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neyther can he be excused, from plaine rebelliō against his prince: So yet would I haue wished again, the law rather publikly to haue foūd out his fault, then the swordes of them to haue smitten him, hauing no special commaundment neither of the prince, nor of the law, so to doo. For though the indignatiō of the prince (as the wise prince sayeth) is death: yet it is not for euery priuat person streight wayes to reuenge the secret indignation of his prince, except he be publykly autorised therunto: And this had bene (as I suppose) the better way, the lawes first to haue executed their iustice vpon him. Certes it had ben the safest way for the kinge as it proued after. Who had iuste matter ynough to him, if he had prosecuted his cause against him. And also therby his death had ben without all suspitiō of martirdom, neyther had there foloweb this shrining and sancting of him, as there did. Albeit the secret prouidēce of god which gouerneth al things did see this way percase, to be most best, & moste necessary for those dayes. And doubtles (to say here what I thinke, and yet to speake nothing against charitie) if the Emperours had doune the like to the popes contending against them, what time they toke thē prisoners, that is, if they had vsed the law of the sworde against them, & chopped of þe heads of one or two, according to their traitorous rebellion, they had broke the neke of muche disturbance whiche longe time did trouble the churche. But for lacke of that, because Emperours hauing the sword, and the truethe on theyr side, would not vse their sword, but stāding in awe of the Popes vayne curse, and reuerensing his seat for S. Peters sake, durst lay no hand vpon him, though he were neuer so abhominable and tratorous a malefactor, the Popes perceauing that, tooke so muche vpon them, not as the scripture would geue, but as the superstitious feare of Emperoures and kinges woulde geue them leaue. Whiche was so muche, that it past al order, rule, and measure. And all because the superiour powers, ether would not or durst not practise that autoritie geuen to them of the Lord, vpon their inferiours but suffred them to be their masters.

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But as touching Thomas Becket, what so euer is to be thought of them, that did the acte: the example therof yet bringeth this profit with it, to teache all Romish prelates not to be so stuborne, in such matters not perteyning to them, against their prince, vnto whom God hath them subiected.

Marginaliaetbertus boscham. ā Char- anus bat of nsbury- lielmas ruarienNow to the storye, whiche if it be true that is set forthe in Quadrilogo, by those fower, who tooke vpon them to expresse the life and processe of Thomas Becket, it appeareth by all coniectuers, that he was a man of a stoute nature: seuere, & inflexible: what perswasion or opinion he had once cōceiued, from þt he wold in no wise, be remoued, or very hardly. Thretnings & flatte- MarginaliaThomas Becket described.rynges, were to him bothe one. In this poynte singular in folowing no mans councell so much as hisown. Great helps of nature wer in him (if he could haue vsed them well) rather then of lerning. Albeit somwhat skilfull he was of the ciuill law, whiche he studied at Bonomy. In memory excellently good, and also well broken in courtly and in worldly matters. Besides this of a chast and a strayte lyfe, if the histories be true, Although in the first parte of his lyfe, beyng yet Archedeacō of Canterbury, & after Lord Chaūceler, very ciuil, courtlyke, pleasāt, geuē much both to hunting and hauking, according to the gise of þe courte. And highly fauoured of his prince, who not only had thus promoted him, but also had cōmitted his sonne and heyre to his institutiō and gouernance. But in this his first beginning he was not so well beloued, but afterward he was againe as muche hated, and deseruedly, bothe of the kinge, and also of most parte of subiects, saue only of certaye monkes, and priestes and such as were perswaded by them, who magnifyed hym not alitel, for vpholding the liberties of þe church that is, the licētious lyfe and exces of churchmē. Amongst all other, theise vices he had most notable, and to be rebuked. Full of deuotion, but without all trew religion. Zelous, but clene wtout knowlege. MarginaliaWhat commeth of blīd zeale destitute of right knowlegeAnd therfore as he was stiffe and stubbern of nature, so a blinde conscience beyng ioyned with all, it turned to playne rebellion: So superstitious he was to the obedience of the Pope, that he for got his obedience to his naturall and moste beneficiall kinge. And in menteyning so contentiusly the vayne constitutions & decrees of men, neclected the commaundements of God: but therin most of all to be reprehended, that not only contrary to the kynges knowleg, sought to cōuey him self out of þe realm, being in þt place & calling: but also being out of the realm set matter of discord betwene þe Pope & his king, & also betwene the frensh king & him, cōtrary to all honestie, good order, naturall subiection, and trew christianitie. Wherupon folowed no litell disquyetnes after, both to the king and damage to the realme, as in the processe may appeare. MarginaliaHistoria qua dripartita: seu quadrilogus, deuita, et processu Thomæ Cantuari. Historia Iornalensis,But first to vnderstand the occasiō of the breach betwene the king and him. In historia quadriparta, whiche, they call Quadrilogum, also in historia Iornalensi, agreyng with the same, the firste cause and ground is declared to ryse thus, by reasō of certayn wicked persons of the clergy whose murders, robbers, and greauous transgressions against the lawes being declared to the king by his iudges: MarginaliaHenry the third king of England the king therwith was not alitell agreaued, requiring dew punishmēt for the same to be executed, acording to þe order of his lawes: MarginaliaThe prerogatiue of the churche.not withstanding the prerogatiue of the church, which then did exempt the clergy from all ciuill iurisdiction. Thomas Becket then being Archbishop of Canterbury, vnderstanding the kinge to go about to set lawes, preiudicall to the priui-

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