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473 [473]

suerly euery christian man ought to haue, and wyll you punyshe vs for that? Vnto this one doctour aunswered and sayd. Lo my Lorde you may see, what fellowes would these be if they might raigne? At the whiche woordes, the byshop cried away with thē, & so gaue iudgemēt on them all to be burned, except the sayd meistres Smith wyddow, which at that time was pardoned & admitted to libertie, and because it was in þe euening, she shold go home, her sight being somwhat dime to see her way. The said Simon Mourtō the somner offered him self to go home wt her. Nowe as he was leading her home, he hard ratling of a skrol which was in the sleue of the same arme he lede her by. Then when he harde it rattle he said: Yea? What haue ye here, and so with that he tooke it from her, lokinge therin he espied that it was the Lords praier, þe articles of þe faith & x. cōmaundemēts in English. Now when he saw it was so he saide, ah serra come, it is as good nowe as another time, and so brought her backe again to þe bishop, wher as she was immediatly condempned, & so burned with the vi. men before named, the iiii. of Aprill next folowyng, in a place there by, called the litle parke.

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After this the sayd Robert Silkeb, that fled away whē the other were takē, about 2. yeares after, was aprehended in Kent, and brought againe to the saide citie of Couentre, where he was also burned, the morrowe after he came thether, whiche was about twenty daies after Christmas, An. 1521. Thus when they were dispatched and gone, immediatly the shryues went home to their houses, and toke all their goodes & cattell to their own vse, not leauing their wyfes and children any parcell therof to helpe them withal, but moste cruelly toke all away as couetouse Cormorantes hauing no mercie. Now when þe simple people perceiuing this, & considring what the parties were that thus were executed, they grudged there at very sore, & said it was great pitie they were put to death. For that they were mē of a good life, true dealing, & honest conuersation. But suche is the fruite of these vnmercifull Tyrantes & blodie papistes, that al thinges may be suffred to be done & practised, sauing þt which maketh to the glory of God, & the keping of a good cōscience. Yet these cruel hangmē were ashamed of their doing, & therfore to cloke their shameful murthir & cruel mischief withal, they sente abroade their Skollianes, their slaues, their reteiners, & those whom thei had set in their fearmes and dayres, to brute abrode that they wer not burned for hauing the Lordes prayer, the articles of our faith, & the x. cōmaundementes in English, but because they did eate fleshe on frydaies & other fasting daies. Which thinges as they could neuer proue, neither before their death nor after: So was that no part of thosematters they were charged with in the tyme of thier examinacions. But that viperous generation wil neuer be without their old practise to couer their shame withall. The Lorde turne the hartes of them al.

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¶ Henry Voz & Iohn Esch frier Augustines. 
Commentary  *  Close
German martyrs

In its first edition, Foxe's martyrology had been published alongside that of Heinrich Pantaleon, a second volume ('Pars Secunda') to which Foxe's was the first. Albeit published in London and Basel respectively, they appeared by what must have been by prior arrangement on the same day. Between them lay an implied division of labour, with Foxe concentrating on the 'Acts and Monuments' of the English martyrs, whilst Pantaleon offered a broader 'European' perspective ('per Europam persecvtionvm' ran his title) with the witnesses of the martyrs divided up by nationalities and political entities ('per Regna & Nationes distributarum'). The two parts of the martyrology had, however, overlapped even in 1563. Foxe took the opportunity even then to integrate some martyr narratives from continental Europe into the first edition, especially where their narratives were readily available to him, or had become particularly well-known. He did so for a particular and important reason. If, as Tertullian had famously said, 'in the blood of martyrs lay the seed of the true church', it was important to Foxe's purpose to demonstrate that martyrdoms had occurred in the immediate aftermath of Luther's reformation. So Foxe included five such stories relating to Germany in the 1520s in his 1563 edition. Rather than incorporate them into his table of German martyrs in 1570, he deliberately kept them apart from it in order to emphasise that important point:-

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In the case of the 'account of 'Henry Voz & Iohn Esch frier Augustines' [Hendrich Voes; Jan van Essen] (1563, pp. 421-2) he based his account (indirectly) on an undated and anonymous short pamphlet, published shortly after their martyrdom and reissued in various different editions, one of which was ascribed to Martin Luther himself (F. van der Haeghen, T. J. I. Arnold, and R. Vanden Berghe, Bibliographie des martyrologes protestants néerlandais 2 vols (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1890), 1, p. 473 et seq.). Crespin had provided a short summary of it in the earliest edition of his martyrology, but Foxe did not use that as his source (Crespin/Benoit, 1, pp. 238-40). Pantaleon provided a further summary, basing his account, however, on the same source (Pantaleon, pp. 38-9). Both Foxe and Pantaleon give their source as 'Ex 6 tomo M. Lutheri, fol. 397'. This does not, however, correspond to the relevant volume of the collected works of Luther, edited by Philip Melanchthon (M. Luther, Tomus primus [-septimus] omnium operum Reverendi Domini Martini Lutheri [...] 7 vols (Wiitenberg: Iohannes Lufft, 1545, etc). It is possible that both Pantaleon and Foxe had used another edition of Luther's works, or that they had both copied the reference from somewhere else.

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In the narrative of the martyrdom of Henry Zutphen [Heinrich Mullers van Zutphen], recounted in the 1563 edition (pp. 422-428), Foxe was once again relying on a martyr account which had been widely diffused in the form of a contemporary pamphlet, and published in Latin (1524) and German (1525) - see F. van der Haeghen, T. J. I. Arnold, and R. Vanden Berghe, Bibliographie des martyrologes protestants néerlandais 2 vols (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1890), 1, p. 541 et seq. As Foxe said, the story had already been told, at least in outline, in Sleidan (book 4) and the earliest edition of Crespin (1554) - see Crespin/Benoit, 1, pp. 245-247. He clearly knew, and had probably read, Luther's own account of it, partly through a consolatory letter to the faithful of Bremen, and which had appeared in the earliest published collection of Luther's letters in 1525 (M. Luther, Martini Lutheri Epistolarum farrago, pietatis et eruditionis plena [...] [Haganoae [Haganau]: Iohan Secer, 1525]) - see W. M. L. de Wette, ed. Martin Luther. Briefe, Sendschreiben und Bedenken 5 vols (Berlin, 1825-1828), 3, p. 65 etc. Although Foxe also referred the reader to Ludwig Rabus' martyrology (L. Rabus, Historien der Heyligen auserwölten Gottes Zeugen 3 vols [Strasbourg, 1554-1558], there is no sign that he ever consulted it himself, or had the language skills to read it directly. Pantaleon had provided a similar narrative of this martyrdom (Pantaleon, pp. 35-8).

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The account of the martyrdom of 'Iohn Castellane' (Jean Chastelain), which Foxe published in the earliest edition of his martyrology (1563, pp. 428-431) seems to have come from that published in the earliest edition of Crespin (1554, fol. 175), which Foxe follows very closely here. Chastelain was a native of Tournai who went to Lorraine and actively proselytized at Bar-le-Duc ('Barleduc'), Vitry in Partois ('Vittery in Partoise'), Chalon and Vic ('Vike') before being arrested and imprisoned at Goze ('Gorze') and the castle at Nomény ('Nommeny'). Pantaleon provided a similar narrative in his edition too (Pantaleon, pp. 40-42), deriving it from the same source.

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The 'history of a good pastoure, murthered for the preaching of the Gospel, wrytten by Ihon Oecolampadius' which followed in his earliest edition (1563, pp. 431-432) was also taken directly from the earliest edition of Crespin (Crespin [1554], fol. 154). Crespin ascribed it (and Foxe follows him) to a written narrative prepared by Johann Oecolampadius, the preacher in Basel. Pantaleon had also provided a version of the same narrative (Pantaleon, pp. 46-8). See Crespin/Benoit, 1, pp. 250-1.

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The same is also true of the following 'history of the death of a certaine minister which was drowned in the yeare of our Lord 1525. collected by Oecolampadius', reproduced in the earliest edition of Crespin (Crespin [1554], fol 158) and repeated by Foxe in his earliest edition (1563, pp. 432-3). In 1563, Foxe knew only that he was a minister in the Breisgau ('Brisgois'). However, when he came to repeat the narrative in 1570, he added the pastor's name - Peter Spengler - which he had found in Pantaleon's account of the same narrative (Pantaleon, pp. 48-51). Living in Basel, Pantaleon doubtless had access to written and oral sources which were able to substantiate some of the details of the Oecolampadius narrative.

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The following account of a 'history of a certen man of the Country wrongfully put to deathe Collected by the saide Ihon Oecolampadius' was also published by Foxe in his earliest edition (1563, pp. 433-5). It was the closest he came to engaging the attention of his readers in the link between the early protestant reformation and social conflict - the reference-point for the narrative being the Peasants' War in Germany, which had taken early and divisive root in south-west Germany, the region to which it relates. It had been published by Crespin in his earliest edition (Crespin [1554], fol. 166) and in Pantaleon (pp. 51-54).

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The next account of Wolfgang Schuch, a protestant pastor from Alsace ('Lotharing.') had first appeared in Ludwig Rabus' Historien der Märtyrer (Strasbourg, 1554). It was repeated in Crespin (1560) and Pantaleon, pp. 54-57. Foxe's account here was closely based on the latter, which explains why it appeared for the first time in the 1570 edition of Foxe's martyrology.The following narrative of the death of Johann Hüglein in Merssburg (near Constance) in 1527 had already been widely circulated in the reformation. A contemporary narrative of his trial and death had been published in Nuremberg in c.1527. It is from that, either directly or indirectly, that Sleidan derived his account (Sleidan [book 6], 1, p. 331), and a brief account of his death had also been included in Rabus, vol 6, p. 599 and Pantaleon, p. 60. Foxe seems to have consulted both Sleidan and Pantaleon for his details of it and it appeared for the first time only in the 1570 edition of Foxe's martyrology.

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The next account was also of an early martyrdom from Bavaria. Georg Carpenter was a native of Emmendingen ('Emeryng') in Bavaria. He was burnt at Munich ('Munchen') on 8 February 1527. The account, with its circumstantiated details of his trial (including the debate with Conrad Schritter ['Scheitter'], the vicar of the cathedral church in Munich), had appeared for the first time in Crespin [1556], but Foxe acquired all his details of it from Pantaleon, pp. 61-3, and it appeared for the first time only in the 1570 edition of Foxe's martyrology.

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For the account of the martyrdom of Leonard Kayser, who may well have held Anabaptist beliefs, a contemporary pamphlet had provided the relevant details, published in Wittemberg in 1527. It was upon this account, either directly or indirectly, that the narrative of his martyrdom reached Pantaleon (pp. 63-4) which is where Foxe derived his own account. It appeared for the first time only in the 1570 edition of Foxe's martyrology.

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For the subsequent history of the martyrdom of Wendelmoet Claes [var: Classen], Foxe followed Crespin, Haemstede, Rabus and Pantaleon, deriving his account from the latter (p. 65). She was a native of Monnitendam ('Munchendam'), a small town in Holland. It is now evident, although it was perhaps difficult to discern this at the time, that she was a convinced Anabaptist. It appeared for the first time only in the 1570 edition of Foxe's martyrology.

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The final account from the first decade of the reformation concerned two martyrs from Cologne, Peter Fliested and Adolf Clarenbach, in September 1529. Foxe might have acquired the material here from Sleidan, but he more likely derived it from the account in Pantaleon, pp. 66-7. It appeared only for the first time in the 1570 edition of Foxe's martyrology.

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Mark Greengrass
University of Sheffield

Marginalia1522.IN the yeare of our Lorde. 1522. two yonge men were burnt at Bruxells, the one named Henry voz, and the other Iohn Esch, which before had bene of the order of the frier Austines, they wear disgraded the first day of Iuly, and spoyled of ther friers wede, at the Sute of the Inquisitor of the faith and the deuins of Louain, for that they would not retract and deny ther doctrine of the Gospell which the papists call Lutherany. Then they began to giue thākes to god ther heauēly father which had deliuered them through his great goodnes, from that false and abhominable priesthoode, and had made them priests of his holye order, receauing them vnto him as a sacrifice of sweet odour. Then ther was a bil written, which was deliuered vnto them, to reed openly before the people, to declare what faith and doctrine they held. The greatest errore that they wer accused of, was: That men ought to trust only in god, for somuch as men are liers and disceatful in al their wordes and deades, and therfore ther ought no trust or affiance to be put in them.

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As they wer ledd vnto the place of execution they went ioifully & merely, making cōtinual protestation that they died for the glory of god and the doctrin of the gospel, as trew christiās beleuing on the holly church and the sonne of god, saing also that it was the day which they had long desired. After they were come to the place that they shold be burned, & were dispoiled of their garmētes, they taried a great space in their shirtes, & ioyfully embraced the stake that they should be bound to, paciently & ioyfully endurīg whatsoeuer was done vnto thē, praising God & singing Psalmes & rehercing þe crede, in testimonie of their faith. A certen doctor beholding the iollitie & mirthe, saide vnto Henry, that he should take heade so folyshly to glorifie himself, to whō he answered: God forbid, that I should glorifie in any thyng but only in the crosse of my Lorde Iesus Christe. another counsayled hym to haue God before his eyes, vnto whome he aunswered, I truste that I cary hym truely in my heart. One of them seyng that the fyer was kyndled at hys feete, sayde: me thynkes ye doo strawe roses vnder my feete. Finally the smooke and the flame mountyng vp to his face, choked hym.

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Henry being demaunded amongest other thynges, whether Luther hadde seduced hym or no, yea, sayde he, euen as Christe seduced his Apostles. He sayde also, that it was con-

trary
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