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Aix-en-Provence

France

Coordinates: 43° 31' 53" N, 5° 25' 24" E

 
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Avignon

[Auinion; Auignia]

Vaucluse, France

Coordinates: 43° 56' 58" N, 4° 48' 32" E

Seat of the papacy 1309 - 77; seat of the antipopes during the Great Schism (1378 - 1415)

 
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Basel

[Basill]

Switzerland

Coordinates: 47° 34' 0" N, 7° 36' 0" E

 
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Berne
Berne
NGR:

Unidentified

English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)

Scottish information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Scotland (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1846)

Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)

The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.

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Dijon [Dyion]

Burgundy, France

Historic capital of Burgundy; cathedral city

Coordinates: 47° 19' 26" N, 5° 2' 34" E

967 [945]

K. Henry 8. The history of Merindoll and Cabriers.

destroyed by warres, and other desert places: Wherin they vsed such labour and diligence, that they had abundance of corne, wine, oyles, hony, almons, with other fruits & commodities of the earth, and muche cattell. Before they came thether, Merindol was a barren desert and not inhabited. But these good people MarginaliaFor the originall of this people, see before in pag. 273 (in whome God alwaies had reserued some litle seede of pietie) being dispersed, and separated from the societie of men, were compelled to dwell with beasts, in that waste and wilde desert, which notwithstanding, through the blessing of God, and their great laboure and trauel, became exceeding frutefull. Notwithstanding, the world in the meane time, so detested & abhorred them, and with all shamefull rebukes and contumelies, railed against them in such despiteful maner, þt it semed they were not worthy that the earth should beare them. For they, of a long continuance and custome, had refused the Byshop of Romes authoritie, and obserued euer a more perfect kinde of doctrine, then others, deliuered to them from the father to the sonne, euer since the yere of our Lord. 1200.

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For this cause they were often accused & complained of to the king, as contemners & despisers of the magistrates and rebels. Wherefore they were called by diuers names according to the countreis and places where they dwelte. For in the country about Lyons, they were called the pore people of Lyons: MarginaliaPauperes de Lugduno, Waldēses, Turrelupini.In the borders of Sarmatia 

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Crespin's account glosses these various names: 'Vaudois' from 'Pierre Waldo', their presumed founder; 'Lollard' in England, Poland ('Sarmatia') and Livonia; 'Turelupins' ['Turrelupius'] in Artois and Flanders, Chaignars or Chienars ('Chagnardes') in Dauphiné and Piedmont. Foxe's explanation of the latter 'because they liued in places open to the Sunne, and without house or harborough' is not in the Crespin narrative.

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& Liuonia, and other countreis towards the North, they were called Lolards: In Flanders, and Artoys, Turrelupius, of a desert where wolues did haunte: In Dolphine, with great despite, they were named Chagnardes, MarginaliaChagnardi. because they liued in places open to the Sunne, and without house or harborough. But most commonly they were called Waldoys, of Waldo, MarginaliaOf Waldo read before, pag. 230. who first instructed them in þe word of God: which name continued vntill the name of Lutheranes came vp, which aboue all other, was most hated, and abhorred.

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Notwithstanding, in all these 

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For the Vaudois settlement in and around Mérindol (Vaucluse) in the diocese of Cavaillon, and Cabrières d'Avignon (Vaucluse) in the diocese of Carpentras, see G. Audisio, The Waldensian Dissent. Persecution and Survival, c.1170-c.1570 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 190-193.

most spitefull contumelies ond sclaunders, the people dwelling at the foote of the Alpes, and also in Merindol & Cabriers, and the quarters thereabout, alwaies liued so godly, so vprightly and iustly þt in al their life & conuersation, there appeared to be in thē a great feare of God. That little light of true knowledge whiche God had giuen them, they laboured by al meanes to kindle & encrease daily more & more, sparing no charges whether it were to procure bookes of the holy Scripture, or to instructe such as were of the best and moste towardly wits, in learning & godlinesse: or els to send thē into other countreis, yea euen to þe farthest partes of the earth, where they had heard that any light of the gospel began to shine.

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For in the yere 1530. 

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For the despatch of Georges Morel ['Georgus Maurellus'], native of Chanteloube (Saint-Crépin) in Dauphiné, and Pierre Masson ['Petrus Latomus'], native of Burgundy in 1530 on this delicate mission to the leading theologians of the emerging Reformed protestant opinions to Johann Oecolampadius (Basel), Berthold Haller (Bern) and Martin Bucer (Strasbourg), see G. Audisio, The Waldensian Dissent. Persecution and Survival, c.1170-c.1570 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999), pp. 157-8; E. Cameron, The Reformation of the Heretics: the Waldenses of the Alps, 1480-1580 (Oxford: O.U.P., 1984), pp. 134-138; 180-182. Morel was arrested (10 September 1530) during his return journey and died at Dijon. For the distinctive role of the Waldensian 'barbes', see G. Audisio, Preachers by Night. The Waldensian Barbes (15th-16th Centuries) (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2007).

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vnderstanding that the gospel was preached in certaine townes of Germany & Switzerland, they sent thether 2. learned men, that is, Georgius Maurellus borne in Dolphine, a godly preacher of their owne, and whome they had of their owne charges brought vp in learning, & Petrus Latomus a Burgundian, to conferre with the wise & learned ministers of the Churches there, in the doctrine of the gospel, and to know the whole forme and manner which those Churches vsed in the seruice and worshipping of God: and particularly to haue their aduise also, vppon certaine poynts, which they were not resolued in. These 2. after great conference had wt the chiefest in the Churche of God, namely with Oecolampadius at Basill: at Strausburgh, with Bucer and Capito: and at Berne, wt Bartholdus Hallerus: as they were returning thorow Burgundie, homewarde, Petrus Latomus was taken at Dyion, and caste into prison, Maurellus escaped & returned alone to Merindol, with the bookes and letters whych he brought with him, from the churches of Germanie, and declared to his brethren all the poynts of hys commission, and opened vnto them, how many and great errours they were in: into the which their olde Ministers, whome they called * Marginalia* These were their ministers, for lacke of better, vntill they came to more sincere knowledge: which enstructed thē most commonly by night abroade in caues and quarries, for feare of persecution. Barbes, that is to say, Vncles, had broughte them, leading them from the right way of true Religion.

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When the people heard this 

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This passage, a direct translation from Crespin's 1556 text, has in the past been taken to mean that there was a Vaudois 'synod' in Mérindol. If there was a meeting of some of the Vaudois barbes it should not be taken to mean that it resulted in formal documents such as a 'confession' of their faith. The Vaudois community does not seem to have worked with that kind of organisation, structure, and written documentation. See E. Cameron, The Reformation of the Heretics: the Waldenses of the Alps, 1480-1580 (Oxford: O.U.P., 1984), pp. 137-8.

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, they were moued with such a zeale to haue their Churches reformed, that they sent for the moste ancient brethren, & the chiefest in knowledge and experience, of all Calabria MarginaliaOf these Calabrians, Vide infra & Apulia, to consult wyth them, touching the reformation of þe Church. This matter was so handled, that it stirred vp the bishops, priests & monkes in all Prouince, with greate rage against them. Amongest other, 
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Foxe follows here scrupulously the account given in Crespin [1560], fol 89A, ignoring later amplifications of the narrative undertaken by Crespin. For the history of Jean de Roma, including confirmation of much of Foxe's narrative, see G. Audisio, Le barbe et l'inquisiteur. Procès du barbe vaudois Pierre Griot par l'inquisiteur Jean de Roma (Apt, 1532) (Ax-en-Provence, 1979), introduction.

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there was one cruel wretch called Iohn de Roma, MarginaliaIoan. de Roma, a wretched persecutor. a monke, who obtaining a commissiõ to examine those that were suspected to be of þe Waldois or Lutheran profession, forthwith ceased not to afflict the faithful with all kinde of cruelty, þe he could deuise or imagine. Amongest other most horrible torments, this was one, which he most delighted in, and most commõly practised: MarginaliaThe cruelty of a Papist.He filled bootes with boiling grece, & put them vpon their legs, tying them backeward to a forme, with their legges hanging downe ouer asmall fire, and so he examined them. Thus he tormēted very many, and in the ende, most cruelly put them to deathe. The first whome hee thus tormented, were Michelottus Scrra, and W. Melius, MarginaliaMichelottus Serra, W. Melius, Martirs. with a number moe.

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Wherfore Fraunces the French king being informed of the strange and outragious cruelty of this hellish monke: sent letters to the high Courte of Parlament of Prouince, þt foorthwith he should be apprehended, & by forme of proces and order of law, he should be condemned, & aduertisement sent vnto him wt all spede, of his condemnation. The monke being aduertised heereof by his frendes, conueyed himselfe to Auinion, where hee thought to enioy the spoylings, which he, like a notorious thefe, had gotten by fraud & extortion, from the pore Christians. But shortly after, he which had so shamefully spoiled other, was spoiled of altogether, by his owne houshold seruants: MarginaliaThe iust iudgement of God against a cruell persecutor.Wherupon, shortly after, he fell sicke of a most horrible disease, straunge aud vnknowen to any Phisition. So extreme were the paines & torments, wherwith he was continually vexed in al his body, that no oyntment, no fomētation, nor any thing els, could ease him one minute of an houre. Neither was there any man that could tary neare about him: ne yet wold any of his owne frendes come neare to him: so greate was the stinch that came from him. For the which cause he was caried from the Iacobines, to an hospitall, there to be kepte. But the stinche & infection, so increased, that no man durst there come neare him: no nor he himself was able to abide the horrible stinch that ishued from his body, full of vlcers and sores, and swarming with vermin, and so rotten, that the flesh fell away from the bones, by peecemeale.

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Whiles he was in these torments and anguish, he cried out oftētimes in great rage: Oh who wil deliuer me? who will kill and rid me out of these vntolerable paines, which I know, I suffer for the euils and oppressions that I haue done to the poore men? And he himselfe went about diuers times, to destroy hymselfe, but hee had not the power. MarginaliaA spectacle to all persecutors.In these horrible torments and anguish, and fearfull dispaire, this blasphemer and most cruel homicide, moste miserably ended his vnhappye daies and cursed life, as a spectacle to all persecutors, receiuing a iust reward of his crueltye by þe iust iudgement of God. When he was dead, there was no man þt would come nere him to bury him: but a yong nouice newly come to his order, in steade of a more honorable sepulture, caught hold wt a hooke vpon his stinking carian & drew him into a hole hard by, which was made for hym.

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MarginaliaThe Bishop of Aix, Perionet his Officiall, Meiranus, cruell persecutors.After the death of this cruell monster, 

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This passage was not included in the reprinted Crespin text, but was incorporated into Pantaleon's narrative from the original Crespin edition of 1554. It was the briefest of indications that the ecclesiastical prosecution of the Vaudois had been active through much of the 1530s. The archbishop of Aix-en-Provence in this period was Pierre Filhol ['Philholi'].

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the bishop if Aix, by his Officiall Perionet, continued the persecution & put a great multitude of them in prison: of whom some by force of torments, reuolted from the truth: the others which cõtinued constant after he had condemned thē of heresy, were put into the hands of the ordinary iudge, which at þt time, was one Meiranus, a notable cruel persecutor: who with out any forme of proces or order of law, such as the Official had pronoūced to be heretikes, he put to death, with most cruell tormēts: But shortly after, he receiued a iust reward of his crueltie, in like maner.

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MarginaliaAn other exãple of Gods terrible iudgement vppon a persecutor.After the deathe 

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The careers of the magistrates in the Parlement of Aix-en-Provence mentioned in this passage are evoked in F. Vindry, Les parlementaires français au XVIe siècle 2 vols (Paris: H. Champion, 1909-1912). For Barthélemi Chassané [var: Chasseneuz - Foxe refers to him as 'Barthellemewe Chassane' in the 1563 edition], nominated premier president there in 1531, see Fleury Vindry, 1, p. 20. For Thomas Cuisinier [var: Cuissinier; Cousinier], sieur de Beaujay, also premier president at the Parlement, Ibid., 1, p. 20. Nicolas de Mathieu, sieur du Revest et de Riez is probably the 'Lord of Revest' to whom the account refers.

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of the good President Cusinetus, the Lord of Reuest being chief President of the Parliament of Aix, put many of the faithful to death. Who afterwarde being put out of his office, returned to his house of Reuest, where he was stoken with such an horrible sicknesse, that for the fury and madnes which he was in, hys wife or any that were about him, durst not come neare him, and so hee dying in this fury and rage, was iustly plagued for his vnmercifull and cruell dealing.

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MarginaliaAn other exãple of Gods iudgement vpon Cassaneus, a bloudy persecutor.After him succeded Barthol. Cassaneus, likewise a pestilent persecutor, whom God at length stroke with a fearful & sodeine death. In the time of this tyran, those of Merindol, in the persone of ten, were cited personally to appeare before þe kings atturny. But they hearing that þe court had determined to burn them wtout any further processe or order of law, durst not appeare at þe day apointed. MarginaliaA bloudy decree against the Merindolians.For which cause 

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This notorious arrêt of the Parlement of Aix-en-Provence was pronounced on 18 November 1540. The text was included in extenso in the Recueil and in editions of Crespin from 1560 onwards (Crespin/Benoit, 1, pp. 383-4) condemning 19 Vaudois to be burned, their property confiscated and their village at Mérindol destroyed. The names of those mentioned in the arrêt are rendered by Foxe as best he could, and their orthography differs in the various sources (cf A.-L. Herminjard, Correspondance des réformateurs dans les pays de la langue française [Geneva, 1866-1867], 6, p. 228 and l'Histoire memorable). They included André Maynard, bailli of Mérindol, François Maynard, Martin Maynard, Iacques Maynard, Michel Maynard, Iean Pom and his wife, Facy le Tourneur and his wife, Martin Vian and his wife, Iean Pallenq and his wife, Peyron Roi, Philippon Maynard, Iaques de Sangre, Me Leon Barberoux, Claude Fauyer de Tourves, M. Pomery et Marthe Pomery, his wife, Thomas Pallenq, and Guillaume le Normand.

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the court awarded a cruel sentēce against Merindol, & condemned al the inhabitants, to be burned both men & women, sparing none, no not the litle children & infantes: the towne to be rased, & their houses beaten downe to the groūd: also the trees to be cut down, as wel oliue trees, as al other, and nothing to be left, to the entent it shuld neuer be inhabited again, but remaine as a desert or wildernesse.

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This bloudye arrest or Decree seemed so straunge and wonderfull, that in euery place throughout all Prouince, there was great reasoning and disputation cõcerning the same, especially among the aduocates, and men of lerning & vnderstanding: in so muche that many durst boldly & openly say, that they greatly marueiled, how that Court of parlamēt could be so mad, or so bewitched, to gine out such an arrest, so manifestly iniucious & vniust, and contrary to

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all
NN.ii.
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