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1517 [1517]

K. Henry. 8. Appendix. Steuen Gardiner out of the Kinges fauour.

MarginaliaK. Henry layeth to Winchesters charge.in thys offence, but that you are of the same opinion with him, and therefore my Lord be playne with me, and let me know if ye bee that waye infected or no. If you wyll tell me the truth, I wyll the rather pardon the fault, but if you halt or dissemble with me, looke for no fauour at my hand.

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MarginaliaWinchester confesseth hys popery before the kyng.With this monition Wynchester fell downe vpon hys knees, and besought his Maiesty of mercy and pardon, manifestly confessing that hee of long time was of that opinion with hys sayd Secretary, and there bewayling him selfe, promised from that day forward to reforme hys opinion, and become a new man. Well (quoth the king) this way you haue of me, that which otherwyse you should neuer haue obtayned. I am content to remit al things past, and pardon you vpon your amendement.

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The next morning I had word how the matter was handled, whereupon I came to hys highnes and sayd: Your Maiestie hath preuented our commission, which I and other had from your grace concerning my Lord of Winchesters committing to the Tower. Wot you what, quoth the king? he hath confessed hym selfe as gyltie in this matter as his mā, and hath with much sorrow and pensiuenes sued for my pardon: MarginaliaK. Henryes nature to pardon them that come to hym and confesse theyr fault.And you know what my nature and custome hath bene in such matters, euermore to pardon them that wil not dissemble, but confesse their fault.

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Thus wilyly and politickly he got him selfe out of our handes. But if I had suspected this, I would haue had him in the Tower ouernight and stopped his iourney to the Court. Well sayd my Lorde of Canterbury, hee was euermore to good for you all.

Moreouer, as touching this foresaid bishop of Winchester, for so much as he in king Edwardes time braggeth so much of his old maister of famous memory K. Henry. VIII: 

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More precisely, Gardiner's position was that the religious legislation of Henry VIII was valid, as Henry was legitimately the Supreme Head of the English Church. However, the religious legislation of the Edwardian Church was invalid, as Edward VI, was a minor and thus not legitimately the Supreme Head of the English Church.

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to the entent that the glorious vanitye of this bishop, and of all other like vnto him, more notoriously may appeare to all men, here is to be noted by the testification as well of Maister Deny, as also of Syr Henry Neuell, who were there present witnesses of þe matter, whose recorde is this: 
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Historians have questioned the degree to which Henry's religious policies were shifting in the closing months of his reign. For a discussion of this point and the argument that they were indeed moving in a direction favourable to the evangelicals see Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer (New Haven, CT, 1996), pp. 356-60.

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That K. Henry before the time of his sicknes, taking his horse vpō the tarras at Wyndsore to ryde out on hauking, saw standing before him þe L. Wryothesley L. Chaūcellor, with diuers other Counsellors, and amongest them the B. of Winchester. MarginaliaWinchester commaunded no more to come in the kinges sight.Wherupon he called the L. Chauncelor & said: Did not I commaund you hee should come no more amongest you (meaning the Bishop)? Wherunto the L. Chauncellor aunswered, that his comming was to bring his maiesty woord of a beneuolence geuen vnto hym by the Clergye. Whereat the king sayd: Ah, let him come hether. And so hee did hys message, and the kyng went straight away.

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Item an other time, the king immediately after his repayre to London fell sicke, and caused diuers times his whole Coūsel to come vnto him about hys wyll, & other his graue affaires: MarginaliaWinchester though he were excluded, yet would seeme still to be of the kings Counsell.at what tyme the Byshop also would come vp with them into the vtter priuye chamber, and there remaine vntill the Counsell came from the king, and then go downe with them agayne, to the end (as then was thought) to blind the world withall. MarginaliaWinchester excluded out of the kings will.

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Furthermore, as the king grew more in sicknes, he considering vpon his wyll and testament made before at hys going ouer to Bulleine, wylled the same a new to be drawen out agayne, with leauing out and exluding the bishop of Winchester by name from amongst his Executors. 

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As Glyn Redworth has observed, Gardiner remained in favour with Henry well in the autumn of 1546. What led to Gardiner's exclusion from the executors of Henry's will was that the bishop with admirable courage and a deplorable sense of timing declined , at the November, to agree to an exchange of episcopal properties with Crown lands. (In theory, these exchanges were equal, in practice they always favoured the Crown). Henry was irate and Gardiner was in disfavour at the crucial time when Henry died. (See Glyn Redworth, In Defence of the Church Catholic: The Life of Stephen Gardiner [Oxford, 1990], pp. 237-40 and Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer [New Haven, CT, 1996], p. 359).

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Which being to him and hys friendes no small corsey, 
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I.e., an irritant or vexation.

and a cutting of of all theyr purposes, a way was found, MarginaliaSyr Anthony Browne a great frēd to Winchester.that Syr Antony Browne, a principal pillar of Winchesters side, pretending vnto the kyng as though by the negligence of the wryter the Bishops name had bene left out of the kings wil, kneled downe to the kinges Maiestie, lying in his bed, and sayd: My Lord of Winchester I thinke by negligence is left out of your Maiesties wyll, who hath done your hyghnesmost paynfull, long, & notable seruice, and one without whom the rest shall not bee able to ouercome your great and waighty affayres committed vnto them.

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Hold your peace (quoth the king) I remembred him wel inough, and of good purpose haue left him out. MarginaliaKyng Henryes opinion of the B. of Winchest.For surely, if he were in my testament, and one of you, hee would cumber you all, and you should neuer rule hym, he is of so troublesome a nature. Mary, quoth þe king, I my selfe could vse him, and rule hym to all maner of purposes, as seemed good to me, but so shall you neuer do, and therefore talke no more of him to me in thys behalfe. Syr Antony Browne perceyuing the Kyng somewhat stiffe herein, gaue place to the kings wordes at that time. Howbeit seeking farther occasion vppon more perswasions put into his head, tooke in hand once agayne to moue the king to haue the bishop one of his Executors. When the king perceiued that this instāt sute would not cease: haue you not yet done (quoth the kyng) to molest me in this matter? If you wil not cease farther to trouble mee, by the fayth that I owe vnto God, I will surely dispatch thee out of my will also, and therfore let vs heare no more of this matter. MarginaliaWitnes.All thys Syr Antony Deny was heard to report to the Archbyshop of Cant. Tho. Cranmer, of the sayd Archbishops Secretary 

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This was Ralph Morrice and this is an important indication that he was Foxe's source for this anecedote as well as the other material on the end of Henry VIII's reign.

, who is yet aliue, and witnes to the same.

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MarginaliaThe purpose of the king if he had liued, was to make a perfecte reformation of religion.And thus much touching the end of Kyng Henry, who if hee hadde contined a fewe monethes longer (all those obites and Masses, which appeare in hys will made before he went to Bulleine notwithstandyng) most certeine it is, and to bee signified to all posteritie, that hys full purpose was to haue repurged the estate of the Church, and to haue gone through with þe same, so that hee woulde not haue left one Masse in all England. 

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Historians have questioned the degree to which Henry's religious policies were shifting in the closing months of his reign. For a discussion of this point and the argument that they were indeed moving in a direction favourable to the evangelicals see Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer (New Haven, CT, 1996), pp. 356-60.

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For the more certayne intelligence wherof, two thynges I haue to lead me. MarginaliaCredite of this narration that it is true.The one is the assured reporte and testimonie of Thomas Cranmer Archbishop of Canterbury, hearyng the kyng declare the same out of hys owne mouth, both to hym selfe and to Monsieur d’Annebault Lorde Admirall the French Ambassador, in the moneth of August a little before his death, as aboue may appeare more at large 
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See 1570, pp. 1425-6; 1576, pp. 1215-16 and 1583, pp. 1244-5.

pag. 1426. The other cause which leadeth mee thereunto, is also of equall credite, grounded vpon the declaration of the kynges owne mouth after that time, more neare to his death, vnto Bruno Ambassadour of Iohn Fridericke, Duke of Saxonie. Vnto the which Ambassadour of Saxonie, the kyng gaue this aunswere openly, MarginaliaThe kings aunswere to the Duke of Saxonyes Ambassadour, a litle before hys death.that if the quarell of the Duke of Saxonie were nothyng els agaynst the Emperour but for Religion, hee should stand to it strongly and he would take his parte, willing him not to doubt nor feare, and so with this aunswere dimissed the Ambassadour vnto the Duke openlye in the hearing of these. iiij. sufficient witnesses, the Lord Seymer Earle of Harford, Lord Lisle thē Admirall, the Earle of Bedford Lorde Priuye Seale, and Lorde Paget. But the secrete woorking of Gods holy prouidence, which disposeth all thinges after his owne wisedome and purpose, thought it good rather by taking the kyng away, to reserue the accomplishment of this reformation of his Church, to the peaceable time of his sonne Edward, and Elizabeth his daughter, whose handes were yet vndefiled with any bloud, and life vnspotted with any violence, or crueltie.

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And thus to finish this booke, I thought here to close vp kyng Henries raygne. But because a lyttle vacant space of emptie paper remayneth behind nedefull to be filled vp, 

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Persecution in Orleans in 1534

Foxe states here that he was adding the account of the fraudulent friars simply to fill up surplus sheets of paper. Yet we know that later in the 1570 edition, Day ran out of paper. (See Elizabeth Evenden and Thomas S. Freeman, 'John Foxe, John Day and the Printing of the "Book of Martyrs"' in Lives in Print: Biography and the Book Trade from the Middle Ages to the 21st Century [London and New Castle, DE, 2002], pp. 37-40). Why then was Foxe wasting paper here? The 'little vacant space of emptie paper' that Foxe said that he had to fill was actually the last two pages of a four page gathering. This was an extra gathering which was added because of a miscalculation: the printing of Exsurge Domini ran over its assigned gathering and it occupied almost half a column on the first page of the added gathering. The unusual length of the added gathering - almost invariably gatherings in the 1570 edition were eight pages long - is itself an indication that John Day wanted to keep it as brief as possble (a two page gathering would have been too fragile to be practical). At the same time, in order not to lose time, while these decisions were being made, printing on Book Nine had probably already started. As a result Day and Foxe now had eight pages which had to be filled or else there would be unsightly blank pages in the middle of the book, which would have been a bad reflection on Day's skill.

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Foxe and Day continued this extra gathering by adding Luther's appeal from Exsurge Domini to a general Council; a document that they probably did not originally to print. This was followed by an account of the death of Henry VIII and the king's putative plans to reform the Church, which Foxe had almost certainly intended to include and which he probably originally intended as the conclusion to Book Eight. Unfortunately Luther's appeal and the account of Henry's death only filled four of the eight pages that had to be filled. So Foxe went on to include a story taken from John Daus's translation of Johann Sleidan's Commentaries of a pious fraud committed by Franciscans in Orleans in 1534. (Johann Sleidan, A famouse cronicle of our time, called Sleidanes Commentaries…, trans. John Daus [London, 1560], STC 19848, fos. 114v-115v). This translation had been printed by Day and it was almost certainly scoured for a suitable anecdote, even one that had occurred back in 1534, because it was readily available in Day's printing house. Next Foxe included an account of of the martyrdom of John Browne, a Lollard who had been executed in Ashford in 1511. This was another transparent expedient as Foxe had already written an account of Browne's martyrdom and it eventually caused confusion (Foxe printed this account at the end of his account of the reign of Henry VIII, almost certainly because the account reached him while the 1570 edition was being printed. In the 1583 edition, Foxe moved this account to its proper chronological position in the volume, although through someone's negligence, this account was also reprinted, in its old position, at the end of Henry VIII's reign and as a result, this account was printed twice in the 1583 edition, and in all subsequent editions). However, it filled another page and with the addition of a pointless document - a letter from Bonner to his summoner written back in 1541 - the necessary pages were just filled. (For a detailed explanation of the technical problems which led to the awkward ending of Book Eight, see Elizabeth Evenden, 'Disorderly gatherings: an examination of the second edition of John Foxe's "Book of Martyrs"').

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Thomas S. Freeman

to employ therefore and to replenish the same with some matter or other, I thought to annexe hereunto one story which happened in this king Henryes raygne. Which albeit it serueth not to the purpose of thys our matter now in hand, yet neuerthelesse to supply the rowme, it may stand in some place, eyther to refresh the trauailed minde of the Reader, wearyed with other stories, or els to disclose the detestable impietie of these counterfait sectes of Monkes and Friers, who

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