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Augustine Packington

Mercer of London, living at Antwerp [Fines]

Augustine Packington favoured William Tyndale, but pretended otherwise to Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of London, then in Antwerp. He offered to procure all the unsold copies of Tyndale's New Testament held by the merchants in the city if Tunstall would provide the money to buy them. Packington then paid Tyndale for the books, and Tyndale immediately had them reprinted. 1563, p. 443; 1570, pp. 1158-59; 1576, p. 991; 1583, p. 1019.

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Cuthbert Tunstall

(1475 - 1559) [ODNB]

DCnL, DCL from Padua by 1505; diplomat; keeper of the privy seal (1523 - 30)

Bishop of London (1522 - 30); bishop of Durham (1530 - 52, 1553 - 59)

William Carder, Agnes Grebill and Robert Harrison were tried for heresy in 1511 before William Warham, Cuthbert Tunstall, Gabriel Sylvester, Thomas Wells and Clement Browne. All three were condemned to burn. 1570, pp. 1454-55; 1576, p. 1240; 1583, pp. 1276-77.

After William Tyndale went to London, he tried to enter the service of Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of London, but was unsuccessful. 1570, pp. 1225-26; 1576, p. 1049; 1583, pp. 1075-76.

Thomas Wolsey, William Warham, Cuthbert Tunstall, John Fisher, Nicholas West, John Veysey, John Longland, John Clerk and Henry Standish took part in the examination of Thomas Bilney and Thomas Arthur in 1527-28. Wolsey committed the hearing to Tunstall. 1563, pp. 461-78; 1570, pp. 1134-46; 1576, pp. 971-81; 1583, pp. 998-1008.

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Thomas Bilney wrote five letters to Tunstall. 1563, pp. 465-73; 1570, pp. 1140-47; 1576, pp. 977-81; 1583, pp. 1003-08.

Bilney initially refused to recant and asked to introduce witnesses; this request was refused by the bishop of London because it was too late in the proceedings. Bilney was given two nights to consult with his friends. 1563, p. 479; 1570, p. 1140; 1576, p. 977; 1583, p. 1003.

In 1526 Tunstall issued prohibitions to his archdeacons, calling in New Testaments translated into English and other English books. 1563, pp. 449-50; 1570, pp. 1157-58; 1576, pp. 990-91; 1583, pp. 1017-18.

Augustine Packington favoured William Tyndale, but pretended otherwise to Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of London, then in Antwerp. He offered to procure all the unsold copies of Tyndale's New Testament held by the merchants in the city if Tunstall would provide the money to buy them. Packington then paid Tyndale for the books, and Tyndale immediately had them reprinted. 1563, p. 443; 1570, pp. 1158-59; 1576, p. 991; 1583, p. 1019.

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Thomas Wolsey, having obtained large sums from the king's treasury, went to the French court to contribute to the ransom of Clement VII, hiring soldiers and furnishing the French army. He took with him Cuthbert Tunstall, William Sandys, the earl of Derby, Sir Henry Guildford and Sir Thomas More. 1563, p. 439; 1570, p. 1123; 1576, p. 962; 1583, p. 988.

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John Tewkesbury was examined before Cuthbert Tunstall, Henry Standish and John Islip. 1563, p. 490; 1570, p. 1165; 1576, p. 996; 1583, p. 1024.

After Richard Bayfield returned to England, he was arrested, tried by Cuthbert Tunstall and abjured. 1563, p. 484; 1570, p. 1161; 1576, p. 993; 1583, p. 1021.

Tunstall was translated to the see of Durham after Thomas Wolsey was deprived of office. 1570, p. 1130; 1576, p. 968; 1583, p. 994.

Tunstall swore an oath of allegiance to Henry VIII as head of the church. 1570, p. 1203; 1576, p. 1030; 1583, p. 1057.

Tunstall preached a sermon on Palm Sunday in front of King Henry in which he attacked the pope's claimed authority. 1570, pp. 1206-10; 1576, pp. 1033-36; 1583, pp. 1060-63.

Tunstall was one of the subscribers to the Bishops' Book. 1570, p. 1211; 1576, p. 1037; 1583, p. 1064.

Bishops Stokesley and Tunstall wrote a letter to Cardinal Pole in Rome, urging him to give up his support of the supremacy of the pope. 1563, pp. 613-20; 1570, pp. 1212-16; 1576, pp. 1037-42; 1583, pp. 1065-68.

Tunstall disputed with John Lambert at his trial before the king. 1563, p. 536; 1570, p. 1283; 1576, p. 1097; 1583, pp. 1123.

Tunstall was imprisoned in the Tower with Stephen Gardiner under Edward VI and Edward Seymour. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1296.

Tunstall was a deponent in the case of Gardiner. 1563, pp. 828-29, 855.

 
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Dr Heyre

Dr Heyre was present at the burning of Peke in Ipswich in 1515. 1570, p. 1292; 1576, p. 1106; 1583, pp. 1131-32.

 
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Dr Redding

Present at the burning of Peke in Ipswich in 1515

Dr Redding struck Peke on the shoulder and tried to get him to recant. He then promised 40 days' pardon for anyone who threw wood onto the fire. 1570, p. 1292; 1576, p. 1106; 1583, pp. 1131-32.

 
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Dr Springwell

Dr Springwell was present at the burning of Peke in Ipswich in 1515. 1570, p. 1292; 1576, p. 1106; 1583, pp. 1131-32.

 
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John Incent

(d. 1545) [Emden; Fasti]

BCL Oxford by January 1507; DCL 1513; notary public by 1507; dean of St Paul's (1540 - 45)

John Incent was present and agreed to the pronouncement of sentence against Richard Bayfield. 1563, p. 489; 1570, p. 1164; 1576, p.996 ; 1583, p. 1024.

Robert Packington was shot dead on his way to mass. John Incent, dean of St Paul's, confessed on his deathbed to having hired an Italian to murder Packington. 1563, p. 526; 1570, p. 1291; 1576, p. 1105; 1583, p. 1131.

 
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John Longland

(1473 - 1547) [ODNB]

Scholar, preacher; BTh Oxford by 1509; DTh by 1511; dean of Salisbury 1514

Bishop of Lincoln (1521 - 1547); royal confessor 1524

Thomas Wolsey, William Warham, Cuthbert Tunstall, John Fisher, Nicholas West, John Veysey, John Longland, John Clerk and Henry Standish took part in the examination of Thomas Bilney and Thomas Arthur in 1527-28. 1563, pp. 461-78; 1570, pp. 1134-46; 1576, pp. 971-81; 1583, pp. 998-1008.

Thomas Harding was brought before Bishop Longland to be examined. Longland condemned him as a relapse, and he was sentenced to be burnt. 1570, p. 1117; 1576, p. 956; 1583, p. 983.

John Longland took part in the examination of John Tewkesbury. 1563, p. 491; 1570, pp. 1165-66; 1576, p. 997; 1583, p. 1025.

John Frith was examined in London by the bishops of London, Winchester and Lincoln. Stokesley pronounced the sentence of condemnation. 1563, pp. 501-04; 1570, pp. 1176-78; 1576, pp. 1006-08; 1583, pp. 1034-35.

Andrew Hewett was examined by Stokesley, Gardiner and Longland. 1563, p. 506; 1570, p. 1180; 1576, p. 1009; 1583, p. 1036.

Other Lollards were brought before Longland to be examined, confess and abjure. 1570, pp. 1118-20; 1576, pp. 957-59; 1583, pp. 984-86.

The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), along with the bishops of London (Stokesley), Winchester (Gardiner), Bath and Wells (Clerk) and Lincoln (Longland) and other clergy went to see Queen Catherine. She failed to attend when summoned over 15 days, and they pronounced that she and the king were divorced. 1570, p. 1200; 1576, p. 1027; 1583, p. 1055.

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Longland was one of the subscribers to the Bishops' Book. 1570, p. 1211; 1576, p. 1037; 1583, p. 1064.

Longland attended a synod in 1537 with other bishops and learned men and with Thomas Cromwell as vicar-general. Longland favoured retaining the seven sacraments. 1563, p. 594; 1570, p. 1351; 1576, p. 1153; 1583, p. 1182.

Longland preached a sermon against the pope's supremacy in front of the king at Greenwich on Good Friday in 1538. 1570, pp. 1250-54; 1576, pp. 1071-74; 1583, pp. 1097-1100.

Mark Cowbridge went mad, was condemned by John Longland and burnt in Oxford. 1563, p. 574; 1570, p. 1292; 1576, p. 1105; 1583, p. 1131.

Longland and Anthony Draycot were active in enforcing the Six Articles within the diocese of Lincoln. 1570, p. 1382; 1576, p. 1179; 1583, p. 1207.

 
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Nicholas Harpsfield

(1519 - 1575) [ODNB]

Religious controversialist; historian

BCL Oxford 1543; at Louvain 1550; DCL Oxford 1554; friend of Thomas More, wrote his biography; archdeacon of Canterbury (1554 - 59); imprisoned for twelve years under Elizabeth, continued writing

In 1566 he published, under the name of Alan Cope, a large work rebutting the Magdeburg Centuries and Foxe's Acts and Monuments

Foxe accuses Harpsfield of using Sir Thomas More's authority to discredit Foxe's account of Thomas Bilney. 1570, p. 1148; 1576, p. 983; 1583, p. 1010.

Alan Cope (Nicholas Harpsfield) wrote of 24 Catholic martyrs under King Henry. 1570, p. 1375; 1576, p. 1173; 1583, p. 1201.

 
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Peke

(d. 1515) [ODNB sub Robert Curson]

Burnt at Ipswich

Peke lived at Earls Stoneham and was burnt at Ipswich. He refused to recant at his burning. 1570, p. 1292; 1576, p. 1106; 1583, pp. 1131-32.

 
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Puttedew

(d. c. 1538) [Fines]

of Suffolk; martyr

Puttedew jested with the priest for drinking all the wine and was condemned to be burnt. 1563, p. 574; 1570, p. 1292; 1576, p. 1106; 1583, p. 1131.

 
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Robert Collins

Commissary of Canterbury diocese. [BCL 1522 Foster

Foxe states that Collins was the cardinal's factor before coming to England 1563, p. 1229, 1570, pp. 1851-52, 1576, pp. 1585-86, 1583, p. 1672.

Robert Collins demanded that Bland return the following day but Bland did not appear, due to urgent business. Bland wrote a letter regarding this. 1563, p. 1223, 1570, p. 1847, 1576, p. 1580, 1583, p. 1668.

Bland asked that Richard Thornden, bishop of Dover, and Robert Collins, commissary, be present at the disputation over the sacrament between Nicholas Harspfield and Bland. 1563, p. 1222, 1570, p. 1846, 1576, p. 1580, 1583, p. 1668.

On 28 May Nicholas Harpsfield had the mayor's sergeant bring John Bland before him, and Robert Collins, in Thornden's house. Foxe reports the talk between Harspfield, Collins and Bland. 1563, pp. 1220-21, 1570, pp. 1845-46, 1576, pp. 1579-80, 1583, p. 1667.

Around 28 June Bland returned to Collins, where he proceeded against Bland before Master Cockes of Sturray and Markes the apparitor. 1563, p. 1223, 1570, p. 1847, 1576, p. 1581, 1583, p. 1668.

Bland remained in the castle of Canterbury until 2 March, when he was taken to the chapter house of Christ Church (Canterbury), to the suffragen of Canterbury, Master Collins, Master Mylles and others, then to Master Oxenden, Master Petit, Master Webbe and Master Hardes (these were all justices). 1563, p. 1224, 1570, p. 1848, 1576, p. 1581, 1583, p. 1669.

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Bland and Collins argued over abiding by the laws of the realm and of the sacrament. 1563, pp. 1224-25, 1570, p. 1849, 1576, pp. 1582-83, 1583, pp. 1669-70.

Nicholas Sheterden discussed eucharistic doctrine with the archdeacon Nicholas Harpsfield and Robert Collins. 1563, pp. 1231-32, 1570, p. 1853, 1576, pp. 1585-86, 1583, pp. 1673-74.

William Cokar was examined before Nicholas Harpsfield, Richard Thornden, Faucet and Robert Collins; he answered and was condemned. 1563, p. 1249, 1570, p. 1867, 1576, p. 1598, 1583, p. 1688.

Richard Colliar was examined before Nicholas Harpsfield, Richard Thornden, Faucet, and Robert Collins; he answered and was condemned. 1563, p. 1249, 1570, p. 1867, 1576, p. 1598, 1583, p. 1688.

Anthony Burwarde was examined by Nicholas Harpsfield and Thornden, 3 August. 1563, p. 1273.

William Hopper was examined before Nicholas Harpsfield, Richard Thornden, Faucet, and Robert Collins; he answered and was condemned. 1563, p. 1249, 1570, p. 1867, 1576, p. 1598, 1583, p. 1688.

Henry Lawrence was examined before Nicholas Harpsfield, Richard Thornden, Faucet, and Robert Collins; he answered and was condemned. 1563, p. 1249, 1570, p. 1867, 1576, p. 1598, 1583, p. 1688.

William Sterne was examined before Nicholas Harpsfield, Richard Thornden, Faucet, and Robert Collins; he answered and was condemned. 1563, p. 1250, 1570, p. 1868, 1576, p. 1599, 1583, p. 1688.

John Newman was examined before Thornden, Collins and others. 1583, pp. 1686-87.

Richard Wright was examined before Nicholas Harpsfield, Thornden, bishop of Dover, Faucet and Robert Collins; he answered and was condemned. 1563, p. 1249, 1570, p. 1867, 1576, p. 1598, 1583, p. 1688.

Collins took part in the examination of John Lomas, Agnes Snotten, Anne Albright, Joan Sole, and Joan Catmer. 1563, p. 1470, 1570, p. 2032, 1576, p. 1751, 1583, p. 1859.

John Newman was examined by Thornden and others, among whom was Robert Collins. 1570, pp. 2134-35, 1576, pp. 1856-57, 1583, pp. 1950-51.

Talk took place between Sir John Baker, Collins and Edmund Allin. 1570, pp. 2165-66, 1576, pp. 1870-71, 1583, pp. 1979-80.

Matthew Plaise was examined by Thornden, Nicholas Harpsfield and Collins. 1570, pp. 2169-71, 1576, pp. 1873-75, 1583, pp. 1982-83.

 
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William (Mark) Cowbridge

(d. 1538); of Colchester [Fines]

William Cowbridge, along with many others, abjured. 1570, p. 1191; 1576, p. 1019; 1583, p. 1048.

Cowbridge went mad, was condemned by John Longland and burnt in Oxford. 1563, pp. 574-75; 1570, p. 1292; 1576, p. 1105; 1583, p. 1131.

 
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William Leiton

(d. 1537) [Fines]

Monk of Eye, Suffolk; burnt at Norwich

William Leiton was burnt at Norwich for speaking against an image customarily carried in procession at Eye and for favouring communion in both kinds. 1563, p. 574; 1570, p. 1292; 1576, p. 1106; 1583, p. 1131.

 
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Earl Stoneham [Earlestonham]

Suffolk

OS grid ref: TM 115 585

 
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Eye

[Aye]

Suffolk

OS grid ref: TM 145 735

 
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Ipswich
Ipswich, Ipswiche
NGR: TM 170 440

A borough in the liberty of Ipswich, county of Suffolk. 25 miles south-east by east from Bury St. Edmunds, 69 miles north-east from London. The borough comprises the parishes of St. Clement, St. Helen, St. Lawrence, St. Margaret, St. Mary at Elms, St. Mary at the Quay, St. Mary Stoke, St. Mary at the Tower, St. Mathew, St. Nicholas, St. Peter, St. Stephen, Witham with Thurlstone, and part of Westerfield; all within the Archdeaconry of Suffolk and Diocese of Norwich. St. Clement with St. Helen is a rectory in charge; St. Mary Stoke is a rectory; St. Mathew and St. Stephen are discharged rectories; St. Lawrence, St. Margaret, St. Mary at Elms, St. Mary at Quay, St. Mary at the Tower, St. Nicholas and St. Peter are perpetual curacies

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English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)

Scottish information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Scotland (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1846)

Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)

The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.

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Norwich
NGR: TG 230 070

A city and county of itself, locally in the hundred of Humbleyard, county of Norfolk, of which it is the capital. 108 miles north-east by north from London. The city comprises 33 parishes, and the liberty of the city a further four. Of these 37, three are rectories, 12 are discharged rectories, three are vicarages, one is a discharged vicarage, and 18 are perpetual curacies. St Andrew, St Helen, St James, St Paul and Lakenham are within the peculiar jurisdiction of the Dean and Chapter; the rest are in the Archdeaconry and Diocese of Norwich, of which the city is the seat.

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Further information:

Andrews church (now St Andrews Hall) is at the junction of St Andrews Street and Elm Hill.

English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)

Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)

The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.

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Oxford

OS grid ref: SP 515 065

County town of Oxfordshire; university town

 
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Smithfield

in the northwest part of the city of London

OS grid ref: TQ 31574 81732

Historic livestock market and place of execution

1155 [1131]

K. Hen. 8. Collins with his dogge burned. Cowbridge, Leiton Peke, burned.

with a gunne, which of þe neighbours was plainly heard: and by a great nūber of labourers standing at Soper lane end, he was both seene to go foorth of his house, and the clap of the gunne was heard, but the deede dooer was a greate while vnespied and vnknowne. Although manye in the meane time were suspected, yet none could be founde faultie therein. The murtherer so couertly was conueied, tyll at length by the confession of Doctour Incent Deane of Paules in his death bed, it was knowne, and by him confessed, þt he himselfe was the authour thereof, MarginaliaDoct. Incent Deane of Paules, murderer of Packington. by hiring an Italian for lx. crownes or thereabout, to do the feate 

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In the Rerum (p. 146), Foxe claimed that John Stokesley, the bishop of London, ordered the murder of Packington. In 1563, Foxe amended this to claim that John Incent, the dean of St. Paul's, ordered the murder, adding the detail that the killer was an Italian. In neither case, should it be assumed that Foxe was inventing these details; instead he was almost certainly relating hot gossip about the murder. (Note Foxe's claim that he could produce witnesses in support of his story; see next comment). Yet the fact that there were rumours implicating Stokesley and Incent in Packington's murder does not, of course, make them true. (For the background to the murder see Peter Marshall, 'The Shooting of Robert Packington' in Religious Identities in Henry VIII's England (Aldershot, 2006), pp. 61-79).

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. For the testimonie whereof, and also of the repentaunt wordes of the said Incent, the names both of thē which heard him confesse it, and of thē which heard the witnesses report it, remayne yet in memorie, to be produced, if neede required. 
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The cause why he was so litle fauored with the clergie, was this, for that he was knowen to be a mã of great courage, & one that could both speake, & also would be heard: for at þe same time he was one of the burgesses of the Parlamēt for the city of Londõ, & had talked somwhat against the couetousnes & cruelty of the clergie, wherefore he was had in cõtempt with them, and was thought also to haue some talke with the King, for the whiche he was the more had in disdaine with them, & murthered by the sayde Doctour Incent for his labour, as hath bene aboue declared.

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And thus muche of Rob. Packington, whiche was the brother of Austen Packington aboue mentioned, who deceiued bishop Tonstal, in bying the new translated Testament of Tyndall. Whose pitious murther, although it was priuie and soden, yet hath it so pleased the Lorde, not to keepe it in darkenes, but to bring it at length to light.

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The burning of one Collins at London.

MarginaliaCollins with his dogge burned.NEither is here to be omitted the burning of one Collins, sometime a Lawyer & a Gentleman, which suffered the fire this yeare also in Smithfielde, anno. 1538. 

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The evidence would point to Collins being burned in July 1540 (A chronicle of England during the reigns of the Tudors, ed. W. D. Hamilton. Camden Society, new series 11 and 20 [2 vols., London, 1875 and 1877], I, p. 119).

Whom although I do not here recite, as in the number of Gods professed martyrs, yet neither do I thinke him to be cleane sequestred from the companye of the Lordes saued flocke and family, notwithstanding that þe bish. of Romes Church did condemne and burne him for an heretike: but rather do recount him therefore, as one belonging to the holy company of Saints. At leastwise this case of hym and of his end may be thought to be such, as may well reproue and condemne their crueltie and madnesse, in burning so without all discretion, this man being madde and distract of his perfect wittes, as he then was, by this occasion as heere followeth. 
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The preceding passages were added to the account of Collins. Rather surprisingly, Harpsfield did not criticise Foxe for including Collins among the martyrs. Nevertheless, Foxe's remarks indicate his defensiveness on this subject after Harpsfield's attack on his account of Cowbridge.

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This Gentleman 

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There are several conflicting accounts of why William Collins was executed. Writing in 1529, Thomas More claimed that 'mad Collins…lasheth out Scripture in bedlam' (Dialogue Concerning Heresies, ed. Thomas Lawler, Germain Marc'hadour and Richard Marius, CWTM, 6 [2 vols., New Haven, CT, 1981], I, p. 433). This suggests at the very least that Collins's mental instability and engagement with evangelicalism were of longer duration than Foxe implies. Collins, however, was almost certainly in prison when More wrote. Later William Collins wrote to Sir Nicholas Hare and declared that he had been in prison for thirteen years, although he had never been convicted or charged with a crime. He denied that he was insane, thanked Hare for trying to free him and begged him to show the letter to the king (TNA SP 1/242, fo. 229r). Probably around the same time, Collins wrote to Cromwell, begging that he be released from the Marshalsea (TNA SP 1/144, fos. 154r-155r). These petitions must have been successful, because William Collins was a free man in 1536, when he was hauled before the Common Council and charged with shooting an arrow at the rood in St Margaret Pattens and for despising and railing against the sacraments (Corporation of London Record Office, Journal 13, fo. 476r). Richard Hilles, a London merchant and evangelical, reported to Heinrich Bullinger that sometime after 16 May (Whitsuntide) 1540 a 'crazed man' named Collins was burned and that his offence was purportedly shooting an arrow at a crucifix, declaring that the cross should be able to defend itself. (Hilles did not doubt that Collins committed this action, but his suspicion was that Hilles's real crime was denouncing certain nobles for exploiting their dependents). Hilles also reported that Collins seemed perfectly rational when he was imprisoned with the sacramentarian John Lambert and that he supplied Lambert with texts to use in his defence (Original Letters Relative to the English Reformation, ed. Hastings Robinson, Parker Society [2 vols., Cambridge, 1846-7], I, pp. 200-201). Finally Charles Wriothesley noted Collins, a 'sacramentary', was burned at Southwark on 7 July 1540 (A chronicle of England during the reigns of the Tudors, ed. W. D. Hamilton. Camden Society, new series 11 and 20 [2 vols., London, 1875 and 1877], I, p. 119).

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had a wife of exceeding beautie and comelines, but notwithstanding of so light behaueour and vnchaste conditions (nothing correspõdent to the grace of her beautie) that she forsaking her husband, whiche loued her entirely, betok her self vnto another paramour. Which thing when he vnderstood, he tooke it very greeuously and heauily, more then reason woulde. At the last being ouer-

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¶ Collins with his dogge burned.
woodcut [View a larger version]
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The image was made to commemorate a man whose reported offences included shooting an arrow into a crucifix as well -- according to Foxe's account -- as parodying the elevation of the host by holding up his dog . If the stories about this gentleman included doubts of his sanity, they cohere in demonstrating an opposition to idolatry conspicuous enough to cause his death. Foxe, while ready to make the most of this event (the date of which seems unsure) including the burning of the hapless hound, was not prepared to grant Collins a crown of martyrdom. CUL copy: additional orange-toned spots are added freehand to the dog in this copy. WREN copy: the spots on the dog (freehand embellishment) are in an orange-purple colour.

come with exceedyng dolour and heanynesse, he fell mad, beyng at that tyme a student of the law in London. When he was thus rauished of his wittes, by chaunce hee came into a Church where a Priest was saying Masse, & was come to the place where they vse to hold vp and shewe the Sacrament.

Collins beyng beside his wittes, seyng the Priest holdyng vp the host ouer his head, & shewing it to the people, he in like maner counterfeityng the Priest, MarginaliaCollyns burned for holding vp a dogge at Masse. tooke vp a litle dogge by the legges, and held him ouer his head, shewyng him vnto the people. For this he was by and by brought vnto examination, and condēned to the fire, and was burned, and the dogge with him, the same yeare of our Lord in the which Iohn Lambert was burned. 1538.

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The burnyng of Cowbridge at Oxford. anno. 1538 
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In the Rerum, Foxe gave the date of Cowbridge's burning as 1536 (Rerum, p. 129); in 1563, he gave it as 1539. Harpsfield criticised Foxe for giving the incorrect dates and accurately observed that Cowbridge was burned in 1538 (Dialogi sex, p. 855). It appears from a letter that Bishop John Longland wrote to Thomas Cromwell that William Cowbridge was burned at Oxford after - probably shortly after - 22 July 1538 (L&P 13 (1), pp. 529-30).

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.

WIth this foresayd Collins, may also be adioyned the burnyng of Cowbridge, MarginaliaCowbridge burnt at Oxforde. who likewise beyng mad, & beside his right senses 

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Foxe is emphasising Cowbridge's alleged insanity as a fallback position after having badly embarrassed himself. In the Rerum, Foxe stated that he witnessed the burning of Cowbridge at Oxford in 1536 (actually 1538). In this narrative, Foxe claimed that Cowbridge was arrested and imprisoned in the Bocardo (the town prison of Oxford) where his reason was undermined by hunger and lack of sleep. He thereupon said many foolish things and rumours spread that there was a heretic at Oxford who could not bear to hear the name of Christ and the common people were persuaded that he should die. He was burned at the stake, but died with great tranquillity (Rerum, p. 139). In 1563, Foxe added details to this account - including some rather accurate ones about Cowbridge's family and background (William Cowbridge's father had been twice elected bailiff of Colchester (this was the city's highest municipal office) and he died in 1510. Margaret Cowbridge, William's mother, was charged with heresy on 15 July 1528 and purged herself on 17 July (BL, Harley MS 421, fo. 30v. Purging oneself was a means of gaining acquittal by having people of good status and reputation swear on oath to one's innocence of the charges. The fact that Margaret Cowbridge could provide such witnesses so quickly is an indication of her own status). For this family information, Foxe clearly consulted well-informed sources in Colchester. Another sign of how well Foxe researched this matter is that Foxe prints articles charged against Cowbridge, which he claims he obtained from a copy sent to the Lord Chancellor (It was very unusual for the charges against a heretic to be listed when notification was sent to Chancery of the heretic's condemnation. The documents Foxe saw where probably sent to Audley as a result of Cromwell's intervention in the case). The first article Foxe presents matches the eighth article against Cowbridge as copied into Bishop John Longland's register. The second article Foxe presents appears to be a garbled version - probably distorted by Foxe - of the fourth article against Cowbridge, which stated that neither the apostles nor the doctors of the Church knew how a sinner could be saved (Lincolnshire Archives Office, Register 26, fo. 284v).

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Harpsfield raised a number of cogent objections to Foxe's account of the proceedings against Cowbridge, observing (in particular) that Cowbridge was tried in an ecclesiastical court and not by the theologians at Oxford, as Foxe claimed. Drawing 'on certain narratives of grave and pious men, who were not only eye-witnesses to the burning, like Foxe, but some of them also to what happened to Cowbridge at Oxford, men moreover, who were not boys at the time, as was your Foxe, but mature in age and judgement'. Harpsfield then described Cowbridge's examinations, trial and condemnation in detail (Dialogi sex, pp. 853-857). Harpsfield related that after Cowbridge was condemned, Bishop Longland had him sent to Oxford, in the hopes that the theologians there could save his soul before he was burned (Dialogi sex, p. 857). Most strikingly, Harpsfield produced a list of heretical beliefs which Cowbridge admitted holding. These are shortened and simplified, but basically accurate, versions of articles confessed to by Cowbridge and recorded in Bishop Longland's register; it is clear that Harpsfield drew directly or indirectly on the register (cf. Dialogi sex, pp. 859-60 with Lincolnshire Archives Office, Register 26, fos. 284v-285r). Among other things, Harpsfield accurately observed that Cowbridge declared Christ the deceiver, not the redeemer, of the world, that everyone who believed in the name of Christ was damned to hell, but that Jesus was good and that Christ's words at the Last Supper should be translated as 'This is my body by which the people shall be cheated and deceived' (Dialogi sex, pp. 859-60).

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Faced with Harpsfield's well-documented criticisms, Foxe beat a hasty retreat in his second edition. He dropped his claim that Cowbridge was driven insane through mistreatment. He also deleted a sympathetic account of Cowbridge's background and life. Instead of defending Cowbridge, Foxe rather lamely declared that Cowbridge was insane and that burning a madman only demonstrated the Antichristian cruelty of the Catholic (Here Foxe is trying to turn Harpsfield's demonstration of the unorthodox nature of Cowbridge's beliefs to his polemical advantage. Since Cowbridge held outrageous religious beliefs, he therefore must have been insane. And the burning of a madman simply confirmed the cruelty of the Catholic prelates).

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Thomas S. Freeman.

, was either the same, or the next yeare folowyng, condēned by Longland, Byshop of Lyncolne, and committed to the fire by him to be burnt at Oxford. What his opinions and Articles were, wherewith he was charged, it needeth not here to rehearse. For as he was then a man mad, and destitute of sense and reason, so his wordes and sayinges could not be sound. Yea rather, what wise man would euer collect Articles agaynst him, whiche sayd, he could not tell what? And if his Articles were so horrible and madde, as Cope in his Dialogues MarginaliaCope in hys Dialogues. doth declare them, then was he in my iudgement, a man more fitte to be sent to Bethlehem, then to bee had to the fire in Smithfield to be burned. 
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Here Foxe is trying to turn Harpsfield's demonstration of the unorthodox nature of Cowbridge's beliefs to his polemical advantage. Since Cowbridge held outrageous religious beliefs, he therefore must have been insane. And the burning of a madman simply confirmed the cruelty of the Catholic prelates.

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For what reason is it to require reason of a creature madde or vnreasonable, or to make heresie of the wordes of a senselesse man, not knowyng what he affirmed.

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But this is the maner and propertie of this holy mother Church of Rome, that what soeuer commeth in their handes and inquisition, to the fire it must. There is no other way: neither pitie that will moue, nor excuse that will serue, nor age that they will spare, nor any respect almost that they consider: as by these two miserable exãples both of Collins and Cowbridge, it may appeare. Who rather should haue bene pitied, and all wayes conueniēt sought, hoe to reduce the seely wretches into their right myndes agayne, according as the true Pastours of Israell be commaūded by the spirite of God, to seeke agayne the thynges that be last, to bynd vp the thynges that be broken &c. and not so extremely to brust the thyngs that be bruised before. But to ende with this matter of Cowbridge, what soeuer his madnesse was before, or how soeuer erroneous his Articles were (which for the fonde fantasies of them, I do not expresse) yet as touching his end, this is certaine, that in the middest of the flame, MarginaliaThe right confession of Cowbridge, at his departing.he liftyng vp his head to heauen, soberly and discretly called vppon the name of the Lord Iesus Christ, and so departed.

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¶ William Leiton and Puttedew Martyrs.

MarginaliaPuttedew Martired.ABout the same tyme & yeare, or not much before, when Iohn Lãbert suffered at London, there was one Puttedew 

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This account essentially related about Puttedew in the Rerum (p. 165). Foxe apparently never learned anything more about this obscure figure.

also condemned to the fire, about the parts of Suffolke, who commyng into the Church, and meryly tellyng the Priest, that after he had dronke vp all the wyne alone, he afterwarde blessed the hungry people with the emptie Chalice, was for the same immediately apprehended, and shortly after burned, leauyng to vs an experiment. MarginaliaProuer. Non est bonum ludere cum impiis.Quàm parum sit tutum ludere cum sanctis, as the olde saying was then: but rather as we may see now. Quàm malè tutum sit ludere cum impijs. 
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MarginaliaW. Leyton, Martyr.The other, Williã Leyton, was a Mõke 

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This account simply repeats what Foxe said about Leiton in the Rerum (p. 165). Foxe apparently learned nothing new about this obscure individual.

of Aye, in the Countie of Suffolke & was burned at Norwich, for speakyng agaynst a certaine Idole, which was accustomed to be carried about the Processions at Aye: & also for holding that the Sacramentall Supper ought to bee adminstred in both kyndes, about the yeare and tyme aforesayd.

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¶ The burning of one Peke at Ipswich.

MarginaliaN. Peke burned at Ipswich, Martyr.IN the burnyng of an other Suffolke man, named N. Peke dwellyng sometyme at Earlestonhã, and burnt at Ipswich, somewhat before the burnyng of these aforesayd 

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Thanks to a local informant, in the 1570 edition, Foxe was able to replace his meagre account of Peke, with this detailed, and probably accurate of Peke's execution. This is a reminder of the importance of local informants to Foxe's work.

thus I finde it recorded and testified: That when as hee beyng fast bound to a stake, and Furse set on fire round about him, was so scorched, that he was as blacke as soote, one Doctour Redyng there stãding before him, with Doctour Heyre and Doct. Springwell, hauyng a long white, wande in his hand, did knocke him vpon the right shoul-

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der
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