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long liued in adoultrye to Goddes greate displeasure, and haue no true heire of my bodye to inhearite this realme. These be the sores that vexe my mynde, these be the panges that trouble my conscience, and for these greues I seeke a remeadye. Therefore I require of you al, as oure truste and confidence is in you, to declare to oure subiectes oure minde and entent according to our true meaning, & desyre them to praye with vs, that the verye truthe maye be knowen, for the discharge of our conscience, and sauing of our soul, and for the declaration hereof, I haue assēbled you together and now you may depart.

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Herevpon word was sent not long after to the Quene 

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Foxe's analysis of the reception of the oration, and the events that followed it was substantially changed in between the 1563 and the 1570 and later editions. In 1563, Foxe placed the emphasis on the Queen's reaction. As Foxe says in 1563, 'herepon word was sent not longer after to the Quene, by the cardinal, & certen other messengers'. In reality, delegations of the great and the good were sent to Queen Catherine a number of times over the course of the marriage trial, with the objective of ending her obstructionism. The latest delegation (for which, see L&P, iv:iii, no.739), perhaps that one referred to here, consisted of Thomas Howard (Duke of Norfolk), Edward Lee and Richard Sampson, Longland and Stokesley, and they addressed theology, canon law and civil political issues. The cardinal referred to here is Cardinal Lorenzo (var: 'Lawrence') Campeggio (who was also for a time Cardinal Protector of England and bishop of Salisbury). The legatine trial at Blackfriars (31 May - 23 July 1529) over which Campeggio presided with Wolsey, was actually his second legatine appearance in England, having been sent in 1518 as Leo X's nuncio (to secure men and funding for a projected crusade). Campeggio was deprived of Salisbury via act of parliament (11 March 1535) (see Edward V Cardinal, Cardinal Lorenzo Campeggio, Legate to the Courts of Henry VIII and Charles V (Boston, 1935)].

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, by the cardinal, & certen other messengers directed from the king, to declare vnto her the trouble & grief of his mind, cōcerning the dangerous case of his vnlawful mariage, to whom the Quene answering againe, sayd in this forme as foloweth.

¶ The Quenes answer to the kinges message. 
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In the 1563 edition, Foxe replicated in extenso the speech supposedly given in reply by Queen Catherine, which had appeared in Edward Hall's chronicle, The Union of the Two Noble and Illustre Families of Lancastre & York (London, 1547), fols.180B-81A. There is some question over whether she actually made it at all. Catherine claims that she was unaware of the king's doubts; either she had been kept in the dark about young Henry's protest or his doubts and confessions of 1518, or her Spanish servants had not been paying attention. She makes the valid point that some theologians who were now raising objections to the marriage had accepted it at the time. One such was William Warham; another was Richard Fox, the aged bishop of Winchester. Former servants and courtiers had been trotted out at the tribunals to speak on events of twenty years' earlier and pick over the bones of ill or half-remembered statements. She refers tellingly to the dispensation of Julius II (dated 26 December 1503). She reserved her strongest statements, however, for Cardinal Wolsey, convinced that he was behind the divorce issue. In 1515 Leo X had created Wolsey a cardinal and he hoped to negotiate this, and English diplomatic ties with the empire after 1519, into his own election as pope. Charles V, however, supported his tutor (Adrian Dedel or Adrian Florenszoon Boeyens) as Pope Adrian VI and later, Giulio di Giuliano de'Medici (as Clement VII), for which Wolsey never forgave him. Later, in the aftermath of the imperial troops sacking of Rome (6 May 1527), Wolsey had conceived a scheme by which he would be appointed (by the French cardinals) as vice-pope for the duration of the pope's captivity. Charles V once again foiled his efforts by allowing Clement to escape captivity. Catherine was convinced that Wolsey was pursuing his grudge against her (as the aunt of the emperor he could not touch), which may indeed have been a fair assessment of Wolsey's ways of behaving.

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ALas my Lordes is it now a questiō whether I be the kyngs lawfull wife or no? When I haue bene maried to him almoste xx. yeares, and in the meane season neuer question was made before? Diuers prelates yet being aliue, and Lordes also and preuy counsailors with the king at that time, thē adiudged our mariage lawful and honest, and now to say it is detestable and abhominable, I thinke it great maruel: and in especial when I consider, what a wise Prince the kynges father was, and also the loue and natural affection, that king Fernando my father bare vnto me: I thinke in my selfe that neither of our fathers were so vncircumspect, so vnwise, and of so small Imagination, but they foresawe what might folow of our marriage, and in especiall the king my father sent to the Courte of Rome, and there after long sute, with great cost and charge, obtained a licence and dispēsation, that I beinge the one brothers wyfe, and perauenture carnallye knowen, might wythout scrupull of conscience, marrye with the other brother lawfullye, whyche lycence vnder lead I haue yet to shewe, whych thinges make me to say and surely beleue, that oure marryage was bothe lawfull, good, and godly: But of thys trouble I onlye maye thanke you my Lorde Cardinall of Yorke, for because I haue wondered at your hyghe pryde and vaine glorye, and abhorre your volupteous life, and abhominable Lecherye, and little regarde your presumpteous power and tirannye, therefore of malyce you haue kyndeled thys fyre, andsette this matter a broche, and in especiall for the greate malyce that you beare to my Nephewe the Emperoure, whome I perfectlye knowe you hate worse then a Scorpyon, because he woulde not satisfye your ambition, and make you Pope by force, and therefore you haue sayed more then once, that you wold trouble hym and his frendes, and you haue kepte hym true promyse, for of all his warres and vexations, he onlye maye thancke you, and as for me his pore aunt and kinswoman, what trouble you putte me to, by thys newe found doubt, God knoweth, to whome I commit my cause according to the truth.

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BY these premisses it is sufficient to iudge and vnderstand, what the whole occasion was, that broughte this marriage firste into doubte, so that there neadeth not anye further declaratyon in woordes vppon this matter. But this one thing wil I say, if I mighte be boulde to speake what I thincke, other men may thinke what they list. This I suppose that the stay of this marriage was taken in good time, and not without the synguler fauour of Goddes prouidence. For if that one childe comming of this foresaid maryage, did so greatly indaūger this whole realme of England to be entangled with the Spanyshe nation, that if Gods mighty hand had not ben betwixt, God knoweth what miserye myghte haue ensued: What pearill then should therby haue followed, if in the continuance of thys marriage more issue had spronge therof: But to return again to our matter concerning the whole processe and discourse of thys deuorcement, briefly to comprehend in fewe woordes, that, which might be collected out of many: after this answer was geuen of the Quene 

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Foxe's analysis of events after July1529 is congested and somewhat changed between the 1563 and 1570 editions. In 1563, Foxe mentions that Catherine appealed the projected decision of the legatine court to the pope on 16 June 1529 ('and her appeale made to the Pope'). Again, in the 1563 edition, he briefly alludes to the legatine trial at Blackfriars, which sat between 31 May and 23 July 1529 (about fourteen sessions) under the dual-authorities of cardinals Wolsey and Campeggio ('Fyrst the pope sendeth his two legates, Wolsey and Campeius, to here and decise the case…') noting the involvement of the king's proctor (chief legal advisor) John Bell (later bishop of Worcester), sometimes acting with Richard Sampson (later bishop of Chichester). The queen's proctor was John Clerk (bishop of Bath and Wells). He also refers to the preliminary meeting of 28 May 1529, at which the king and queen were to, officially, learn the reasons they were being summoned to appear before an ecclesiastical court. The other 'counsailors…learned men' assisting the queen mentioned by Foxe were William Warham, Nicholas West, John Fisher and Henry Standish. The queen had other supporters, including her chaplain Thomas Abel, Richard Featherstone, Peter Ligham, Edward Powell, Richard Gwent, her almoner Robert Shorton, her Spanish confessor George de Athequa (bishop of Llandaff) and John Talcarne, not all of whom were entirely to be trusted. Much of the actual chronology is skipped over. The court met in fourteen sessions - 31 May, 18, 21, 22, 25, and 28 June, 5, 9, 12, 14, 16, 19, 21, and 23 July. Foxe makes a reference to testimony on behalf of Prince Arthur (given on 19 July) meant to prove consummation of his marriage. This is rumour and hearsay evidence, of course. For example, when gentlemen of the prince's household joked with him over his need for a drink, Arthur reportedly replied: 'Marry, if thou haddest been as often in Spain this night as I have been, I think verily thou wouldest have been much drier.' (For a discussion of these reports, see Henry A Kelly, The Matrimonial Trials of Henry VIII [Stanford, 1976], pp.122ff) There is also reference made here to the Spanish brief (which had been secured for the dying Isabella on 26 December 1503 (and sent to Spain in autumn 1504) - common knowledge in England at the time [see, L&P, i, p.243] - although this fact seems to be often denied or conveniently forgotten by 1529.

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, and her appeale made to the Pope, the king to try out the matter by scriptures and by learning, sent first to the Pope, then to moost part of al vniuersities, to haue it decised to the vttermooste.

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Fyrst the pope sendeth his two legates, Wolsey and Campeius, to here and decise þe case, who sitting in þe black friers to determine the marriage betwene thē whether it stode with Goddes law or not, fyrst ascited the kyng and Quene personally to appeare, or by their proctors, the xxviii. of the moneth of Maye. As the day was come, & the Legates with their crosses, pillers, & axes wer set, the king was presēt ready to heare þe determination of þe matter, requiring moreouer to haue an end of the cōtrouersy, eyther of the one part or the other. The wordes of the king which he spake in that presence, can best declare his owne minde, whych here I thought to notify, that they which haue not the chronicles present, may here reade his

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mind
Tt.i.
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