Thematic Divisions in Book 12
1. Exhumations of Bucer and Phagius along with Peter Martyr's Wife2. Pole's Visitation Articles for Kent3. Ten Martyrs Burnt at Canterbury4. The 'Bloody Commission'5. Twenty-two Prisoners from Colchester6. Five Burnt at Smithfield7. Stephen Gratwick and others8. Edmund Allen and other martyrs9. Alice Benden and other martyrs10. Examinations of Matthew Plaise11. Richard Woodman and nine other martyrs12. Ambrose13. Richard Lush14. Edmund Allen15. The Martyrdom of Simon Miller and Elizabeth Cooper16. Rose Allin and nine other Colchester Martyrs17. John Thurston18. George Eagles19. Richard Crashfield20. Fryer and George Eagles' sister21. Joyce Lewes22. Rafe Allerton and others23. Agnes Bongeor and Margaret Thurston24. John Kurde25. John Noyes26. Cicelye Ormes27. Persecution at Lichfield28. Persecution at Chichester29. Thomas Spurdance30. Hallingdale, Sparrow and Gibson31. John Rough and Margaret Mearing32. Cuthbert Simson33. William Nicholl34. Seaman, Carman and Hudson35. Three at Colchester36. A Royal Proclamation37. Roger Holland and other Islington martyrs38. Stephen Cotton and other martyrs39. Scourging of Thomas Hinshaw40. Scourging of John Milles41. Richard Yeoman42. John Alcocke43. Thomas Benbridge44. Four at St Edmondsbury45. Alexander Gouch and Alice Driver46. Three at Bury47. A Poor Woman of Exeter48. Priest's Wife of Exeter49. The Final Five Martyrs50. John Hunt and Richard White51. John Fetty52. Nicholas Burton53. John Fronton54. Another Martyrdom in Spain55. Baker and Burgate56. Burges and Hoker57. The Scourged: Introduction58. Richard Wilmot and Thomas Fairfax59. Thomas Greene60. Bartlett Greene and Cotton61. Steven Cotton's Letter62. James Harris63. Robert Williams64. Bonner's Beating of Boys65. A Beggar of Salisbury66. Providences: Introduction67. The Miraculously Preserved68. William Living69. Edward Grew70. William Browne71. Elizabeth Young72. Elizabeth Lawson73. Christenmas and Wattes74. John Glover75. Dabney76. Alexander Wimshurst77. Bosom's wife78. Lady Knevet79. Mistress Roberts80. Anne Lacy81. Crosman's wife82. Congregation at Stoke in Suffolk83. Congregation of London84. Edward Benet85. Jeffrey Hurst86. William Wood87. Simon Grinaeus88. The Duchess of Suffolk89. Thomas Horton 90. Thomas Sprat91. John Cornet92. Thomas Bryce93. Gertrude Crockhey94. William Mauldon95. Robert Horneby96. Mistress Sandes97. John Kempe98. Thomas Rose99. Complaint against the Ipswich Gospellers100. Tome 6 Life and Preservation of the Lady Elizabeth101. The Unprosperous Queen Mary102. Punishments of Persecutors103. Foreign Examples104. A Letter to Henry II of France105. The Death of Henry II and others106. Justice Nine-Holes107. John Whiteman108. Admonition to the Reader109. Hales' Oration110. Cautions to the Reader111. Snel112. Laremouth113. William Hunter's Letter
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1879 [1864]

Q. Mary. Visitation in Cambridge. B. of Chesters aunswere.

MarginaliaAnno. 1557. Ianuary.tatem, fidem, & consilium ad publicam salutem impēdimus. Postquàm enim singulari & præstantissima virtute Cardinalis Poli, legati è superiorum temporum caligine, & tenebris, lucē in republica respicere cœpimus, vna certè grauissima etiam superioris ætatis mala sensimus, quibus profecto infinitis & miserrimis etsi antea premeremur, tamen ad calamitatis nostræ magnitudinem accessit eiusdem ignoratio, vt (mea quidem opinione) eo simus magis miserabiles iudicandi, quod tam turbulenta tempestate iactati ne moueri quidem nos, tam; graui & periculoso hæresis morbo oppressi, aut ægrotare mentes nostras, non intelliximus. Valde enim periculosa est ægrotatio illa, quæcunque sine doloris sensu naturam cōficit, & affectos sæpe priùs extinguit, quàm ægrotare se fateantur. Euismodi morbo Academia laborabat, quæ ad alias fortasse res satis ingeniosa & solers, in hac Religionis causa, propter caput Ecclesiæ læsum, vnde omnis sentiendi vis est, omnino hebes, stupida, & sine mente fuit, quoad tertio ante hunc anno diuina sanctissimi patris Iulij Clementia Angliæ ferè emortuæ miserata, iterum nos Ecclesiæ inserit, corpus sensusq; recreat, cuius ope conualescēs Britannia, quam certa gehennæ pericula effugerit, quiuis facile intelligit. Idē Academia cernit acutius, nequè quicquám mali vspiam accidisse putat, quo nostra Regio in hac religionis vastitate & schismate miserius fuerit afflicta. Non est opus recensere in hoc loco euersa Monasteria, spoliata Templa, strages sacerdotū, cædes nobilium, motus & tumultus populi, totius Regni egestatem, quæ & si aliunde accidere possunt, tamē cum tam grauia sint vt opprimant, vltionis & vindictæ potius quàm; probādi causa in malos & nocentes infligi putamns. Sed sunt ista fortunæ ludibria, grauiora sumus passi religionis & conscientiæ detrimēta: pietas in Deum omnis euanuerat, virginalis sacerdotū professio ad libidinem soluta est, animus quasi consopitus iacebat, quem nullæ Ceremoniæ excitabant, ipsa mens opinionum varietate ita distracta, ita sibi ipsi dissentiens, vt infinitis erroribus implicaretur. In his erant duo præcipue fontes, ex quorum riuulis & hausisse Academiam paulo liberalius, & illa portione ferme inebriatam confitemur.

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Prior ortum habebat ex illa nostri violēta diuulsione, a Catholicæ Ecclesiæ vnitate, re non dissimili illius pugnæ, quam olim Menenius Agrippa in intestina ciuium discordia, de corpore humano memorabat. Posterior ex immensa palude & cœno Wicleuiano emanauit: quem celebris apud nos imo miserabilis de Sacramento altaris patefecit. De cuius rei veritate plerique suo sensu abundantes, pro arbitrio quisque suo statuerat. Nos Philosophos, nec illos quidem optimos, imitati ex Epicureorum schola ad scripturæ lumen aliquid attulimus, quòd enim Christus omnino, præcise, & sine exceptione, de vera & perpetua sui corporis præsentia affirmarat (in cuius verbi veritate fundamētum fidei nostræ collocatur) id nos ita sumus interpretati, vt mancam & alienam Christi vocem iudicaremus, nisi illa Epicuri propria particula (quasi) adderetur, & quod Christiani corpus & sanguinem, id nos quasi corpus & sanguinem diceremus. Sed non est istius temporis præterita nimium meminisse, quæ vtinā æterna obliuione obrui possent, neque vlla tātæ labis memoria ad posteros nostros propagetur, tamen fuerunt attingēda generatim quidem, quòd erranti cōfessio salutaris sit, membratim verò, quod Academia his vulneribus à Cēsoria potestate confecta, à Censoria medicina ad salutem reduci postulat. Ipsa vero pro se & suis spondet omnes in authoritate vestra futuros, quos assiduis cōcionibus adeo ad pœnitentiam edocuit, vt & eos ad sanam religionem fidissime transijsse, & in eadem diligenti præsentis vitæ vsu superioris ætatis damna sarcituros putetis. Nam qui primi in hoc cursu sunt acerrime cōtendunt in eo, quod tam voluntariè susceperunt & qui pigrius egressi, quasi pomeridianis horis ad hoc certamen accesserunt, ea certè præbent iam immutatæ voluntatis indicia, vt quomodo temerè & iuueniliter à sana religione defecerunt, ita non nisi maturi & cum iudicio ab hæresi desciuisse videantur. Vniuersis vero simul restituta & desiderata religio magis placere videtur, quia si assiduè præcepta, neque ad tempus obscurata fuisset.

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Quapropter Academia supplex & postrata primùm à Deo immortali pacem & veniam petit precaturq; ab eo, vt hodiernum diem ad suorum salutem conseruandam, & rempublicam hanc constituendem illuxisse patiatur. Deinde pro se, pro suis, pro vniuersis, pro singulis, hāc petitionem ad celsitudines vestras affert, vt superiorū temporum offensas ex errore & iustitia profectas præsenti hominum industriæ cōdonetis. De reliquis vero pro summa prudentia vestra, & singulari in nos amore eā sententiam

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feratis, vt suorum causas vel iustitia vestra bonas inueniat, vel clementia bonas esse faciat. In vtroque par erit beneficium, siue Academiam pro causarum æquitate iudicaueritis, siue pro amoris vestri abundantia innocentē eam esse volueritis. Nos pro referenda gratia, summam in sacris modestiam, assiduam in literis operam, perpetuum veræ religionis amorem, sempiternam vestri beneficij memoriam repromittimus.

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MarginaliaThe aunswere of master Scot Bishop of Chester, to the oration of Ihon Stokes.When he had made an end of speaking, the Bishop of Chester 

Commentary  *  Close

In the 1563 edition, Foxe, following Golding, refers to the bishop of Chester as the bishop of 'West Chester'. (This is because the bishop of the older see of Chichester had traditionally been referred to as the bishop of Chester). In the 1570 edition, Foxe changed 'West Chester' to Chester.

aunswered thereunto, that they tooke in right good part, that the mother the Vniuersitie had made so open a declaration of her good will towardes them: for the which he gaue most harty thankes, desiring her to perfourme in deede and in her workes, the thinges that she had so largely promised of her selfe in woordes and communication.

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As cōcernyng their good willes, there was no cause to mistrust. For their cōming thether was not to deale any thing roughly with such as fell to the amendemēt: but both the Cardinal himself, and they also, were fully minded to shew fauour, deuising how to bring all thinges to peace and trāquility, desiring nothing more earnestly, thē that they which haue erred and gone astray, should returne into the right path agayne. The right reuerend father the lord Cardinal (whom he wished to haue bene present) wished the self same thing also, desyring nothing somuch as hee with his owne handes to susteyne & hold vp now ready to fall, or rather to rayse vp already fallē to the groūd, the Vniuersity his ward: for he gladly taketh vppon him the name and duety of her Gardein, whom it greatly greued that the infectiōs of the times past had spread abroade so greuous diseases, that euē the Vniuersity it self was touched with the cōtagions ayre therof. For he would gladlier haue come thither to visite & salute it, then to correct it, if the weighty affayres of the realme would haue permitted it. MarginaliaThe Commission assigned by the Cardinall, and why.But now seing he could not so do, he had appoynted this Commission, in the which he had assigned them to be his deputies, which (for because they knew him to set much store by the Vniuersity) should extēd the more fauor to it, & (for because they thēselues had bene there brought vp) would the more earnestly embrace it. MarginaliaThe causes declared.The chiefe matter that they came for, tended to thys ende, that such as had erred should cōfesse their faultes, and returne into the ryght waye agayne. For they were in good forwardnes of healing, that acknowledged thēselues to haue offēded. And therfore it was wisely propounded on his part that he would not altogether excuse the faultes of the Vniuersity, nor of other men, but confesse and acknowledge the crime, as that there were many thinges had nede to be corrected and amended.

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The cause why they were sent thither was to rayse vp them that were fallen, & to receyue into fauour such as were sory and would amend, wherin if (contrary to theyr expectation) they should not be able to do so much with some men as they would: yet notwithstanding according to theyr duety, they would shew themselues so diligēt for theyr part, as that no lacke might be found in them. For it was more openly knowne than that it could be denyed, that many men did diuers thinges of a froward wilfulnes, and take stoutly vpon thē, wherewith as they were greatly moued and agreued (as reason was) so they coueted to remedy the mischiefe. Agaynst whom, if any thing should seeme hereafter to be straitly determined, it was to be imputed to theyr own desertes, and not to the willes of them. Neither ought such as are whole and sounde to be moued at the chastisment of others, forasmuch as it pertayned not onely to the wyping out of the foule blot, which now sticked in the vniuersitie, but also to the helth of many others which had taken much hurt by the infection of them. MarginaliaMercie more commended of all menne, but rigor moste cōmonly in actes of moste menne expressed.For theyr owne partes, they more enclined vnto mercy then to rigor. Howebeit considering that so great diseases could not by gentle medicines hee healed, they were driuen of necessity to vse stronger. And yet if they would be contēted to be brought againe to their right mindes, which thing they chiefely coueted (for they wished that al should amend and be led by wholsome coūsell) and would yet at lēgth waxe wery of their errors, and in stede of them frequēt again the auncient customes of themselues, and of their forefathers, they might boldly looke for al kind of humanity and gentlenes at theyr handes, in all this theyr busines of reformation, which they had now entred and begon, requesting no more of the Vniuersity but to do as became them: which beyng performed, he promised that their beneuolence,

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