Critical Apparatus for this Page
View an Image of this PageCommentary on the GlossesCattley Pratt ReferencesCommentary on the Text
 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Baldwin Clarke

Weaver of Coventry

Baldwin Clarke was sent by the mayor of Coventry, together with John Careless, Thomas Wilcockes and Richard Estlin, to the Privy Council on 20 November 1553, for unspecified 'lewde and sediciouse behaviour' on All Hallows Day (1583, p. 1417).

He was possibly implicated, together with Richard Estlin (or Astlyn) and William Glover, in the Earl of Suffolk's abortive uprising early in 1554 (David Loades, Two Tudor Conspiracies (Cambridge, 1965), pp. 29-30).

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Henry Howard

Earl of Surrey (DNB)

A favourable mention of Henry Howard, the Earl of Surrey, as 'a worthy and ingenious gentleman' with hints that his execution was unjust and providentially punished (1570, p. 1579; 1576, p. 1347; 1583, p. 1417).

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
John Careless

(d. 1556)

Weaver. Consided by Foxe a 'martyr' (died in prison). Of Coventry.

Uncle to Sir Peter Carew [Hasler, Commons]

John Careless was sent by the mayor of Coventry - together with Baldwin Clarke, Thomas Wilcockes and Richard Estlin - to the privy council on 20 November 1553 for unspecified 'lewde and sediciouse behaviour' on All Hallows Day 1553 (1583, p. 1417). He was imprisoned in the Gatehouse.

A letter by Careless to the condemned brethren in Newgate is attributed to Philpot. 1563, pp. 1449-50.

Careless received letters from John Philpot while he was imprisoned. 1570, pp. 2004-05, 1576, pp. 1726-27, 1583, pp. 1833-34.

Careless received a letter from John Bradford while he was imprisoned in the King's Bench. 1570, pp. 1827-28, 1576, p. 1563, 1583, p. 1645.

Careless received two letters from Thomas Whittle while he was imprisoned in the King's Bench. 1563, p. 1457, 1570, pp. 2018-19 and 2021, 1576, pp. 1739-40 and 1742, 1583, pp. 1847-48 and 1850.

John Careless' first examination was before Dr Martin, marshall of the King's Bench [Sir William Fitzwilliam - DNB + Hasler / Bindoff], Dr Martin's scribe and an unspecified priest in the lord chancellor's house. 1563, pp. 1529-35, 1570, pp. 2101-02, 1576, pp. 1813-14, 1583, pp. 1919-20.

During his first examination, Careless was shown some hand-writing, which Martin believed to be that of Careless. The handwriting was that of Henry Hart. Careless knew this because he had been sent a copy by Tyms. 1563, pp. 1529-35, 1570, pp. 2101-02, 1576, pp. 1813-14, 1583, pp. 1919-20.

During Careless' first examination, Martin asked Careless if he had knew Henry Hart, to which Careless answered that he did not. 1563, pp. 1529-35, 1570, pp. 2101-02, 1576, pp. 1813-14, 1583, pp. 1919-20.

During this examination, Martin asked Careless if he knew Master Chamberlain, to which he answered that he did not. 1563, pp. 1529-35, 1570, pp. 2101-02, 1576, pp. 1813-14, 1583, pp. 1919-20.

During this examination, Martin claimed that Cox had refuted some of Careless's arguments. 1563, pp. 1529-35, 1570, pp. 2101-02, 1576, pp. 1813-14, 1583, pp. 1919-20.

During this examination, Careless told Martin that Tyms had been his bedfellow, and that Tyms had been burned the day before this examination. 1563, pp. 1529-35, 1570, pp. 2101-02, 1576, pp. 1813-14, 1583, pp. 1919-20.

During this examination, Martin asked Careless what Trew's faith of predestination was. 1563, pp. 1529-35, 1570, pp. 2101-02, 1576, pp. 1813-14, 1583, pp. 1919-20.

During this examination, Martin pretended, according to Foxe, to desire to help Careless survive. He asked Careless if he would like to go to Ireland with Lord Fitzwalter to do the queen's service, to which Careless replied that he was willing to do the queen service as long as he was alive. 1563, pp. 1529-35, 1570, pp. 2101-02, 1576, pp. 1813-14, 1583, pp. 1919-20.

[Back to Top]

At the end of his first examination, Careless was told by Martin that he was one of the most pleasant protestants he had talked to 'except it were Tomson' . 1563, pp. 1529-35, 1570, pp. 2101-02, 1576, pp. 1813-14, 1583, pp. 1919-20.

Careless was imprisoned for two years, first in Coventry and then in the King's Bench. 1570, pp. 2101-02, 1576, pp. 1813-14, 1583, pp. 1919-20.

In Coventry jail, the keeper allowed Careless to leave the prison to take part in a Coventry pageant. 1570, p. 2102, 1576, p. 1814, 1583, p. 1920.

Foxe states that Careless desired to be burned, but that he died in prison and was buried in the fields in a dunghill instead. 1570, p. 2102, 1576, p. 1814, 1583, pp. 1920-21.

Careless died in prison 1 July 1556. 1563, p. 1529, 1570, p. 2101, 1576, p. 1813, 1583, p. 1919.

Letters: 1563, pp. 1535-38, 1570, pp. 2103-17, 1576, pp. 1814-40, 1583, pp. 1921-34.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
John Huntingdon

(died 1582)

The Privy Council described John Huntingdon as a 'seditiouse preacher remayning nowe about Lynne and Walsingham' and ordered his arrest on 20 November 1553, for making 'a rayling ryme against Doctour Stokes and the Blessed Sacrament' (1583, p. 1417; APC IV, p. 369).

(See Usher, 'Backing Protestantism: The London Godly, the Exchequer and the Foxe Circle' in David Loades, (ed.) John Foxe: An Historical Perspective (Aldershot: Ashgate Press) 1999 pp. 127 and 128, and 129 and 132).

Huntingdon was released by the Privy Council on 3 December 1553 after promising to amend both his life and doctrine (APC IV, p. 375 - not in 1583 or any edition of Foxe).

After his release, Huntingdon fled into exile. In 1560, Huntingdon was made a canon of Exeter and he held numerous livings in Devon and Somerset (Garrett, Marian Exiles, p. 194).

Anne Askew had described Huntingdon, together with Edward Crome, in 1545, as 'men of wisdome' (1563, p. 670; 1570, p. 1414; 1576, p. 1205; and 1583, p. 1235).

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Richard Estlin

A haberdasher of Coventry

Richard Estlin was sent by the mayor of Coventry - together with Baldwin Clarke, John Careless and Thomas Wilcockes - to the Privy Council on 20 November 1553 for unspecified 'lewde and sedicious behauiour' on All Hallows Day 1553 (1583, p. 1417). He was imprisoned in the Marshalsea.

Estlin is spelt 'Astelyn' in APC.

Richard Astlyn was a participant in the Earl of Suffolk's abortive uprising in early 1554 (see David Loades, Two Tudor Conspiracies (Cambridge 1965), pp. 29-30 and 34). Involved with Astlyn were one 'Clerke' (ibid. pp. 29-30), possibly Baldwin Clarke, and William Glover (ibid. pp. 29 and 34.)

Also referred to as 'Astlyn' or 'Astelyn'

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Thomas Wilcockes

A fishmonger of Coventry

On 20 November 1553, Thomas Wilcockes was sent by the mayor of Coventry, together with Baldwin Clarke, John Careless and Richard Estlin, to the Privy Council for unspecified 'lewde and sediciouse behaviour' on All Hallows Day 1553. (1583, p. 1417). He was imprisoned in the Gatehouse.

1441 [1417]

Queene Mary. Disputation in the Conuocation house about the reall presence dißolued.

come to that prisone. 

Commentary  *  Close

Philpot said: 'we must byleve so moch of his [God's] omnipotency as he by his word hath declared and taught us that the heavens must receyve his body vntill the daie of dome therfor we ought to bileve' (Trew report, sig. E2v; 1563, p. 915). Foxe made Philpot's argument more explicit and recast it as a syllogism: 'Only so much is to bee beleved of Gods omnipotence as is in the word expressed. That Christs body is both in heaven and here also really in the Sacrament is not expressed in the worde, Ergo, It is not to be beleved that the body of Christ being in heaven is here also really in the Sacrament' (1570, p. 1578; 1576, p. 1346; and 1583, p. 1416).

[Back to Top]

And, where Philpot in answer to a scriptural passage which John Harpsfield had cited to rebut his arguments, declared 'the places were not like which he [Harpsfield] went about to compare, which thing ought to be observed in conferring of wordes or scriptures together' (Trew report, sigs. E2v-E3r; 1563, p. 915). Foxe's version reads: 'the places were not alike whych he went about to compare, and that in comparing Scriptures we must not consider the named wordes, but the meaning rather of the Scriptures' (1570, p. 1578; 1576, p. 1346; and 1583, p. 1417).

[Back to Top]
MarginaliaIf Weston charge them for prisoning christ in heauen, how may they charge the papistes for prisoning Christ in a boxe.

After this, Harpsfield inferred that this word Oportet in S. Peter, which signifieth in Englishe must, did not import so much as I woulde inferre of necessitie, as by other places of Scripture it may appeare, as in the first to Tim. where Paule sayeth, Oportet Episcopum esse vnius vxoris virum: A bishop must be the husband of one wife. Here quoth he, Oportet doeth not import suche a necessitie, but that hee that neuer was maried may be a Bishop.

[Back to Top]

MarginaliaM. Philpot.To this Philpot saide againe, that the places were not like whych he went about to compare, and that in comparing of the Scriptures wee muste not consider the naked wordes, but the meaning rather of the Scriptures, 

Commentary  *  Close

Philpot said: 'we must byleve so moch of his [God's] omnipotency as he by his word hath declared and taught us that the heavens must receyve his body vntill the daie of dome therfor we ought to bileve' (Trew report, sig. E2v; 1563, p. 915). Foxe made Philpot's argument more explicit and recast it as a syllogism: 'Only so much is to bee beleved of Gods omnipotence as is in the word expressed. That Christs body is both in heaven and here also really in the Sacrament is not expressed in the worde, Ergo, It is not to be beleved that the body of Christ being in heaven is here also really in the Sacrament' (1570, p. 1578; 1576, p. 1346; and 1583, p. 1416).

[Back to Top]

And, where Philpot in answer to a scriptural passage which John Harpsfield had cited to rebut his arguments, declared 'the places were not like which he [Harpsfield] went about to compare, which thing ought to be observed in conferring of wordes or scriptures together' (Trew report, sigs. E2v-E3r; 1563, p. 915). Foxe's version reads: 'the places were not alike whych he went about to compare, and that in comparing Scriptures we must not consider the named wordes, but the meaning rather of the Scriptures' ' (1570, p. 1578; 1576, p. 1346; and 1583, p. 1417).

[Back to Top]
for þt in the place by him alleaged, S. Paule doeth declare of what qualitie a Bishop ought to be. But in the other S. Peter teacheth vs the place where Christ must necessarily be vntil the ende of the worlde: which we ought to beleeue to be true. MarginaliaOportet how it is taken diuersly in Scripture.And this comparison of this worde Oportet, doeth no more aunswer mine argument, then if I should say of you now being here Oportet te hic esse, you must nedes be heere, which importeth such necessity for the time, that you can no otherwise be but here, & yet you would go about in words to auoide this necessitye with another Oportet, in an other sense, as this, Oportet te esse virū bonum, you must be a good man, where Oportet doeth not in very deede conclude any such necessity, but that you may be an euill man. Thus you may see that your answere is not sufficient, & as it were, no answere to mine argument.

[Back to Top]

MarginaliaWeston.Then the Prolocutour brought in another Oportet, to helpe this matter (if it mighte be) sayinge, what say you to this, Oportet hæreses esse, must heresies needes be therefore because of thys word Oportet?

MarginaliaPhilpot.Yea truely, quoth Philpotte, it cannot otherwise be, if you will adde that which followeth immediatly vpon these woordes of Paul, that is, Vt qui electi sunt, manifestentur, that is: That suche as be þe elect of God, may be manifested and knowen.

MarginaliaWeston.Why, quoth the Prolocutor, the time hath bene that no heresies were. MarginaliaPhilpot.I knowe no suche time quoth Philpot. For since the time of Abell and Caine, heresies haue bene, and then began they. MarginaliaWeston.Then sayd the Prolocutor, wil you nowe answer Morgan an argument or two? MarginaliaPhilpot.I wil quoth Philpot, if I may first be answered to my argument any thyng according to truth and learning. What quoth the Prolocutor, you will neuer be answeared. Howe I am answeared, quoth Philpot, let all men that are here present, iudge: and specially such as be learned, & with what cauillations you haue dallied with me.

[Back to Top]

First to the auncient authority of Vigilius, you haue answered nothing at all, but only denying it to be scripture þt he sayth. Secondly, to the saying of S. Peter in the actes, yee haue aunsweared thus, demaunding of me whether I would keepe Christ in prison or no, let men nowe iudge if this be a sufficient answere or no.

[Back to Top]

MarginaliaMorgan.Then stoode Morgane vp againe, and asked Philpotte whether he would be ruled by the vniuersal church, or no.

MarginaliaPhilpot.Yes, quoth he, if it be the true Catholicke Church. And sith you speake so much of the Churche, I would faine that you would declare what the church is.

MarginaliaMorgan.The church, quoth Morgan, is diffused and dispearsed throughout the whole worlde. MarginaliaPhilpot.That is a diffuse definition quod Philpot, 

Cattley Pratt  *  Close
Cattley/Pratt, VI, Addenda, ref. page 410, line 13 from the bottom

For "diffuse," the Latin has obscura. "This word (diffuse) appears to have been used in the sense of obscure. I find diffused explained by Cotgrave, 'diffus, espars, obscure.' And in a Latin, Greek, and English Lexicon, by R. Hutton, printed at London by H. Bynneman, 1583, the Latin adverb obscurè is interpreted, 'darkely, obscurely, diffusely.'" (Singer's note, to Cavendish's Life of Wolsey, vol. i. p. 92.) Grove's edition of Cavendish at the same place reads "difficult." Latimer, infrà, vol. vii. p. 450, speaks of certain figurative phrases of Scripture as "diffuse and difficult." Foxe himself, vol. viii. p. 202, says that Julius Palmer was fond of "deep and diffuse questions:" and at p. 242, one Jackson talks of "a diffuse question." Another instance of this word, in the sense of obscure, unintelligible, occurs in Stowe's Chronicle (p. 532, edit. 1631), "and speaking merily to one of the Gentlemen there, being a Welshman, [the Cardinall] said, Rice (quoth he) speake you Welsh to them. I doubt not but that thy speech shall be more diffuse to him, than his French shall be to thee."

[Back to Top]
for I am yet as vncertaine as I was before what you meane by þe church: but I knowledge no church, but that which is grounded and founded on Gods woord, as S. Paul sayth, vpon the foundation of the Apostles & Prophets, and vpon the scriptures of God.

[Back to Top]

MarginaliaMoreman, Whether the Church was before the Scripture.What quoth Moreman, was the Scripture before the church? yea quoth Philpot. But I will prooue nay, quoth Moreman, and I wil begin at Christes time. The Church of Christ was before any scripture wrytten. For Mathewe was the first that wrote the Gospell, about a dosen yeares after Christ, Ergo, the church was before the scripture.

[Back to Top]

To whom Philpot answering, denied this argument. When when Moreman could not prooue, Philpot shewed that his argument was Elenchus, or a fallace, that is, a deceiueable argument. MarginaliaScripture consisteth not onely in letters but is that which is inspired in the hartes of good men by the holy Ghost.For he tooke the Scripture only to be that, whych is wrytten by men in letters, wheras in very deede, all Prophecie, vttered by the spirite of God, was counted to be Scripture before it was wrytten in paper & inke, for that it was wrytten in the heartes, and grauen in the mindes, yea, and inspired in the mouthes of good men, and of Christes Apostles by the spirite of Christ: As the salutation of the Angel was the scripture of Christe, and the word of God before it was written. At that Moreman cried, fie, fie, wondring that the Scripture of God shoulde be counted scripture, before it was wrytten, and affirmed that he had no knowledge that said so.

[Back to Top]

MarginaliaPhilpot.To whom Philpot answered, that concerning know-

ledge in this behalfe, for the triall of the truth about þe questions in controuersie, he woulde wish hymselfe no worse matched then with Moreman.

MarginaliaWeston.At the which saying the Prolocutor was greuously offended, saying, that it was arrogantly spoken of hym, that woulde compare with suche a worshipfull learned man as Moreman was, MarginaliaWeston rayleth against Philpot, to be a madde man.being himselfe a manne vnlearned, yea a madde man, meter to be sent to Bedlem, then to be among such a sorte of learned and graue men as there were, and a man that neuer woulde be answeared, and one that troubled the whole house: and therefore he did commaund him that he shoulde come no more into the house, demaunding of the house whether they would agree thereuppon or no. To whome a great number aunsweraed, yea. Then sayde Philpot againe, that he might thinke himselfe happye that was out of that companie.

[Back to Top]

After this, Morgan rose vp, and rounded the Prolocutor in the eare. And then againe the Prolocutor spake to Philpot and said, MarginaliaPhilpot commaunded to come in a long gowne and a tippet or els to come no more to the conuocation.least you should slaunder the house, & say that we will not suffer you to declare youre minde, we are content you shal come into the house as you haue done before, so that you be apparelled wyth a long gowne & a tippette as we be, and that you shall not speake, but when I commaund you. Then quoth Philpot, I had rather be absent altogether.

[Back to Top]

 

Commentary on the Glosses  *  Close
The Precept to Bonner

The wording and close linking of reform to the queen can be seen in the glosses 'Good Byshops displaced' and 'Popish Prelates intruded by Q. Mary'. These are contrasting glosses: the 'displaced' (a word which suggests fault if not illegality) good bishops and the 'intruded' (roughness of dealing, but, again, no illegality suggested by this term) popish prelates.

[Back to Top]
MarginaliaDecember.Thus they reasoning to and fro, at length about the 13. of December, Q. Mary, to take vp the matter, sendeth her commaundement to Boner Byshoppe of London, that he should dissolue and breake vp the conuocation. The copie of which commaundement here followeth.

The precept of the Queene to Boner, Bishop of London, for the dissoluing of the foresayde Conuocation. 
Commentary  *  Close
Block 7: Bonner's Precept and the end of 1553

Generally, if Foxe quotes a document in the 1563 edition which pertains to the London diocese, it came from the London diocesan records, one of the few archival collections which Foxe systematically exploited before the 1563 edition. Mary's precept to Bonner to dissolve Convocation probably came from these records.

[Back to Top]

MarginaliaQ. Mary breaketh vp the Conuocation.MAria. &c. Reuerendo in Christo patri & Domino, Domino Edmundo London. Episcopo, salutem. Cum præsens cōuocatio Cleri Cantuariensis prouinciæ apud Sāctum Paulum London. iam modo tenta & instans existit, certis tamen vrgentibus causis & considerationibus nos specialiter mouentibus, de aduisamento Consilij nostri ipsam præsentem conuocationem duximus dissoluendam: Et ideo vobis mandamus quòd eandem præsentem conuocationem apud sanctum Paulum prædictum debito modo asque aliqua dilatione dissoluatis. dissoluiue faciatis prout conuenit, significantes ex parte nostra vniuersis & singulis Episcopis, nec non Archidiaconis, Decanis, & omnibus alijs personis Ecclesiasticis quibuscunque dictæ Cantuariensis Prouinciæ quorum interest, vel interesse poterit, quod ipsi & eorum quilibet huic mandato nostro exequendo intendentes sint & obedientes prout decet. Teste meipsa apud Westmonasterium 13. die Decembris. Anno regni nostri primo.

[Back to Top]

During the time of this disputation, the 20. day of Nouēber, þe Maior of Couentrie sent vp vnto þe Lordes of the Coūsel Baldwine Clarke, I. Carelesse, Tho. Wilcockes, and Richard Estlin for their behauiour vpon All halowe day last before. Whereupon Carelesse and Wylcocks were committed to the gatehouse, and Clarke and Astelyn to the Marshalsey. 

Commentary  *  Close

The notices of the mayor of Coventry sending four prisoners (including John Careless) to the Privy Council and of the Council ordering the arrest of John Huntingdon were added in the 1583 edition (see textual variant 12), and were taken from the Privy Council register (see APC IV, pp. 368 - 69). Note that Foxe does not print the Council's characterisations of the Coventry men's behaviour as 'lewde and sediciouse' or of Huntingdon as a 'sedicious preacher'.

[Back to Top]

[Back to Top]

The same day there was a letter directed to Sir Christopher Heydon, and Sir William Farmer knight, for the apprehension of Iohn Huntingdon preacher, for making a rime against D. Stokes and the sacrament. Who appearing before the connsell the 3. of December next after, was vpon his humble submission and promise, to amend aswel in doctrine as liuing, againe suffered to depart. 

Commentary  *  Close

The notices of the mayor of Coventry sending four prisoners (including John Careless) to the Privy Council and of the Council ordering the arrest of John Huntingdon were added in the 1583 edition (see textual variant 12), and were taken from the Privy Council register (see APC IV, pp. 368 - 69). Note that Foxe does not print the Council's characterisations of the Coventry men's behaviour as 'lewde and sediciouse' or of Huntingdon as a 'sedicious preacher'.

[Back to Top]

[Back to Top]

In the daies of king Henry, and also of king Edward raigning after him, diuers noble men, Bishops and other, were cast into the Tower, some charged with treason as Lord courtney MarginaliaThis Lord Courtney was sonne to the Marques of Exceter.and the Duke of Northfolke (whose sonne Lorde Henry Earle of Surrey had bene the same time beheaded, a worthy & ingenious gentleman, for what cause, or by whom, I haue not hear to deale, this is certaine, that not many yeres after his death, folowed the beheading of both the L. Semers, and at last of the Duke of Northumberland 

Commentary  *  Close

The most interesting of these items is a rather remarkable passage on the execution of the Earl of Surrey: 'a worthy and ingenious gentleman, for what cause or by whom [he was beheaded], I have not here to deale, this is certeine, that not many yeres after his death, followed the beheading of both the L. Semers and at last of the Duke of Northumberland' (1570, p. 1579; 1576, p. 1343; and 1583, p. 1417). This passage, implying that Surrey was unjustly executed and that this injustice was providentially punished, first appeared when Surrey's son (who was Foxe's pupil and patron) was in the Tower awaiting execution.

[Back to Top]
also) some for þe Popes supremacie, and suspicious letters tending to sedition, as Tonstal B. of Durham, and other for other things, all which continued there prisoners til Q. Maries comming in. Vnto whome the saide Q. eftsoones graunted their pardone, and restored them to theyr former dignities. Amongst whom also was Gardiner B. of Winchester, MarginaliaSteuē Gardiner Byshop of Winchester made Lord Chauncellor of England.whom she not onely freed out of captiuitie, but also aduaunced him to be high chancelor of Englande. MarginaliaThe Lord Courtney made Earle of Deuonshyre.Furthermore to the L. Courtney she shewed such fauour, that shee made him Earle of Deuonshire, in so muche that there was a suspition amongst many, that she would marie him, but that prooued otherwise.

[Back to Top]
The
Go To Modern Page No:  
Click on this link to switch between the Modern pagination for this edition and Foxe's original pagination when searching for a page number. Note that the pagination displayed in the transcription is the modern pagination with Foxe's original pagination in square brackets.
Find:
Type a keyword and then restrict it to a particular edition using the dropdown menu. You can search for single words or phrases. When searching for single words, the search engine automatically imposes a wildcard at the end of the keyword in order to retrieve both whole and part words. For example, a search for "queen" will retrieve "queen", "queene" and "queenes" etc.
in:  
Humanities Research Institute  *  HRI Online  *  Feedback
Version 2.0 © 2011 The University of Sheffield