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Edward Seymour

(c. 1500 - 1552) [ODNB]

Soldier; viscount Beauchamp of Hache 1536; earl of Hertford 1537

Lord high admiral 1542; lord great chamberlain 1543

Duke of Somerset 1547; lord protector 1547; lord treasurer 1547; earl marshal 1547; beheaded

Because Edward VI was only young when he came to the throne, his uncle Edward Seymour was assigned as overseer and protector of both the king and the commonwealth. He abolished the Six Articles and brought into the country learned reformers. He replaced some of the unlearned clergy with preachers. 1563, p. 684; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1259; 1583, p. 1296.

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Edward Seymour stood against the bishops of Chichester, Norwich, Lincoln, London and others at the consultation at Windsor in the first year of Edward VI's reign. 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

Seymour granted a pardon to Thomas Dobbe, but Dobbe died in prison before it could reach him. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

He was a signatory to a letter from the king and privy council to Nicholas Ridley, directing him to remove and destroy all altars within the churches of his diocese and install communion tables. 1563, p. 727; 1570, pp. 1519-20; 1576, p. 1288; 1583, p. 1331.

Seymour wrote a reply to a letter of Stephen Gardiner objecting to the destruction of images in Portsmouth. 1563, p. 730-31; 1570, pp. 1519-20; 1576, p. 1298; 1583, p. 1331.

Seymour was in regular correspondence with Stephen Gardiner while he was imprisoned in the Fleet. 1563, pp. 730-54; 1570, pp. 1519-25; 1576, pp. 1298-1300; 1583, pp. 1331-50.

Edward Seymour, John Russell, John Dudley and Sir William Petre visited Stephen Gardiner in the Tower at various times to attempt to get him to accept the king's reforms. 1563, p. 766; 1570, p. 1532; 1576, p. 1306; 1583, p. 1356.

After the victorious return of John Dudley, earl of Warwick, from Norfolk, he fell into dispute with Edward Seymour. He and other dissatisfied nobles met together to plan to remove the king from the Lord Protector. John Russell replied, hoping for a reconciliation between the Lord Protector and his adversaries. 1570, pp. 1545-46; 1576, pp. 1317-18; 1583, pp. 1367-68.

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Edward Seymour wrote to John Russell, describing the conspiracy against him and asking him to bring forces to Windsor. 1570, pp. 1545-46; 1576, p. 1317; 1583, p. 1367.

The king sent a letter to the lord mayor of London, Henry Amcottes; the mayor-elect, Sir Rowland Hill; the aldermen and common council, directing that 1000 troops be mustered to defend the Lord Protector. The lords opposing the Lord Protector sent a letter on the same day directing the mayor and council not to obey any instructions coming from him. 1570, p. 1547; 1576, p. 1319; 1583, p. 1369.

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The lords opposed to the Lord Protector sent Sir Philip Hoby to put their case to the king. As a result, the Lord Protector was imprisoned in Windsor Castle and then taken to the Tower. Shortly after, he was released. 1570, pp. 1548-49; 1576, p. 1320; 1583, p. 1370.

Seymour was imprisoned again in 1551 and charged with treason and felony. He was acquitted of treason, but condemned for felony, intending the death of John Dudley, duke of Northumberland, and others. On 22 January 1552 he was taken to Tower Hill and beheaded. 1570, pp. 1549-50; 1576, p. 1321; 1583, p. 1371.

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Foxe compares the story of Edward Seymour with that of Humphrey of Lancaster, dealing with his enemy Bishop Beaufort. 1563, pp. 882-84; 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

Edward Seymour is given as an example of one wrongly accused and judged. 1570, p. 1360; 1576, p. 1161; 1583, p. 1189.

 
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Edward VI

(1537 - 1553) [ODNB]

King of England and Ireland (1547 - 53); Henry VIII's only son

The young Prince Edward wrote letters in Latin to Thomas Cranmer, his godfather. 1570, p. 1564; 1576, p. 1334; 1583, p. 1395.

Edward VI agreed with Sir John Cheke that clemency should be shown towards heretics and was opposed to the burning of Joan Bocher. Cranmer had great difficulty in getting Edward to sign her death warrant. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Cranmer praised the learning and wisdom of Edward VI to his tutor, Richard Coxe. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Jerome Cardan gave written testimony of Edward VI's knowledge of the liberal sciences. 1563, p. 885; 1570, p. 1485; 1576, p. 1259; 1583, p. 1296.

Charles V requested of Edward VI that his cousin Mary Tudor be allowed to have the mass said in her house. The request was denied, in spite of the strong urgings of Thomas Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Edward issued a set of injunctions to further the reformation of the church in the realm. He called a parliament to repeal earlier statutes relating to religion, including the Six Articles. 1563, pp. 685-91; 1570, pp. 1486-90; 1576, pp. 1260-63; 1583, pp. 1297-1301.

Having knowledge of rebellions stirring in the realm and of slackness in religious reform in the city of London, Edward called Edmund Bonner to come before his council. 1570, p. 1495; 1576, p. 1267; 1583, p. 1304.

Edward replied to the articles raised by the rebels of Devonshire. 1570, pp. 1497-99; 1576, pp. 1268-70; 1583, pp. 1305-07.

The king and privy council sent out letters to bishops and clergy in late 1549 and 1550, directing that books of Latin service be withdrawn, that altars be removed and communion tables installed. 1563, pp. 726-28; 1570, pp. 1519-21; 1576, pp. 1288-90; 1583, pp. 1330-31.

Edward wrote letters to his sister, Lady Mary, urging her to obey the new laws concerning religion, and she replied. 1576, pp. 1290-96; 1583, pp. 1333-39.

He sent his own councillors to Mary after her servants, Rochester, Englefield and Waldegrave, had failed to prevent masses being said in her household. 1576, pp. 1296-97; 1583, pp. 1338-39.

King Edward said a private prayer on his deathbed which was overheard by his physician, George Owen. In his will, Edward excluded his sister Mary from the succession because of her religious views. 1563, p. 900; 1570, p. 1565; 1576, p. 1335; 1583, p. 1395.

 
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George van Parris

Dutch surgeon of Mainz [Fines]

Naturalised 29 October 1550; member of the Dutch strangers' church; examined in 1551 - Coverdale translated; martyred at Smithfield

George van Parris and Joan Bocher were the only martyrs during Edward VI's reign. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

 
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Joan Bocher (Joan of Kent)

(d. 1550) [ODNB]

Religious radical; burnt at Smithfield

Edward VI was opposed to the burning of Joan Bocher. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

George van Parris and Joan Bocher were the only martyrs during Edward VI's reign. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

 
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John Hume

of Wressel, Yorks [Fines]; servant to Master Lewnar

Denounced by his master and mistress to Thomas Cranmer in 1547

John Hume was sent to Archbishop Cranmer for speaking against the mass. 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

 
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John Pindar

Fellow of St John's College, Cambridge

Pindar was one of the accusers of Thomas Dobbe at St John's. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

 
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John Tailor

Master of St John's, Cambridge [ODNB sub Roger Hutchinson]; evangelical

John Tailor was one of the accusers of Thomas Dobbe at St John's. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

 
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Lady Margaret Douglas

(1515 - 1578) [ODNB]

Daughter of Archibald Douglas, earl of Angus; countess of Lennox (1544 - 71)

The earl and countess of Lennox, who were in exile and living in Yorkshire at the time, denounced John Hume to Cranmer for speaking against the mass. 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

 
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Matthew Stewart

(1516 - 1571) ODNB

Earl of Lennox (1526 - 71); diplomat; regent of Scotland (1570 - 71)

The earl and countess of Lennox, who were in exile and living in Yorkshire at the time, denounced John Hume to Cranmer for speaking against the mass. 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

 
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Roger Hutchinson

(d. 1555) [ODNB]

Religious writer; of St John's College, Cambridge; MA 1544; took part in a disputation in 1547 arguing against the mass; disputed with Joan Bocher in 1550; eventually married, became an evangelical

Roger Hutchinson was one of the accusers of Thomas Dobbe at St John's. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

 
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Thomas Cranmer

(1489 - 1556) [ODNB]

BA Cambridge 1511; MA 1515; archbishop of Canterbury (1533 - 56); burnt in 1556

Cranmer acknowledged the help he received from John Frith's book attacking the doctrine of Sir Thomas More. 1563, p. 500; 1570, p. 1176; 1576, p. 1006; 1583, p. 1033.

Thomas Cranmer, John Stokesley, Edward Carne, William Benet and the earl of Wiltshire were sent as ambassadors to the pope to dispute the matter of the king's marriage. 1570, p. 1280; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, p. 1121.

Cranmer's separation of the king and Queen Catherine was authorised by parliament. 1570, p. 1197; 1576, p. 1025; 1583, p. 1053.

Elizabeth Barton prophesied that if the king divorced Queen Catherine and married Anne Boleyn, he would not reign more than a month thereafter. Through the efforts of Cranmer, Cromwell and Latimer, she was condemned and executed with some of her supporters. 1570, p. 1199; 1576, p. 1026; 1583, pp. 1054-55.

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The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), along with the bishops of London (Stokesley), Winchester (Gardiner), Bath and Wells (Clerk) and Lincoln (Longland) and other clergy went to see Queen Catherine. She failed to attend when summoned over 15 days, and they pronounced that she and the king were divorced. 1570, p. 1200; 1576, p. 1027; 1583, p. 1055.

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Cranmer was godfather to Princess Elizabeth. 1563, p. 510; 1570, p. 1199; 1576, p. 1026; 1583, p. 1054.

Cranmer was one of the subscribers to the Bishops' Book. 1570, p. 1211; 1576, p. 1037; 1583, p. 1064.

Cranmer attended a synod in 1537 with other bishops and learned men and with Thomas Cromwell as vicar-general. Cranmer opposed retaining the seven sacraments. He gave an oration to the bishops. 1563, p. 594; 1570, p. 1351; 1576, p. 1153; 1583, p. 1182.

On the second day of the synod, Thomas Cranmer sent his archdeacon to command Alexander Alesius to cease from disputation. 1570, p. 1353; 1576, p. 1155; 1583, p. 1184.

John Lambert attended a sermon preached by John Taylor at St Peter's in London in 1538. Lambert put ten articles to him questioning transubstantiation. Taylor conferred with Robert Barnes, who persuaded Taylor to put the matter to Archbishop Cranmer. Cranmer called Lambert into open court, where he was made to defend his cause. 1563, pp. 532-33; 1570, pp. 1280-81; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, p. 1121.

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Cranmer disputed with Lambert at his trial before the king. 1563, pp. 534-35; 1570, p. 1282; 1576, pp. 1096-97; 1583, p. 1122.

Thomas Cranmer alone disputed the Six Articles in parliament. 1570, p. 1298; 1576, p. 1110; 1583, p. 1136.

The king sent Thomas Cromwell and the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to dine with Cranmer to reassure him after his opposition to the Six Articles. 1570, p. 1298; 1576, p. 1111; 1583, p. 1136.

Henry asked for a summary of Cranmer's objections to the Six Articles. Cranmer asked his secretary to write up a copy of his arguments against the Six Articles to give to the king.1570, p. 1355; 1576, p. 1157; 1583, p. 1185.

Adam Damplip was brought before Thomas Cranmer, Stephen Gardiner, Richard Sampson and others and examined. The next day, warned by Cranmer that he was likely to be imprisoned and burnt, he fled to the West Country. 1563, p. 657; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1194; 1583, p. 1224.

Thomas Broke, Ralph Hare, James Cocke and James Barber were sent from Calais with their accusers to England to be examined by Cranmer, Gardiner, Sampson and other bishops. 1563, p. 661; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1195; 1583, p. 1224.

King Henry wrote to Archbishop Cranmer, ordering that idolatrous images be removed from churches. 1563, p. 625; 1570, p. 1385; 1576, p. 1181; 1583, p. 1210.

For a long period, Henry VIII denied his daughter Mary the title of princess. Thomas Cranmer urged a reconciliation. 1570, p. 1565; 1576, p. 1335; 1583, p. 1396.

When Claude d'Annebault, the French ambassador, went to see Henry VIII at Hampton Court, lavish entertainment was laid on for him, but he was recalled before he had received half of it. During the course of the banquet, he had private conversation with the king and Archbishop Cranmer about the reform of religion in the two countries. 1570, p. 1426; 1576, p. 1215; 1583, p. 1245.

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Cranmer had sent letters for Henry VIII to sign relating to reform in the church. Gardiner convinced the king that these reforms would jeopardise a league with the king of France and the emperor, so the letters were never signed. 1570, p. 1426; 1576, p. 1215; 1583, p. 1245.

The young Prince Edward wrote letters in Latin to Thomas Cranmer, his godfather. 1570, p. 1564; 1576, p. 1334; 1583, p. 1395.

Cranmer praised the learning and wisdom of Prince Edward to his tutor, Richard Coxe. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Richard Coxe wrote to Thomas Cranmer, praising the young Prince Edward. 1570, p. 1564; 1576, p. 1334; 1583, p. 1395.

When King Henry was on his deathbed, Anthony Denny asked him if he wished a spiritual adviser, and he asked for Thomas Cranmer. Before Cranmer could arrive, however, the king had lost the power of speech. He clasped Cranmer's hand, and shortly after died. 1570, p. 1477; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1290.

After the death of Henry VIII, the duke of Suffolk related to Thomas Cranmer how Stephen Gardiner had nearly been arrested at the time of the execution of Germaine Gardiner. 1570, p. 1477; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1290.

Cranmer had great difficulty in getting King Edward to sign Joan Bocher's death warrant. 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Charles V requested of Edward VI that his cousin Mary Tudor be allowed to have the mass said in her house. The request was denied, in spite of the strong urgings of Thomas Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Thomas Dobbe was brought before Cranmer, who committed him to the Counter, where he died. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

Edward VI's councillors and Edward Seymour wrote to Thomas Cranmer, directing that candles no longer be carried on Candlemas, nor palms on Palm Sunday, nor should ashes be used on Ash Wednesday. Cranmer immediately wrote to all the other bishops to inform them of the new directive. 1563, pp. 685, 691; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

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The council wrote further to Cranmer ordering the abolishing of images in all churches in the archdiocese. He wrote to Edmund Bonner, directing him to carry out the order in London. 1563, p. 692; 1570, p. 1490; 1576, p. 1263; 1583, p. 1300.

Cranmer, with other learned bishops and learned men, was appointed to draw up a uniform order of common prayer. 1570, p. 1491; 1576, p. 1264; 1583, p. 1301.

Stephen Gardiner wrote to Thomas Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley while imprisoned in the Fleet. 1563, pp. 732-54; 1570, p. 1522; 1576, p. 1297; 1583, p. 1340.

Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, Nicholas Ridley, bishop of Rochester, Sir William Petre, Sir Thomas Smith and William May, dean of St Paul's, were commissioned to examine Edmund Bonner. 1563, p. 697; 1570, p. 1504; 1576, p. 1275; 1583, p. 1312.

Bonner was summoned to appear before the commissioners. He behaved haughtily, ridiculing his accusers and the commissioners, and spoke in favour of the mass. He appeared first on 10 September 1549 before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir William Petre and William May. Sir Thomas Smith was absent. 1563, pp. 698-99; 1570, pp. 1504-06; 1576, pp. 1275-77; 1583, pp. 1312-14.

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Bonner appeared for the second time on 13 September before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir William Petre, Sir Thomas Smith and William May and was further examined. 1563, pp. 699-704; 1570, pp. 1506-08; 1576, pp. 1277-79; 1583, pp. 1314-17.

Bonner appeared for the third time on 16 September before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir Thomas Smith and William May to answer the articles put to him at the previous session. John Hooper and William Latymer also appeared in order to purge themselves against the slanders of Bonner. 1563, pp. 704-709; 1570, pp. 1508-11; 1576, pp. 1279-80; 1583, pp. 1317-22.

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Bonner appeared before the commissioners for the fourth time on 18 September, at which session new articles were drawn up and new witnesses received. 1563, pp. 704-710; 1570, pp. 1508-12; 1576, pp. 1279-81; 1583, pp. 1317-22.

Bonner appeared for the fifth time before the commissioners on 20 September. During an interval, he instructed Gilbert Bourne, his chaplain, Robert Warnington, his commissary, and Robert Johnson, his registrar, to tell the mayor and aldermen of London to avoid reformed preachers. Bonner made his first appellation to the king. As a result of his behaviour during the proceedings, he was committed to the Marshalsea. 1563, pp. 713-717; 1570, pp. 1513-16; 1576, pp. 1282-85; 1583, pp. 1324-26.

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Bonner appeared for the sixth time before the commissioners on 23 September, when he presented a general recusation against all the commissioners and a second appellation to the king. A letter was read from Bonner to the mayor of London, Henry Amcottes, and aldermen. 1563, pp. 717-18; 1570, p. 1516; 1576, p. 1285; 1583, pp. 1326-27.

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Bonner' seventh appearance before the commissioners took place on 1 October. He presented a declaration, an appellation and a supplication to the king. The commissioners pronounced their sentence definitive. Bonner was imprisoned and deprived of his office. 1563, pp. 718-26; 1570, pp. 1516-19; 1576, pp. 1285-88; 1583, pp. 1327-30.

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Cranmer was a signatory to a letter from the king and privy council to Nicholas Ridley, directing him to remove and destroy all altars within the churches of his diocese and install communion tables. 1563, p. 727; 1570, pp. 1519-20; 1576, p. 1288; 1583, p. 1331.

After Stephen Gardiner's sequestration, Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Thomas Goodrich, Henry Holbeach, Sir William Petre, Sir James Hales, Griffith Leyson, John Oliver and John Gosnold were commissioned to examine him. 1563, p. 776; 1570, p. 1535; 1576, p. 1309; 1583, p. 1358.

 
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Thomas Dobbe

MA Cambridge; fellow of St John's [ODNB sub Roger Hutchinson; Fines]

Junior colleage of Roger Hutchinson; expelled for challenging the rule of clerical celibacy; died in prison at the beginning of the reign of Edward VI

Dobbes wished to marry and was expelled from St John's. He went to London and entered St Paul's during the elevation of the host, whereupon he began preaching against transubstantiation to the people there. He was reported to the archbishop of Canterbury and imprisoned in the Counter, where he died. His pardon had been obtained from Edward Seymour. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

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Cambridge (Grantbridge)

[Cambrige; Grantbrige; Grantebryge]

OS grid ref: TL 465 585

County town of Cambridgeshire and university town

 
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Counter (prison)

Bread Street, City of London

 
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Smithfield

in the northwest part of the city of London

OS grid ref: TQ 31574 81732

Historic livestock market and place of execution

 
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Wressle [Wresell]

East Riding of Yorkshire

OS grid ref: SE 715 315

1321 [1297]

K. Edward 6. The story of Thomas Dobbe. Reformation of religion by the king.

this Realme by that man.

But these meek and gentle times of king Edward vnder the gouernment of this noble Protector, haue this one commendation proper vnto them, for that among þe whole number of the popish sort, of whom some priuily did steale out of the realm, many were crafty dissemblers, some were open and manifest aduersaries, yet of all þe multitude, there was not one man that lost his life 

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Note that Foxe restricts this to 'papists'; two radical Protestants, Joan Bocher and George van Parris, were burned during Edward VI's reign.

. In summe, durying the whole time of the 6. yeares of this king much tranquility, and as it were a breathing time was graunted to the whole Church of England: So that the rage of persecutiō ceasing and the sword taken out of the aduersaries hand, there was now no daūger to the godly, vnlesse it were onely by wealth and prosperity, which many times bringeth more dammage in corrupting mēs minds, then any time of persecution or affliction.

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Briefly, during all this time, neither in smithfield, nor any other quarter of this realme, any was heard to suffer for any matter of religion, either Papist or Protestant, eyther for one opiniō or other 

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Thomas Dobbe

This is one of the rare times when the account Foxe started with in the Rerum ended up being larger than what was printed in any of the editions of the Acts and Monuments. In the Rerum (on p. 201), Foxe gave the account of Thomas Dobbes, which was translated and reprinted in each edition of the Acts and Monuments. But Foxe also printed (on p. 202) brief accounts of the executions of two religious radicals, Joan Bocher and George van Parris, who were executed in 1550 and 1551. He also printed two stories condemning these executions. In the first story, John Rogers, who would become the first Marian martyr, was approached by an unnamed friend (generally assumed by scholars to be Foxe himself) and urged to intercede on behalf of Joan. When Rogers not only refused to intervene, but also defended burning as merciful, given the heinousness of heresy, his friend bitterly (and prophetically) told him that one day he might receive such gentle treatment himself (Rerum, p. 202). Foxe also included an account of Humphrey Middleton, another future Marian martyr, being accused of heresy by Cranmer during Edward VI's reign, and grimly prophesying that Cranmer would one day find himself in a similar position (Rerum, p. 202).

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All of these stories are an indication of the strength of Foxe's aversion to punishing heretics with death. Yet only the account of Thomas Dobbes was reprinted in the Acts and Monuments. (The executions of Joan Bocher and George van Parris are merely mentioned in the Acts and Monuments, see later in Book 9). Foxe was unwilling the surrender the moral high ground by admitting that his martyrs were persecutors themselves. And an admission that Protestants persecuted each other, only served to support the validity of Catholic charges of Protestant disunity. However, Foxe did add one short account to this section, that of John Hume. This, however, did not end in an execution and was thus fairly innocuous.

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Most of Foxe's sources for these persecutions drew on his own experiences or on accounts from informants. However, Foxe's limited knowledge of the case of John Hume, was entirely based on the sparse entry on the case in Cranmer's register.

Thomas S. Freeman

, except onely two, one an English woman, called Ioan of Kent, and the other a Dutch man, named George, who dyed for certayne Articles not much necessary here to be rehearsed. 
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These articles included beliefs that Foxe himself regarded as heretical, such as denial of Christ's human nature and denial of the Trinity. Foxe was reluctant to even rehearse such deviant theology.

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MarginaliaTho. Dobbe inprisoned, and in prison dyed.Besides these two, there was none els in all king Edwardes raigne, that dyed in any maner cause of religion, but that one Thom. Dobbe, who in the beginning of this kinges raigne, was apprehended for speaking agaynst the idolatry of the masse and in the same prison died: as in story here ensueth to be sene. 

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Foxe first printed this account of Thomas Dobbe in the Rerum (p. 201), which means that he obtained this account during his exile. The account, which must have been received from a informant, is rather puzzling. Two of the individuals named (John Taylor and Roger Hutchinson) were prominent evangelicals and are very unlikely to have objected to Dobbe's wishing to marry. Perhaps there were other, more personal reasons, for Dobbe's bad relations with the other fellows. Perhaps Dobbe's religious beliefs were more radical than Foxe describes. In any case, it would seem there is more to this story.

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This Thomas Dobbe being a studēt and a maister of Arte in Cambridge, was brought vp in the colledge, called S. Iohns Colledge, and felowe of the same, where he increased in the studye of good letters, among his equals very forward of nature and disposition simple and modest, of zeale toward God feruēt pacient in iniuries, iniurious to no man, of much like sort & condition, MarginaliaDoues as Philosophers naturally do write haue no gall.as in Doues which without all bitternes of gal, are made apt to receiue iniury then to worke wrong to any. At length this godly man intending with himselfe, and addicting hys mynde to the Christian state of Matrimony, resorted to a certayn mayden not farre of where he dwelt. For the whiche cause he was greatly molested, and wickedly abused by iij. of that Colledge, whose names were Hutchinson, Pindare, and Tailer, who with theyr malicious handlyng, scornful dealing, opprobrics, rebukes, and cōtumelies, so much vexed the vertuous simplicity of þe man, that they neuer left him, till at length they weryed him out of the Colledge. Who there hauing no rest nor quietnes by resō of the vnreasonable and virulēt handling of his aduersaries, was compelled to seek some other place wherin to settle himself. Vp on the occasion wherof comming vp to Lōdon, it chaūced him to passe through Paules Church, wheras it happned that at the Southside of the Churche, at the same tyme there was a Priest at Masse, more busy than wel occupied being at the eleuation as he passed by. The yong man repleat with godly zeale, pitying the ignorance and idolatry of the people, in honoring that so deuoutly which the priest lifted vp, was not able to forbeare, but opening his mouth & turning to the people, he exhorted them not to honor the visible bread as God, which neither was God, nor yet ordeined of God to be honored. &c. with such other wordes mo of christian information. For which cause straight way he was apprehended by the Maior, and after accused to the Bishop of Caūterbury, was committed to the Coūter thē in Bredstreete, where he not long continued, but fallyng into a sicknes, how, or wherupon I can not tell, shortly vp on the same chaūged this mortall life. Whose pardō notwtstanding was obteined of the Lord Protector and shoulde haue bene brought him, if he had cōtinued. And thus much concerning Thomas Dobbe and other.

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Ouer and besides, I finde, that in the first yeare of the raygne of King Edward, which was an. 1547. there was one Iohn Hume, seruaunt to Maister Lewnax of Wresell apprehended, accused, and sent vp to the Archbish, of Caūterbury 

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Foxe probably obtained this brief account of John Hume from Archbishop Cranmer's register. It reads very much like an official account and Foxe makes it clear that his only source was some sort of document. Unfortunately, no such account survives in Cranmer's register. However, in the section of the register containing heresy trials (LPL, Cranmer Register, fos. 67r-79r), there are two missing folios (76r-77v). It is quite possible that the information on Hume was on one of these missing folios; in fact, the folios may have been sent to Foxe and never returned. No one (including Foxe), knows how this case turned out, but presumably no action was taken against Hume.

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, by the sayd M. Lewnax his Mayster & Margaret Lewnax his mistres, for these Articles.

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1 First, for denying the Sacrament (as it was then called of the aultar) to be the reall flesh and bloud of Christ.

2 For saying that he would neuer vale his bonet vnto it, to be burned therefore.

3 For saying that if he shoulde heare Masses, he shoulde be damned.

For this was he sent vp by his maister and mistres aforesayd, with speciall letters vnto the Archbishop, requiring him seuerally to be punished by the law for the same. But because I finde no execution folowing thereupon, Itherfore passe ouer this story of him.

These thinges premissed, when this vertuous & godly yong prince (endued as you haue heard with speciall graces from God) was now peaceably stablished in his king dome, and had a coūsell 

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Edward VI's injunctions

Henry VIII's will established a council of regency in order to govern during the minority of Edward VI. It excluded leaders of the conservative opposition: Stephen Gardiner, Edmund Bonner, and Thomas Howard II, 3rd Duke of Norfolk. On 31 January 1547, only three days following the death of King Henry, the council of regency elected Edward Seymour, Earl of Hertford, Lord Protector, a traditional assignment for the eldest uncle of a minor king. Seymour was created Duke of Somerset on 17 February at the same time that John Dudley became Earl of Warwick. Seymour had effected a coup d'état that enabled him to govern effectively as king and, in violation of the royal will, to replace the legitimate council of regency with a Privy council that he selected personally. Contrary to the tradition, this council did not unite in support of ensuing religious reforms. Protector Somerset acted without consulting councilors, sometimes falsifying records to suit his purposes. His overbearing circumvention of the Privy council contributed to the eventual alienation of almost all of his original supporters. Hoak, King's Council, pp. 167, 177-79, 189-90, and passim.

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John King

about him, graue, wise, and zelous in Gods cause, especially his vncle þe duke of Somerset, he then most earnestly likewise desired, as well the aduaunce ment of the true honor of almighty God, and the planting of his sincere religion: as also the vtter suppressiō and extirpation of all idolatry, superstition, hipocrisy, and other enormities and abuses, throughout his realmes and dominions, & therefore folowing, as is afore expressed, the good example of king Iosias 
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Supporters of Edward VI praised him as a New Josiah on the ground that the boy king who purged Israel of idolatrous images and shrines (2 Kings 22-23) provided a precedent for pursuing a legally dubious policy of religious reform during the minority of King Edward. King, Tudor Royal Iconography, pp. 93-94, 160; Aston, King's Bedpost, pp. 26-36.

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, he determined forthwith to enter into some reformation of Religion in the Church of England.

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And forasmuch as at his first entry (notwithstanding his fathers good beginning in abolishing the vsurped power of Antichrist) he yet foūd most of his lawes greatly repugning agaynst this his zealous enterprise, he therefore purposed by the aduise of his sayd wise & honorable Counsell, of his owne regall power and authority 

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Stephen Gardiner disputed the legality of pursuing ecclesiastical reformation during a royal minority. Alford, Kingship and Politics, pp. 57-58.

, somewhat to prosecute his godly purpose, vntill such time as by consent of the whole estate of parliamēt, MarginaliaOrder takē by K. Edw. for reforming of religion.he might establish a more free, perfect, and vniforme order therin.

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MarginaliaLearned preachers appoynted by King Edward.Wherupon intending first a generall visitation 

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Beginning in May 1547, the royal visitation of all English bishoprics represented the opening move toward the introduction of changes in religion. It was the first action of this kind since Thomas Cromwell's vice-gerency over the Church of England. The six parties of commissioners were packed with evangelical sympathizers. MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer, pp. 369-70.

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ouer al the bishopricks within his realm (therby as wel to vnderstād, as also to redresse the abuses in the same) he chose out certayn wise, learned, discrete, and worshipful personages to be his Commissioners in that behalfe: and so deuiding them into seuerall companies, assigned vnto them seueral Diocesses to be visited: appoynting likewise vnto euery company, one or two godly learned preachers, which at euery Session shoulde in theyr preaching, both instruct the people in the true doctrine of the Gospell of Christ, & in all loue and obedience to the same, and also earnestly dehorte 
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Dehort: to exhort against taking action.

them from theyr olde superstition and wonted Idolatrye. And that they might be more orderly directed in this their Commission, there were deliuered vnto them certayn Iniunctions & ecclesiasticall orders 
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Foxe paraphrases the Royal Injunctions of Edward VI. The King's Printer, Richard Grafton, published Iniunccions geuen by the Kynges Maiestie in seven separate editions on 31 July 1547 (STC 10087.5-10091). In addition to reaffirming the Royal Injunctions of 1538, these injunctions advance in a firmly Protestant direction.

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drawe out by the kings learned counsell, the which they should both enquyre of, & also commaund in his maiesties behalfe, to be thenceforth obserued of euery person, to whō they did seuerally appertayne within theyr sondry circuites.

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MarginaliaEcclesiasticall persons must preach against the Popes vsurped power.In the which, amongst other things, it was first enioined that all Ecclesiasticall persons should themselues obserue, and cause to be obserued of other, all such Statutes as were made for the abolishing of the Bishop of Romes vsurped power, and establishing of the kings supreme authority 

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The Act for Submission of the Clergy (1534), Act of Supremacy (1534), and related legislation.

, and that they should euery one foure times in the yeare at the least, in theyr publick sermons declare vnto þe people, that the one being most arrogātly vsurped against the word of God, was now iustly taken away, and the other (according to þe very true meaning of the same worde) was of most loyall duety onely to be obeyed of all his graces subiectes 
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Injunction 1.

.

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MarginaliaSermons quarterly to be made.And agayne, that euery the aforesayd ecclesiastical person (hauing cure) shoulde preach, or cause to be preached wt in theyr seueral cures, one sermon euery quarter of þe yere. In the which they should sincerely set forth the woorde of God, MarginaliaDifference betweene works commaunded of God, and workes deuised of mē.& exhort the people vnto the workes of fayth & mercy prescribed in the same word, and not vnto workes deuised by mans fantasy, as going on pilgrimages and other lyke idolatrous superstitions: the which they should also to the vttermost of theyr powers reproue and speak agaynst, declaring that all grace & goodnes ought onely to be soughte for at gods hand (as the alone geuer therof) & not at any other ceeature 

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I.e., 'creature'. Injunction 2 orders clerics at least on a quarterly basis preach in favor of the Protestant doctrine of justification by faith alone and against superstitious works including veneration of religious images and relics or pilgrimages to shrines containing them. The sermons on faith and good works in the Book of Homilies (see Injunction 32), almost certainly composed by Archbishop Cranmer, reinforce the forthright Protestant provisions of this article.

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: MarginaliaImages abused with Pilgrimage to be destroyed.And that they shoulde not onely foorthwyth take down and destroy all such Images as had bene thertofore abused by pilgrimage or offerings 
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Injunction 3 cautiously endorses iconoclastic destruction of images 'abused' by pilgrimages, offerings, or censings. It permits employment of images as objects of 'remembraunce, whereby, men may be admonished, of the holy liues and conuersacion of theim, that the saide Images do represent: whiche Images, if thei do abuse for any other intent, thei commit Ydolatrye in the same, to the great daungier of their soules' (a3v). Taken in conjunction with Injunction 28, this provision renders apparent the iconoclastic thrust of official policy.

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within theyr said cures: but also should not thenceforth suffer any lightes or other idolatrous oblation to be made or set vp before any other image, then was yet suffered in the Church 
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Injunction 3 forbids the burning of candles except for two on the high altar. This apparently simple alteration resulted in a radical change in the appearance of churches where, in accordance with the 1538 Royal Injunctions, candles had continued to flicker before roods (oversize crucifixes above chancel screens) and sepulchers. Duffy, Stripping of the Altars, p. 451.

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.

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MarginaliaAnno 1547.Also that euery holy day (hauing no Sermon in theyr Church) they should immediatly after the gospel distinctly read in the Pulpit the Lordes prayer, MarginaliaThe 10. Cōmaūdemēts & the Lords prayer in Englishe, to be read.the beliefe and the x. commaūdemēts of almighty God in the english toung 

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Injunction 4 represents an early, albeit radical, step in the introduction of a new vernacular worship service.

: exhorting the people not only to learn thē theyr selues, but also to teach them to theyr childrē & families, MarginaliaParents and maisters charged in trading vp of their children.& also should charge all Parentes and gouernors of housholds to bring vp their youth in some good exercise or occupation wherby they might afterwards serue the common wealth, and not runne, and like vagabondes and idle loyterers, & thereby encur the daunger of the lawes 
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Injunction 5.

.

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MarginaliaSacraments to be reuerently ministred.And furthermore that the sayd persons (hauing cure) should see the holy Sacramentes of Christ reuerently ministred within theyr cures: & that if any of them (by speciall licence or other cases expressed in the Statutes of thys realme) should be at any time absent from theyr benefices,

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that
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