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Antioch (Antioch on the Orontes, Great Antioch, Syrian Antioch) (Antakya)

[Antiochia apud Orontem]

Turkey

Coordinates: 36° 12' 0" N, 36° 9' 0" E

449 [425]

K Edw. 3. The history of Iohn Wickliffe. Duke of Lancaster. L. Henry Percy.

gion and holines, consisted in a maner in the obseruing of dayes, meates, and garments, and such like rethorical circumstaunces, as of place, time, person. &c. Hereof sprang so many sorts & fashions of vestures and garments: so many differences of colours & meates: with so many pilgrimages to seuerall places, as though s. Iames at Compostelia could do that, which Christ could not do at Canterbury: Or els that God were not of like power & strength in euery place, or could not be found but being sought for by running & gadding hether and thether. Thus the holines of the whole yere was trāsported and put of vnto the Lent season. MarginaliaPalestina denied holy for Christes walkyng there.No countrey or land was counted holy, but onely Palestina, where Christ had walked himselfe wyth his corporall feete. Such was the blindnes of þt time; men did striue and fight for the crosse at Hierusalem, as it had bene for the chief and onely force and strength of our faith. It is a wonder to reade the monumentes of the formore[illegible text] times, to see and vnderstand what great troubles & calamities thys crosse hath caused almoste in euery Christian common wealth. For the Romish champions neuer ceased, by wryting, admonishing, and coūsailing, yea and by quarelling, to moue & stirre vp Princes mindes to warre & battail; euen as though the faith & beleefe of the gospell, were of small force or little effect wtout that wooden crosse. MarginaliaRichard K. of England.This was þe cause of þe expedition of the most noble prince K. Rich. vnto Ierusalem. Who being taken in the same iourney, and deliuered vnto the Emperour: could scarsly be raunsomed home againe, for xxx. M. markes. pag. 248. MarginaliaFredericke the Emperor of RomeIn the same enterprise or iourney, Fridericus the Emperour of Rome, a mau of most excellent vertue, was muche endamaged in the same iourney. an. 1179. MarginaliaPhilip kyng of Fraunce.And also Philip the king of Fraunce, scarsly returned home againe in safety not without great losses: so much did they esteeme the recouery of the holy citie and crosse.

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Vpon this alone, all mens eyes, mindes, & deuotions, were so set and bent: as though either there were no other crosse but that, or that the crosse of Christ were in no other place but onely at Hierusalem. Such was the blindnesse and superstition of those daies, which vnderstood or knew nothing but such as were outwardly sene: wheras þe profession of our religion standeth in much other higher matters and greater mysteries. What was the cause why that Vrbanus did so vexe and torment himselfe? Because that Antioche with the holy crosse, was lost out of the hands of the Christians. For so we doe finde it in the Chronicles; at what time as Ierusalem with King Guido, and the crosse of our Lord was taken, and vnder the power of Sultan: Vrbanus MarginaliaPope Vrbane.toke the mater so greuously that for very sorow he died. In whose place succeeded Lambertus MarginaliaLambert Pope.which was called Gregory the 8. by whose motion it was decreed by the Cardinals, that (setting apart all riches and voluptuousnes) they should preach the crosse of Christ, and by their pouerty and humility first of all shuld take the crosse vpon them, & go before others into the lād of Ierusalem. These are the words of the history; wherby it is euident vnto the vigilant reader, vnto what grosenes the true knowledge of the spiritual doctrine of the gospel was degenerate and growen vnto, in those daies: MarginaliaThe knowledge of the Gospell grosely expounded by the Romanistes.How great blindnes & darknes was in those dayes, euen in the first primacy, & supremacy of the bishop of Rome: as though the outward succession of Peter and the Apostles, had ben of greater force and effect to that matter. What doeth it force in what place Peter did rule or not rule? It is much more to be regarded that euery man should labor and study with all theyr endeuor to followe the life & confession of Peter: And that man seemeth vnto me to be the true successour of Peter, against whom the gates of hel shall not preuaile. For if that Peter in the gospell do beare the type & figure of the christian church (as all men in a maner do affirme) what more foolish or vaine thyng can there be: then thorough priuate vsurpation, to restraine and to binde that vnto one man, which by the appoyntment of the Lorde, is of it selfe free and open to so many?

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MarginaliaThe rysing vp of Wickliffe in a troublous tyme. Thus in these 

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John Wiclif's career

In the first edition of the Acts and Monuments, Foxe's account of the genesis of Wiclif's clashes with the Church consisted of a few nuggets of biographical data - Kenningham's attack on Wiclif, for example - and a great deal of assertion about the nobility of Wiclif and the base motives of his opponents. In the second edition, this was complemented by a detailed, if somewhat tendentious, account of Wiclif's position in the politics of the last days of Edward III's reign. Foxe derived all of this new material from BL, Harley MS 3634, a version of Thomas Walsingham's Chronica majora, which covered the years 1376-82. Foxe did not know that his source was written by Walsingham, but only that it was written by a monk of St. Alban's monastery and that is how he cites it. There were numerous versions of the Chronica majora and often Foxe would rely on the more detailed account in another manuscript version of Walsingham's chronicle - that contained in College of Arms MS 7. (Also Foxe seems to have owned Arundel MS 7, making it easier for him to access than BL MS Harley 3634, which he stated that he borrowed from Matthew Parker). The reason why MS Harley 3634 appealed to Foxe was that its bias worked in the martyrologist's polemical interest. When Walsingham began writing his chronicle, he was bitterly hostile to John of Gaunt, but his feelings toward the duke changed during the 1380s and later portions of his work portray him in a favourable light. Walsingham's animus towards Gaunt was of use to Foxe because it led the chronicler to emphasize the support Gaunt gave to Wiclif (whom Walsingham regarded as a detestable heretic). To Walsingham, this association was a powerful indication of Gaunt's corruption, but to Foxe it was valuable evidence that, from its beginnings, Lollardy had aristocratic, and even royal, support. This helped Foxe to remove any taint of subversiveness from Lollardy and also fit Foxe's theme that good princes opposed the Papacy and protected its critics. Chronicon Angliae, ab anno Domini 1328 usque ad annum 1388, ed. E. M. Thompson, Rolls Series 64 (London, 1874) contains a reliable edition of MS Harley 3634.

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Thomas S. Freeman
University of Sheffield

so great and troublous times and horrible darkenes of ignoraunce, what time there seemed in a maner to be no one so litle a sparke of pure doctrine left or remaining: This foresayd Wickliffe by Gods prouidence sprang and rose vp: thorough whom, the Lord would first waken and raise vp agayne the worlde, which was ouermuch drowned and whelmed in the depe streames of humaine traditions. Thus you haue heere the time of Wickliffes originall.

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MarginaliaWickliffe a Deuine in Oxford. Which Wickliffe after he had now by a long time professed deuinity in the vniuersity of Oxford, and perceiuing the true doctrine of Christes Gospell to be adulterate and defiled, with so many filthy inuentions of Bishops, sectes of monkes, and darke errours: And that he after long de-bating and deliberating with himselfe (with many secrete sighes and bewailing in hys mind the generall ignorance of the whole world) could no lōger suffer or abide the same but that he at the last, determined with himselfe to healpe and to remedy such things as he saw to be wide and out of the way. But for so much as he saw that this daungerous medling, could not be attempted or stirred wythout great trouble; neyther that these things which had been so long time with vse and custome rooted and grafted in mennes mindes, coulde not be sodenly plucked vp or taken away, he thought wt himselfe that this matter should be done by litle & litle. Wherfore he taking his original at small occasions, thereby opened himselfe a way or meane to greater matters. And first he assailed his aduersaries in logicall & metaphisical questiōs, disputing wt them of the first forme & fashion of things, of the increase of time, and of the intelligible substance of a creature, wt other such like sophemes of no great effect: but yet notwithstanding did not a little helpe and furnish him, which minded to dispute of greater matters. So in these matters, first began Kegningham (a Carmelite) to dispute and argue against Iohn Wickliffe. 

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Wiclif's debates with John Kenningham, a Carmelite friar at Oxford, took place sometime around 1372-3. Foxe knew about the debates from the partial record of them in Bodley MS e Museo 86, fos. 8v-34r and from Bale, Catalogus, pp. The description of Wiclif going on to attack the Sacrament is from Bodley MS e Museo 86, fo. 35v.

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By these originals, the way was made vnto greater poynts, so that at the length he came to touch the matters of the sacraments, and other abuses of the Church. Touching whych thinges this holy man tooke great paynes, protesting (as they saide) openly in the scholes, that it was hys chiefe and principall purpose and intent: to reuoke and call backe the Church from her Idolatry to some better amendment, especially in the matter of the Sacrament of the body and bloud of Christ. But this bile or sore could not be touched wythout the great griefe and paine of the whole world. For first of all, the whole glutte of Monkes and begging Friers were set on a rage or madnes, which (euen as Hornets wyth their sharpe stings) did assayle this good man on euery side: fighting (as is sayd) for their aultars, paunches and bellies. After them the priests, and then after them the Archb. tooke the matter in hand being then S. Sudbury, who for the same cause depriued him of his benefice, which then he had in Oxford. 

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In 1376 Wiclif received the prebend of Caistor in Lincoln, but he was displaced by Philip Thornbury, the papal provisor in 1377. Wiclif's loss of this benefice appears to have been due to Thornbury having more influential supporters, not to Wiclif's religious beliefs. Foxe also fails to mention that Wiclif held the rectory of Lutterworth, Leicestershire, from 1374 until his death.

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MarginaliaWickliffe depriued of his benefices at Oxford by S. Sudbery. Norwythstanding he being somewhat friended & supported by the king, as appeareth, continued and bare out the malice of the Friers, and of the Archb. all this while of his first beginning, til about the yeare of our Lorde. 1377. MarginaliaEx Chron. D. Albani.After whych time now to prosecute likewise of his troubles & conflict, first I must fetch about a little compasse, as requisite is , to inferre some mention of Iohn of Gaunt Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne, and Lord Henry Percy, whych were his speciall maintainers. MarginaliaDuke of Lancaster, & Lord H. Percy, great maintayners of I. Wickliffe.

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As yeares and time grew on, 

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The account of of the twelve lords and knights appointed to oversee Edward III's heir - the future Richard II - during his minority comes from the Chronicon Angliae, pp. 69-70.

king Edward the third, which had reigned nowe about 51. yeares, after the decease of prince Edwarde his sonne, who departed the yeare before: was stroken in great age,  
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I.e., an ague or fever.

& in such febelenes withall, that he was vnweldy through lacke of strēgth to gouerne the affairs of the realm. Wherfore, a parliament being called the yeare before his death, it was there put vp by the knights & other the burgesses of the Parliament (because of the misgouernment of the realme by certaine gredy persons about the king, raking all to themselues, without seing any iustice done) that 12. sage and discrete Lordes and Pieres, such as were free from note of all auarice, shuld be placed as tutours about the Kyng, to haue the doing and disposing vnder him (6. at one time, and in their absence 6. at another) of matters pertinent to the publike regiment. MarginaliaAlice Perris, the kings concubine. Here by the way I omit to speake of Alice Perris 
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Foxe's account of Alice Perrers, Edward III's mistress, is taken from the Chronicon Angliae, pp. 98-99 and 143.

the wicked harlot, which (as the story geueth) MarginaliaThe K. bewitched by a woman thorough the helpe of a Fryer.had bewitched the kings hart, & gouerned all and sate vpon causes her self through the diuelish help of a Frier Dominick: who by the duke of Lancaster was caused to be take, and was conuicted, & should haue suffred for the same, had not the Archb. of Cant. and the Friers (more regarding the liberty of their Churche, then the punishing of vice) reclaimed hym for their own prisoner. This Alice Perrys, notwithstanding she was banished by this Parliament from the king, yet afterward she came againe, & left him not: til at hys death shee tooke all his rings vpon his fingers and other iewels frō him, and so fled away like an harlot. MarginaliaThe propertie of an whore.But thys of her by the way.

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Marginalia12. Gouernours assigned about the kyng. These 12. gouernours 

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The passage describing John of Gaunt dismissing the council of twelve is taken from the Chronicon Angliae, p. 103.

by the parliament aforesayd being appoynted to haue the tuition of the king, & to attend to the publike affaires of þe realme: remained for a certaine space about him, till afterward it so fel out, that they being againe remoued, all the regiment of the realme next vnder the King, was committed to the Duke of Lancaster the kings sonne. For as yet Richard the sonne of prince Edward lately departed, was very yong and vnder age.

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This Duke of Lancaster had in his heart of long time conceiued a certaine displeasure against the popish clergy:

whether
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