was convinced in the 1563 that the pope's dispensation in respect of the marriage was unlawful - an early indication to those who had eyes to see of the fundamental flaws in the papal claims to authority in such matters. The question of whether the pope had sufficient authority to dispense with divine law in certain cases (that one the various faculties and doctors determined on) assumed that the previous marriage had been consummated. While it is interesting to go through the various evidences put forward one way or another, the fact of the matter is that the three central figures to the events, Catherine, Henry and Arthur, all had agendas to pursue, so anything they say is questionable in hindsight. For instance, when Henry first married Catherine, he said she was a virgin, a claim which assured the legitimacy of any premature births. Later, when he claimed she had not been a virgin, it suited the king's need for it to be nullified.

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Foxe was aware that a full account of the 'Great Matter' had to account for where the royal doubts about the validity of his marriage had come from. In 1563, Foxe formulates what still remain the three main avenues of scholarly investigation. Either Wolsey first suggested there was a problem, or the Spanish ambassador, or the king himself developed a scruple. In the 1570 edition and beyond, Foxe nuances his account, suggesting that it was a royal doubt, nurtured by the discussions over the possible marriage of Princess Mary, firstly to the Emperor Charles V (arranged through the so-called Treaty of Windsor, 1522) and then, when that fell through (the Infanta Isabel, or Isabella of Portugal being eventually married to Charles V, at Seville, 10 March 1526) by another potential marriage proposal to the French duke of Orléans, where there was a parallel problem, pointed out to him in the negotiations by a président of the Parlement of Paris. That said, Foxe is equally clear that Wolsey had a role in fomenting the king's doubts. In fact, we now know that Wolsey had already expressed them guardedly as early as 1518 (Calendar of State Papers, i (i & ii), i, p.1). What is undeniable is the issue that Foxe does not comment on, allowing the king's oration to do so for him (it would perhaps have been imprudent to dwell on it too much in 1570, or in subsequent editions): that after nine years of marriage, Henry did not have a male heir and this placed the Tudor dynasty on unsteady ground.

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Andrew ChibiUniversity of Leicester

so it fell, that in þe beginning of the next or 2. yere following, which was an. 1534. a parlament was called by the king, about the 15. day of Ian. MarginaliaComplaynt of the Cōmons against the Clergy. Ex Edw. Hallo. A Parliament. an. 1534.In the which parlament, the commons renuing their old griefes, complained of the cruelty of the Prelates & Ordinaries, for calling men before them Ex Officio. MarginaliaCrueltye of the Clergye against the temporaltie.For suche was then the vsage of the Ordinaries and theyr Officials, that they would send for men, & lay accusations to them of heresie, onely declaring to them, that they were accused, and would minister Articles to them, but no accuser should be brought forth: wherby the cōmons was greuously anoyed & oppressed, for the party so acited, must eyther abiure, or do worse, for purgatiō he might none make.

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As these matters were long debating in the Common house, as last it was agreed, that the temporall men should put their griefs in wryting, and deliuer them to the King. Whereuppon the 18. day of Marche, the common speaker accompanied wyth certaine Knights and Burgeses of the common house, came to the Kyngs presence, and there declared, how the temporal men of his Realme were sore agreeued with the cruell demainour of the Prelates & Ordinaries, which touched theyr bodies and goodes so neare, that they of necessitie were inforced to make their humble sute by their speaker vnto hys grace, to take such order and redresse in the case, as to his high wisedome myghte seeme most conuenient. &c.

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Vnto this request of the commons, although the King at that time gaue no present graunt, but suspended them with a delay, yet notwythstanding this sufficiently declared the grudging mindes of the temporal men, against the spiritualtie, lacking nothing but Gods helping hande to woorke in the kings heart for reformation of suche things, whych all they did see to be out of frame. MarginaliaGods helping hand in time of neede.Neyther did the Lordes diuine prouidence faile in time of neede, but eftsones ministred a ready remedy in time expedient. He saw the pride and cruelty of the spirituall clergy grown to such an height, as was intollerable. He sawe againe and heard the groning hearts, the bitter affictions of hys oppressed flocke, his truth decaied, his religion prophaned, the glorie of his sonne defaced, his church lamentably wasted: wherfore it was high time for his high Maiestie to looke vppon the matter (as he did in deede) by a straunge & wonderous meanes, whych was through the kings diuorsement from Lady Katherine Dowager, and marying with lady Anne Bullen, in this present yeare: which was the first occasion and beginning of all this publike reformation, which hath followed since in this Churche of England to thys present day, according as ye shall heare.

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The mariage betwene king Henry VIII. and Queene Anne Bullen, and Queene Katherine diuorced.

MarginaliaQueene Anne maryed, and Lady Katherine diuorced.IN the first entrie of this kings raigne, yee hearde before, pag. 800. howe after the death of Prince Arthur, the Ladie Katherine Princes Dowager and wife to Prince Arthur, by the consent bothe of her father and of his, and also by the aduise of the nobles of thys realme, to the ende her dowrie might remaine stil within the realme, was espoused after the decease of her husbande, to hys nexte brother, which was this king Henrie.

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MarginaliaK. Henry maryeth his brothers wife.This mariage seemed very straunge and hard, for one brother to marie the wife of an other. But what can be in thys earth so harde or difficulte, wherewyth the Pope, the omnipotent Vicare of Christe, can not by fauour dispense,if it please him? MarginaliaThe Pope dispenseth for the brother to mary the brothers wife.The pope which then ruled at Rome, was Pope Iulius the second, by whose dispensation, thys mariage, which neither sense of nature wold admit, nor Gods lawe woulde beare, was concluded, approoued and ratified, and so continued as lawfull, without any dout or scruple, the space neare of 20. yeares, till about the time, that a certaine doubt began first to be mooued by the Spanyards MarginaliaThe Spaniardes first doubted of the kings mariage. themselues of the Emperours counsaile. An. 1523. at what time Charles the Emperour being here in England, promised to marye the Lady Mary daughter to the Kynge of England, with the which promise the Spanyardes themselues were not well contented, obiecting this among many other causes, that the saide Ladie Marie was begotten of the king of England by his brothers wife.

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Wherupon the Emperour forsaking that mariage, did couple himself with Lady Isabel, daughter to king Emanuell of Portugall. Which Mariage was done in the yere of our Lorde 1526. After thys Mariage of the Emperour, the next yeare following, King Henrie being disappoynted thus of the Emperour, entred talke, or rather was laboured too by the French Ambassadours, for the sayde Lady Mary to be maried to the Frenche kinges sonne, Duke of Orliance. Vpon the talke whereof, after long debating, at length the matter was put of by a certaine doubt of the President of Paris, casting the like obiection as the Spanyardes had done before, that was, whether the Maryage betwene the king & the mother of this Lady Mary, MarginaliaThe secōd doubt whether the Lady Mary was rightly borne. which had bene his brothers wife before, were good or no. And so the mariage twise vnluckely attempted, in like sorte brake of againe and was reiected: whych happened in the yere of our Lord. 1527.

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The king vpon the occasion hereof casting many things in his minde, began to consider the cause more depely, first with himselfe, after with certaine of hys nearest counsaile, wherein two things there were which chiefly pricked hys minde, MarginaliaTwo perlexityes in the kings minde. wherof the one touched his conscience, the other cōcerned the state of his Realme. For if that Mariage wyth his brothers wife stode vnlawfull by the law of God, then neither was his conscience cleare in reteining the mother nor yet the state of the realme firme by succession of the daughter. It happened the same tyme that the Cardinall MarginaliaCardinall Wolsey a helper to the kinges diuorce. which was then nearest about the king, had fallē out with the Emperour, for not helping him to þe Papacy, as ye before haue heard: for the which cause he helped to set the matter forward, by all practise he might. Thus the king perplexed in his conscience, and carefull for þe common wealth and partly also incited by the Cardinall, coulde not so rest, but inquired further, to feel what the word of God & learning woulde say vnto it. Neither was the case so hard, after it began once to come in publicke question, but that by the worde of God and the iudgements of the best learned clerkes, and also by the censure of the chiefe Vniuersities of all Christendome, to the number of x. and moe, MarginaliaThe iudgements of 10. or 12. Vniuersityes agaynst the kinges maryage. Orleance Paris. Tolouse, Angiewe. Bononye. Padua. The facultye of Paris. Bytures. Oxforde. Cambridge. it was soone discussed to be vnlawfull.

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All these censures, bookes and writinges of so manye Doctors, Clerks, and Vniuersities sent from all quarters of Christendome, to the king albeit they might suffice to haue full resolued and did in deede resolue the kinges consciēce touching this scruple of his mariage: yet would not 

Commentary  *  Close

Foxe is being very subtle here. Henry was allied with Charles V at this point against France and could not yet afford to forgo this arrangement. Foxe is also not mentioning that the pope was in the emperor's power, since Rome had been sacked by imperial troops on 6 May 1527.

he streight way vse that aduauntage whiche learning dyd geue him, vnles hee had withall the assent, as well of the Pope: as also the Emperour: wherein he perceaued no litle difficultie. For the Pope, he thought, seing the mariage was authorised before, by the dispensation of his predecessour, would hardly turne hys keyes about, to vndoe that which the Pope before him had locked: & much lesse would he suffer those keyes to be foyled, or to come in anye doubt which was like to come, if that mariage were prooued vndispensable by Gods woorde, which his predecessour, thorough his plenary power had licenced before. Againe the Emperour, he thought, would be no lesse hard for his part on the other side, for as much as the sayd Lady Katherine was the Emperours neare aunt and a Spaniarde borne. Yet neuertheles his purpose was to prooue and feele what they both would say vnto it, & therefore sent Steuen Gardiner to Rome 
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Gardiner and Edward Foxe were sent to Rome (more precisely to Orvieto where the pope was then residing) in February 1528.

, to way with Pope Clement. To the Emperour was sent Syr Nicolas Heruy knight, ambassador in the Court of Gaunt 
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Foxe is here referring to Sir Nicholas Harvey who was Henry VIII's ambassador to the emperor in 1530. The imperial ambassador in England, Eustace Chapuys, suggested that Harvey was also a partisan of Anne Boleyn (for which, see Calendar of State Papers, Spain, iv/i, p.586). Harvey left England in late June 1530, arriving in Augsburg (8 July) in the midst of the famous Luther trial.

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. Firste Pope Clement, not weying belike, the full importaunce and sequele of the matter, sent Cardinal Campeius MarginaliaCampeius the Popes Legate. (as is sayde) into Englande, ioyned with the Cardinal of Yorke.

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At the comming of which Legates, MarginaliaThe kinges perswasion to the Legate.the King first opening vnto them the griefe of hys conscience, seemed wyth great reasons and persuasions, sufficiently to haue drawne the good will of those two Legates to his side. Who also of their owne accord, pretended no lesse but to shew a willing inclination to further the kinges cause. But yet the mouthes of the common people, and in especial of women, and

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