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John Lambert (formerly Nicholson)

(d. 1538) [ODNB]

of Norfolk; religious radical; BA Cambridge 1519/20; imprisoned for heresy 1531-32; accused again and tried in 1538; burnt at Smithfield

John Lambert was converted at Cambridge by Thomas Bilney and Thomas Arthur. 1563, pp. 482, 527; 1570, p. 1255; 1576, p. 1075; 1583, p. 1101.

Lambert translated works from Latin and Greek to English and then went abroad to join William Tyndale and John Frith. He became preacher to the English house in Antwerp. 1563, pp. 527-28; 1570, p. 1255; 1576, p. 1075; 1583, p. 1101.

He was accused by Barlow in Antwerp and brought from there to London, where he was examined at Archbishop Warham's house at Otford before Warham and others. Forty-five articles were put to him which he answered. Warham then died and Lambert was unbothered for a time because Thomas Cranmer replaced Warham and Anne Boleyn married the king. Lambert taught children Greek and Latin in London. 1563, pp. 528, 533-69; 1570, pp. 1255-80; 1576, pp. 1075-1095; 1583, pp. 1101-21.

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Lambert attended a sermon preached by John Taylor at St Peter's in London in 1538. Lambert put ten articles to him questioning transubstantiation. Taylor conferred with Robert Barnes, who persuaded Taylor to put the matter to Archbishop Cranmer. Cranmer called Lambert into open court, where he was made to defend his cause. 1563, pp. 532-33; 1570, pp. 1280-81; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, p. 1121.

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Stephen Gardiner urged Henry VIII to use the case against John Lambert as a means of displaying the king's willingness to deal harshly with heresy. The king himself would sit in judgement. 1563, pp. 533-34; 1570, p. 1281; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, pp. 1121-22.

Lambeth wrote an apology of his cause to King Henry. 1563, p. 538; 1570, pp. 1285-91; 1576, pp. 1099-1105; 1583, pp. 1124-30.

At his trial, Lambert disputed with Cranmer, Gardiner, Tunstall, Stokesley and ten other bishops. At the end, the king had Thomas Cromwell read the sentence of condemnation. On the day of Lambert's execution, Cromwell asked for his forgiveness. 1563, pp. 533-37, 569; 1570, pp. 1281-84; 1576, pp. 1095-98; 1583, pp. 1121-24.

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Stephen Gardiner recalled hearing Thomas Cranmer reason against John Lambert. 1563, p. 756; 1570, p. 1526; 1576, p. 1301; 1583, p. 1351.

 
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Stephen Gardiner

(c. 1495x8 - 1555) [ODNB]

Theologian, administrator; BCnL Cambridge 1518; DCL 1521; DCnL 1522; chancellor of Cambridge

Principal secretary to the king 1529; ambassador to France

Bishop of Winchester (1531 - 51, 1553 - 55)

Thomas Cromwell, Thomas More and Stephen Gardiner served together in Thomas Wolsey's household. 1563, p. 592; 1570, p. 1347; 1576, p. 1150; 1583, p. 1178.

Gardiner and Edward Fox urged leniency on Cardinal Wolsey when dealing with Robert Barnes. They stood surety for him and convinced him to abjure. 1563, pp. 601-02; 1570, pp. 1364-65; 1576, pp. 1164-65; 1583, pp. 1192-93.

Stephen Gardiner was sent as ambassador to Rome by Henry VIII during the time of Clement VII to deal with the matter of the king's divorce and to promote Thomas Wolsey as pope. Both the king and Wolsey wrote letters to him. 1570, pp. 1125-28, 1193; 1576, pp. 963-66, 1021; 1583, pp. 990-92, 1049.

Shortly after Gardiner became secretary to King Henry, he and William Fitzwilliam were assigned by the king to ensure that Thomas Wolsey's goods were not stolen after his deprivation of his offices, but returned to the king. 1570, p. 1130; 1576, p. 967; 1583, p. 994.

Richard Bayfield was tried before John Stokesley, assisted by Stephen Gardiner and others. 1563, p. 484; 1570, p. 1161; 1576, p. 993; 1583, p. 1021.

John Frith was taken first to the archbishop of Canterbury at Lambeth, then to the bishop of Winchester at Croydon, and then to London to plead his case before the assembled bishops. He was examined there by the bishops of London, Winchester and Lincoln. 1563, pp. 501-03; 1570, pp. 1176-78; 1576, pp. 1006-08; 1583, pp. 1034-35.

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Andrew Hewett was examined by Stokesley, Gardiner and Longland. 1563, p. 506; 1570, p. 1180; 1576, p. 1009; 1583, p. 1036.

The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), along with the bishops of London (Stokesley), Winchester (Gardiner), Bath and Wells (Clerk) and Lincoln (Longland) and other clergy went to see Queen Catherine. She failed to attend when summoned over 15 days, and they pronounced that she and the king were divorced. 1570, p. 1200; 1576, p. 1027; 1583, p. 1055.

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Gardiner swore an oath of allegiance to Henry VIII as head of the church. 1570, p. 1203; 1576, p. 1030; 1583, p. 1057.

In his De vera obedientia, Gardiner challenged the authority of the pope and argued against the validity of the king's marriage to Catherine of Aragon. 1570, pp. 1204-06; 1576, pp. 1031-32; 1583, pp. 1058-59.

Gardiner was one of the subscribers to the Bishops' Book. 1570, p. 1211; 1576, p. 1037; 1583, p. 1064.

Gardiner was sent with a Henry VIII's answer to Francis I, king of France, regarding Henry's supremacy over the English church. 1570, p. 1221; 1576, p. 1045; 1583, p. 1072.

Gardiner was suspected of involvement in the downfall of Anne Boleyn, and urged the king to disinherit Elizabeth. 1570, pp. 1233, 1243; 1576, p. 1056; 1583, pp. 1082, 1083.

Gardiner was a resident ambassador to France in 1538, when Edmund Bonner, through the efforts of Thomas Cromwell, was brought in to replace him. There were great disagreements between the two, since Bonner at the time was in favour of reform. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1088.

The bearward who had a book belonging to Archbishop Cranmer's secretary intended giving it to Sir Anthony Browne or Stephen Gardiner. 1570, p. 1356; 1576, p. 1157; 1583, p. 1186.

In a letter to Henry VIII, Philip Melancthon called Gardiner wicked and impudent. 1570, p. 1341; 1576, p. 1145; 1583, p. 1173.

Bonner sent a declaration to Cromwell of Stephen Gardiner's evil behaviour. 1570, pp. 1241-44; 1576, pp. 1063-66; 1583, pp. 1090-92.

Gardiner urged Henry VIII to withdraw his defence of religious reform in order to ensure peace within the realm and to restore good relations with foreign rulers. 1570, pp. 1296; 1576, p. 1109; 1583, p. 1135.

Stephen Gardiner urged Henry VIII to use the case against John Lambert as a means of displaying the king's willingness to deal harshly with heresy. 1563, pp. 533-34; 1570, p. 1281; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, pp. 1121-22.

Cranmer had sent letters for Henry VIII to sign relating to reform in the church. Gardiner convinced the king that these reforms would jeopardise a league with the king of France and the emperor, so the letters were never signed. 1570, p. 1426; 1576, p. 1215; 1583, p. 1245.

Gardiner disputed with Lambert during his trial. 1563, pp. 535-36; 1570, pp. 1282-83; 1576, p. 1097; 1583, p. 1123.

Stephen Gardiner was Thomas Cromwell's chief opponent. 1563, p. 598; 1570, p. 1359; 1576, p. 1160; 1583, p. 1189.

Stephen Gardiner complained to the king about the sermon of Robert Barnes preached during Lent at Paul's Cross. He disputed with Barnes, and Richard Coxe and Thomas Robinson acted as arbiters. Gardiner then submitted articles against Barnes. 1570, p. 1371; 1576, pp. 1169-70; 1583, p. 1198.

Adam Damplip was brought before Thomas Cranmer, Stephen Gardiner, Richard Sampson and others and examined. 1563, p. 657; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1194; 1583, p. 1224.

Thomas Broke, Ralph Hare, James Cocke and James Barber were sent from Calais with their accusers to England to be examined by Cranmer, Gardiner, Sampson and other bishops. 1563, p. 661; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1195; 1583, p. 1224.

William Symonds and John London kept notes of Anthony Pearson's sermons at Windsor. They included the names of all those who frequented the sermons and reported all of these to Stephen Gardiner, who in turn reported to the king and received a commission for a search at Windsor. 1570, pp. 1389-90; 1576, p. 1185; 1583, pp. 1213-14.

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Gardiner had Simon Haynes and Philip Hoby committed to the Fleet, but their friends secured their release. 1570, p. 1390; 1576, p. 1186; 1583, p. 1214.

Gardiner conducted the third examination of John Marbeck himself. He ordered Marbeck to be placed in irons and kept in isolation. 1570, pp. 1391-92; 1576, pp. 1186-88; 1583, pp. 1215-16.

On the orders of Stephen Gardiner, John Massie took Adam Damplip to Calais. 1570, p. 1400; 1576, p. 1193; 1583, p. 1223.

John Capon and others of the judges in the trial of Marbeck, Testwood, Pearson and Filmer at Windsor sent a message to Stephen Gardiner in favour of John Marbeck. Gardiner went straight to the king and obtained a pardon. 1570, p. 1397; 1576, p. 1191; 1583, p. 1220.

After the burning of Filmer, Pearsons and Testwood, Capon sent Robert Ockham with a report to Stephen Gardiner. 1570, p. 1398; 1576, p. 1191; 1583, p. 1221.

Gardiner was one of the questioners at the second examination of Anne Askew in 1546. 1563, p. 683; 1570, p. 1417; 1576, p. 1208; 1583, p. 1237.

Katherine Parr read and studied the scriptures and discussed them with her chaplains. The king was aware of this and approved, so she began to debate matters of religion with him. When the king became more ill-tempered because of his sore leg, her enemies, especially Stephen Gardiner and Thomas Wriothesley, took the opportunity to turn the king against her. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

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Gardiner and other enemies of Katherine Parr planned to accuse and arrest Lady Herbert, Lady Lane and Lady Tyrwhit and search their quarters for books and other evidence to use against the queen. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

During Henry VIII's final illness, Sir Anthony Browne tried unsuccessfully to get Stephen Gardiner reinstated in the king's will. 1570, p. 1478; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1291.

After the death of Henry VIII, the duke of Suffolk related to Thomas Cranmer how Stephen Gardiner had nearly been arrested at the time of the execution of Germaine Gardiner. He confessed his fault to the king and was pardoned. 1570, p. 1477; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1290.

Stephen Gardiner preached a sermon contrary to King Edward's injunctions. He was arrested and taken to the Tower by Sir Anthony Wingfield and Sir Ralph Sadler; Sadler and William Hunnings were instructed to seal off doors to his house. He was transferred to the Fleet. 1563, pp. 728, 760; 1570, pp. 1521, 1529; 1576, pp. 1297, 1304; 1583, pp. 1340, 1353-54.

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Gardiner wrote to Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, the Lord Protector and others while imprisoned in the Fleet. 1563, pp. 728-54; 1570, pp. 1522-25; 1576, pp. 1297-1300; 1583, pp. 1340-50.

Gardiner was released out of the Fleet by a general pardon, but was placed under house arrest for failure to conform. Nicholas Ridley, Thomas Smith and William Cecil were sent to him. He was called before the council. 1563, p. 755; 1570, pp. 1525-26; 1576, p. 1301; 1583, p. 1351.

Gardiner was imprisoned in the Tower with Cuthbert Tunstall under Edward VI and Edward Seymour. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1296.

After Gardiner had been in the Tower for nearly a year, Sir William Paulet and Sir William Petre visited and urged him to admit his fault. Paulet, Petre, the earl of Warwick and Sir William Herbert delivered the king's letters to him. 1563, pp. 761-62; 1570, pp. 1529-30; 1576, p. 1304; 1583, p. 1354.

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Edward Seymour, John Russell, John Dudley and Sir William Petre visited Stephen Gardiner in the Tower at various times to attempt to get him to accept the king's reforms. 1563, pp. 766; 1570, p. 1532; 1576, p. 1306; 1583, p. 1356.

Articles were put to him to answer. 1563, pp. 754-68; 1570, pp. 1525-34; 1576, pp. 1300-07; 1583, pp. 1350-57.

When Sir William Herbert and Sir William Petre went to Stephen Gardiner in the Tower with new articles, they took with them a canon and a civil lawyer: Nicholas Ridley and Richard Goodrich. 1563, p. 768; 1570, p. 1534; 1576, p. 1307; 1583, p. 1357.

After Gardiner's sequestration, Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Thomas Goodrich, Henry Holbeach, Sir William Petre, Sir James Hales, Griffith Leyson, John Oliver and John Gosnold were commissioned to examine him. 1563, p. 776; 1570, p. 1535; 1576, p. 1309; 1583, p. 1358.

William Paget, Andrew Baynton and Thomas Chaloner were deponents in the case of Gardiner. 1563, pp. 814-18; 1570, p. 1536; 1576, p. 1309; 1583, p. 1359.

Gardiner was examined and deprived of his bishopric. 1563, pp. 814-67; 1570, pp. 1536-37; 1576, pp. 1309-10; 1583, pp. 1359-60.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Thomas Cromwell

(in or bef. 1485 - 1540) [ODNB]

Lawyer; king's secretary; chief minister

Earl of Essex 1540; beheaded gruesomely

Thomas Cromwell was the son of a smith. He had an impressive memory and was skilled in languages. He was retained by the English merchants in Antwerp as clerk. He accompanied Geoffrey Chambers to Rome to obtain indulgences for the guild of Our Lady in Boston. 1570, p. 1346; 1576, p. 1149; 1583, pp. 1177-78.

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As a young man Cromwell fought with the French at Garigliano. He was then destitute in Italy and was helped by the Italian merchant banker Francesco Frescobaldi. Cromwell years later repaid him with generous interest when Frescobaldi was impoverished in England. 1570, pp. 1357-58; 1576, pp. 1158-59; 1583, pp. 1186-87.

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Cromwell confessed to archbishop Cranmer that he had been wild in his youth. He was at the siege of Rome with the duke of Bourbon. 1570, p. 1346; 1576, p. 1149; 1583, pp. 1177-78.

Cromwell, Thomas More and Stephen Gardiner served together in Thomas Wolsey's household. 1563, p. 592; 1570, p. 1347; 1576, p. 1150; 1583, p. 1178.

Cromwell was one of Wolsey's chief councillors and was active in the dissolution of the monasteries. After Wolsey's fall and his departure to Southwell, Cromwell entered the king's service. 1570, pp. 1132, 1347; 1576, pp. 969, 1150; 1583, pp. 996, 1179.

Cromwell was knighted, made master of the jewels and admitted to the king's council. Two years later he was made master of the rolls. Shortly before the birth of Prince Edward, Cromwell was created earl of Essex and appointed viceregent. 1570, p. 1348; 1576, p. 1151; 1583, p. 1179.

Cromwell discovered and made public fraudulent miracles. 1570, p. 1359; 1576, p. 1160; 1583, p. 1188.

Elizabeth Barton prophesied that if the king divorced Queen Catherine and married Anne Boleyn, he would not reign more than a month thereafter. Through the efforts of Cranmer, Cromwell and Latimer, she was condemned and executed with some of her supporters. 1570, p. 1199; 1576, p. 1026; 1583, pp. 1054-55.

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Cromwell urged King Henry to destroy the monastic houses and to grant the lands to the nobility and gentlemen. 1570, p. 1350; 1576, p. 1153; 1583, p. 1181.

Edward Lee was sent, under Cromwell, to visit the monasteries and nunneries to release all those in religious orders who wished to leave. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, p. 1043; 1583, p. 1070.

Cromwell gave an oration at the synod in 1537 of bishops and learned men. 1570, p. 1351; 1576, p. 1153; 1583, p. 1182.

Gardiner was a resident ambassador to France in 1538, when Edmund Bonner, through the efforts of Thomas Cromwell, was brought in to replace him. Bonner owed his major preferments to Cromwell. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1088.

Bonner sent a declaration to Cromwell of Stephen Gardiner's evil behaviour. 1570, pp. 1241-44; 1576, pp. 1063-66; 1583, pp. 1090-92.

Through the efforts of Cromwell, the destruction of the abbeys and religious houses was accomplished. 1570, p. 1255; 1576, p. 1075; 1583, p. 1101.

At the end of John Lambert's trial, the king had Cromwell read the sentence of condemnation. On the day of Lambert's execution, Cromwell asked for his forgiveness. 1563, pp. 537, 569; 1570, pp. 1283-84; 1576, pp. 1097-98; 1583, pp. 1123-24.

The king sent Cromwell and the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to dine with Thomas Cranmer to reassure him after his opposition to the Six Articles. 1570, p. 1298; 1576, p. 1111; 1583, p. 1136.

The wife of Thomas Broke wrote to Thomas Cromwell, complaining of the way the imprisoned men in Calais, especially her husband, were treated. Cromwell wrote to the commissioners in Calais, commanding that Broke and a number of others be sent to England. 1563, p. 666; 1570, p. 1405; 1576, p. 1198; 1583, p. 1227.

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Cromwell was instrumental in obtaining Edmund Bonner's nomination to the bishopric of London. Cromwell procured letters from King Henry to Francois I that resulted in a licence being granted to print bibles in English at Paris. 1570, p. 1362; 1576, p. 1162; 1583, p. 1191.

When printing of English bibles was stopped in Paris, Cromwell got the presses and types sent to London. 1570, p. 1362; 1576, p. 1163; 1583, p. 1191.

Stephen Gardiner was Cromwell's chief opponent. Cromwell had other enemies as well, and in 1540 he was suddenly arrested in the council chamber and committed to the Tower. He was charged with heresy and treason. 1563, p. 598; 1570, p. 1359; 1576, pp. 1160-61; 1583, p. 1189.

Cromwell, having made an oration and prayer, was beheaded by an incompetent axeman. 1563, p. 598; 1570, pp. 1361-62; 1576, p. 1162; 1583, p. 1190.

Stephen Gardiner recalled that Cromwell spent a day and a half investigating a matter between Sir Francis Bryan and Gardiner, finally declaring Gardiner an honest man. 1563, p. 756; 1570, p. 1526; 1576, p. 1301; 1583, p. 1351.

 
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Vicenza

[Vincence]

Veneto, Italy

Coordinates: 45° 33' 0" N, 11° 33' 0" E

1157 [1133]

K. Hen. 8. The kinges letter to the Emperour and other christian kinges.

deceites, craftes, and subtleties of the papistes, & also how much we desire that controuersies in religion may once be taken away.

MarginaliaThis Councell of Mantua which the pope proroged, he afterward transferred to VincenceAll that we sayde there of Mantua, may here well be spoken of Vincence. They do almost agree in al poyntes. Neither is it like, that there will be any more at this coūcell at Vincence, then were the last yere at Mantua. Truely he is worthy to be deceiued, þt being twise mocked, wyll not beware the third time. If any this last yeare MarginaliaThis was the yeare 1537. made forth toward Mantua, and being halfe on theyr way, then perceiued that they had taken vpon them that iourney in vayne, we do not think them so foolish, that they will here after ride farre out of towne to be mocked. The time also and the state of thinges is such, that matters of Religion may rather now be brought further in trouble (as other things are) thē be commodiously intreated of and decided. MarginaliaThis time vnmeete for a generall Councell and why?For whereas in maner the whole world is after such sorte troubled with warres, so incombred with the great preparations that the Turke maketh, can there be any man so against the setling of religion, that he will thinke this time meet for a generall Councell? Vndoubtedly it is meet that such controuersies as we haue with the Bishop of Rome, be taken as they are, that is, much greater then that they may either be discussed in this so troublesome a time, or els be committed vnto proctors, without our great ieopardy, albeit the time were neuer so quiet.

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MarginaliaNeyther the iudge, nor the place conuenient for a general Councell.What other princes will doe, we can not tell: but we will neither leaue our realme at this time, neither wil we trust any Proctor with our cause, wherein the whole stay and wealth of our Realme standeth, but rather we will be at the handling thereof our selfe. For except both an other Iudge be agreed vpon for those matters, and also a place more commodious be prouided for the debating of our causes, albeit all other thinges were as we would haue them, yet may we lawfully refuse to come or send any to this pretended Councel. We will in no case make him our arbeter, which not many yeres past, our cause not heard, gaue sentence agaynst vs. We will that such doctrine, as we folowing þe Scripture, do professe, be rightly examined, discussed, and brought to the Scripture, as to the onely touchstone of true learning.

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MarginaliaSpoken like a king.We will not suffer them to be abolished, ere euer they be discussed, ne to be oppressed, before they be known: much lesse we will suffer them to be troden down being so clearly true. No, as there is no iote in Scripture, but we will defend it, though it were with ieopardy of our life, and peril of this our Realme: so is there nothing that doth oppresse this doctrine, or obscure it, but we will be at continuall warre therewt. MarginaliaWould God the king here had kept promise when he made the 6. articles.As we haue abrogated al old popish traditions in this our Realme, which eyther did help his tyranny, or encrease his pride: so if the grace of God forsake vs not, we will well foresee, that no new naughty traditions be made with our consent, to blinde vs or our Realme.

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If mē will not be willingly blind, they shall easily see euen by a due and euident proofe in reason, though grace doth not yet by the word of Christ enter into them, how small the authority of the Bishop of Rome is, by the lawfull deniall of the Duke of Mantua for the place. For if the Bishop of Rome did earnestly intend to keepe a Coūcell at Mantua, and hath power by the law of God, to call Princes to what place him liketh: why hath he not also authority to chuse what him listeth: The Bishop chose Mantua: the Duke kept him out of it. If Paule the Bishop of Romes authority be so great as he pretendeth, why could he not compell Fridericus the Duke of Mantua, that the Councell might be kept there? MarginaliaThe Duke of Mantua deniethe the Pope his Citie for his Councell.The Duke would not suffer it. No, he forbad him his towne.

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How chaunceth it, that here excommunications flee not abroade? Why doth he not punish this Duke? Why is his power, that was woont to be more then full, here empty? wont to be more then all, here nothing? Doth he not call men in vayn to a Councell, if they that come at his calling be excluded the place, to the which he calleth them? May not kinges iustly refuse to come at his call, when the Duke of Mantua may deny him the place that he chooseth? MarginaliaIf the Popes authority may be stopped by a Duke, what authority then hath he ouer kinges and Emperours.If other Princes order him as the Duke of Mantua hath done, what place shalbe left him, where he may keepe hys generall Councell?

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Agayne, if Princes haue geuen him this authoritye to call a councell, is it not necessary, that they geue him also al those thinges, without the which he can not exercise that his power? Shall he call men, and will ye let him to finde no place to call them vnto? Truely he is not woont to appoynt one of his owne cityes, a place to keep the Councell in. No, the good man is so faythfull and frendly toward other, that seldome he desireth Princes to be his gestes.

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And admitte he shoulde call vs to one of his Cittyes, shoulde we safely walke within the walles of such our enemies towne? Were it meete for vs there to discusse controuersies of Religion, or to keepe vs out of our enemies trappes? meete to study for the defence of such doctrine as we professe, or rather how we might in such a throng of perilles be in safegard of our life? MarginaliaExample that the Pope hath no power vpon places in other mens dominiōs.Well, in this one arte the Bishop of Rome hath declared, that he hath none authority vpon places in other mens dominions, and therefore if he promise a Coūsel in any of those, he promiseth that, that is in an other man to performe, and so may he deceiue vs agayne.

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MarginaliaDilēma against the Pope.Now if he cal vs to one of his owne townes, we be afrayd to be at such an hostes table. We say, better to ryse an hungred, then to go thence with our bellyes full. But they say, the place is found, we need no more to seek where the Coūcell shalbe kept. As who sayth, that that chaunced at Mantua, may not also chaunce at Vincence: MarginaliaVincence a citye vnder the dominion of the Venetians. and as though it were very like, that the Venecians, men of suche wisedome, should not both foresee, and feare also, that the wise Duke of Mantua semed to feare. Certes, when we thinke vppon the state that the Venecians be in now, it seemeth no very likely thing, that they will eyther leaue Vincence theyr Cittye to so many Nations, wythout some great garrison of souldiours, or els that they beyng els where so sore charged already, wil now nourish an army there?

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And if they would, doth not Paule himselfe graūt that it should be an euill President, & an euill example to haue an armed Councell?

Howe so euer it shall be, we most hartily desire you, that ye will vouchsafe to read those thinges that we wrote this last yeare, touching the Mantuan Councell. For we nothing doubt, but you, of your equity, will stand on our side agaynst theyr subtlety and fraudes, and iudge (except we be deceiued) that we in this busines, neither gaue so much to our affectiōs, neither without great and most iust causes, refused theyr Councelles, theyr Censures, and Decrees.

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Whether these our writinges please all men, or no, we thinke we ought not to passe much. No, if that which indifferently is written of vs, may please indifferēt readers, our desire is accomplished. The false and mistaking of thinges by men parciall shall moue vs nothing, or els very litle. If we haue sayd ought agaynst the deceites of the Byshop of Rome, that may seeme spoken too sharpely, we pray you, impute it to the hatred we beare vnto vices, and not to any euill will that we beare him. No, that he and all his may perceiue that we are rather at strife with his vices, then with him and his: our prayer is, that it may please God, at the last to open theyr eies, to make soft their hard hartes, and that they once may with vs (theyr owne glory set apart) study to set forth the euerlasting glory of the euerlasting God.

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Thus mighty Emperour, fare you most hartily well, and ye Christen Princes the pillers, and stay of Christendome, fare ye hartily well. Also all ye, what people so euer ye are, which do desire that the gospell, and glory of Christ may florish, fare ye hartily well.

As the Lorde of his goodnes hath raised vp Thomas Cromwel to be a frend and patrone to the Gospell: so on the contrary side Sathan (which is aduersary, and enemy to all good thinges) had his organe also, which was Steuen Gardiner, by all wyles and subtile means to impeach and to put backe the same 

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Destruction of Becket's shrine

Foxe drew the text of these injunctions from Bonner's register (Guildhall MS 9531/12, fos. 27r-28v). Foxe omits the preamble and condenses most of the articles, but otherwise his version is accurate. To explain the contents of these articles Foxe relies on the basic schema he employs to explain events of the 1530s: if it is 'good', it was the work of Thomas Cromwell, if it is 'bad', it was the work of Stephen Gardiner. (Compare Foxe's introductory words to these injunctions, with those he supplied to the Ten Articles; regarding penance as a sacrament was anathema to Foxe, and he rushes by his text on the Ten Articles as hurriedly as possible). Here, as elsewhere, this explanation is inadequate. Although Foxe blames these injunctions on Gardiner, there is material in them, such as the lengthy denunciation of Thomas Becket (which was a preparation for the total destruction of his shrine at Canterbury that followed almost immediately), which were hardly Gardiner's work. In truth, the text of the injunctions reflects Henry VIII's distinctive theology, with his loathing of sacramentarians and married priests, his wariness regarding vernacular Bibles, together with his distaste for 'superstition' and for the cult of the saints - most particularly Becket. But Foxe, with hindsight, was aware that the Act of the Six Articles and the fall of Cromwell, will take place shortly and he is reading these injunctions in light of the supposed ascendancy that Gardiner and the conservatives were gaining over the king.

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Thomas S. Freeman

. Who after he had brought his purpose to passe, in burning good Iohn Lambert (as ye haue hearde) proceeding still in his craftes and wyles, and thinking vnder the name of heresies, sectes, Anabaptistes, & sacramentaris, to exterminate al good bookes, and faithful professours of Gods word out of England, so wrought with the king, that the next yeare following, which was of our Lord. 1539. he gaue out these Iuiunctions, þe copy and contentes wherof I though here also not to be pretermitted, and are these.

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Certayne other Iniunctions set forth by the authority of the King, agaynst English bookes, sectes, and Sacramentaries also, with putting downe the day of Thomas Becket.

MarginaliaAnno. 1539.FIrst, that none without special licence of þe king, transporte, or bring from outward parties into England, any manner of Englishe bookes, neither yet sell, geue, vtter, or publishe any suche, vpon payne to forfeyte all their goode and cattelles, and their bodies to be imprisoned, so long as it shal please the kinges maiestie.

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Item, that none shal print, or bring ouer any English

bookes
GGG.j.
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