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K. Henry. 8. A Table of the Spanishe Martyrs.

Persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes.

mighty Iudgement of God most euidently may appeare: who albeit commonly he doth vse to begyn his iudgemēt with his owne houshold in this world: yet neither doth his aduersaries alwayes escape thēselues, the terrible hand of his iustice.

MarginaliaGods iust vengeaunce vpon the Lieuetenaunt a persecutour. Also the Lieutenāt, which was his condēner, taried not lōg after the priest, but he was arrested personnally to appeare before the kings coūsaile, through the procuremēt of a certaine Gentleman of Polonie, called Antony de Leglise, agaynst whom the sayd Lieutenant had geuen false & wrong Iudgement before. By reason wherof the foresayd Gentlemā so instantly did pursue him, before the Lordes of the coūsaile, that all the extorsions & pelyngs of the Lieutenaunt were there openly discouered, & so he condēned to pay to the Gentlemā a thousand French crownes of the sunne, within xiiij. dayes, vpon payne of double as much. MarginaliaNote. Also he was deposed of his office, and there declared vnworthy to exercise any royall office hereafter for euer, with infamy, and shame perpetuall. Ex Crisp. Lib. 6. pag. 907.

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MarginaliaThomas Moutarde, martir. A Priest of
At Vallen-
An. 1559.
In the town of Va-
lenciennes, not farre frō
Fraunce, the same
yeare, whiche was.
1559. in the moneth
of October suffered
Thom. Moutarde.
Who first beyng con-
uerted from a disorde
red life, to the know-
ledge of the Gospel, is
to vs a spectacle of
Gods great gratious
mercy toward his ele
cted Christiās. This
Moutard was atta-
ched for certain words spoken to a priest, say-
ing thus, that his god
of the hoste was no-

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thyng but abomination, which abused the people of God. These wordes were taken first as spoken in his dronkēnes. But the next day after, whē the same wordes were repeted to him agayne, to know whether he would abyde by the wordes there vttered, or no: he sayd, yea. MarginaliaAgaynst the bodely presence of Christ in the hoste. For it is an abuse (sayd he) to seeke Iesus Christ any other where, then in heauen, sittyng at the glory & right hand of God his father: and in this, he was ready to lyue & dye. His proces beyng made, he was condēned to be burned quicke. But as he was caried frō the towne house, to the MarginaliaConstancie is of a good conscience. place of punishment, it was neuer sene, a man with such cōstancy to be so assured in hart, & so to reioyce at that great honor, which God had called him vnto. The hāgmā hasted as much, as was possible, to bynde him, & dis-

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Persecutors. Martyrs. The causes.

patch him. The Martyr in the middest of the flamyng fire, liftyng vp his eyes vnto heauen, cryed to the Lord, that he would haue mercy on his soule: & so in great integritie of fayth & perseueraunce, he gaue vp his life to God. Ex Ioan. Crisp. Lib. 6.

☞ This Dutch story should haue gone before, with the Dutch Martyrs. But seyng Vallēciēnes is not farre distant from Fraunce it is not much out of order, to adioyne the same with the Frēch Martyrs: who altogether at lēgth, shalbe ioyned in þe kingdome of Christ: which day the Lord send shortly. Amen.

¶ Thus haue we (through the assistaunce of the Lord) deduced the Table of the French and also of the Dutch Martyrs, vnto the tyme and reigne of Quene Elizabeth, that is, to the yeare. 1560. Since the which tyme, diuers also haue suffered, both in Fraunce, and in the lower countrey of Germany, whose storyes shalbe declared (the Lord willyng) more at large, when we come to the tyme of Queene Elizabeth. In the meane season it shall suffice for this present, to insert their names onely, which here do follow.

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¶ The residue of the Frēch Martyrs.

MarginaliaMartyrs. ANne du Bourge, Counsailer of Paris. Andrewe Coiffier, Iohn Isabeau, Iohn Indet, Martyrs of Paris, Geoffrey Guerin, Iohn Morell, Iohn Barbeuille, Peter Cheuet, Marin Marie, Margarite Riche, Adriā Daussi, Gilles le Court, Philipp Parmentier, Marin Rosseau, Peter Milot, Iohn Berfoy: Besides the tumulte of Amboise, the persecution of Vassi, Austen Marlorat, Master Mutonis.

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¶ The residue of the Dutch Martyrs

MarginaliaMartyrs. IAmes de Lo, of the Ile of Flanders, Iohn de Buissons at Antwerpe, Peter Petit, Iohn Denis, Gymō Guilmin, Simeon Herme of the Ile of Flanders, Iohn de Lannoy at Tournay. Andrew Michell, a blynde man, at Tournay, Frances Varlut, at Tournay, Alexander Dayken of Bramchastle, William Cornu, in Henault, Antony Caron of Cambray, Renaudine de Francuile, Certeine suffered at Tournay, Michell Robilart of Aras, Nicaise de le Tombe, at Tornay, Roger du Mont.

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¶ To the Catalogue of French Martyrs aboue MarginaliaTouching the story of Merindoll Vid. infr. rehearsed, the story of Merindoll and Cabrieres, wyth the lamentable handlyng of them, were also to be annexed. But because the tractation therof is prolixe, and can not well be contracted into a short discourse, therfore we haue differred the same to a more conuenient roome, after the Table here folowing next of þe Spanishe and Italiā Martyrs. Where better oportunitie shalbe geuen, to prosecute more at full that Tragicall persecution, the Lord so permitting.

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¶ A Table of such Martirs, as for the cause of Religion, suffered in Spayne. 
Commentary  *  Close
Spanish martyrs

Foxe's Table of martyrs from Spain was introduced for the first time into the 1570 edition. It was clearly an attempt to complement the much richer and more fully developed tables that preceded it of the 'German' and 'French' martyrs. Like them, Foxe sought to impose order upon his disparate material by organising it in tabular form - as he had already done elsewhere in the volume - under 'Persecutors', 'Martyrs' and 'The Causes'. The typographical complexity of these pages continued to impose extraordinary demands on his printers, with double-columned ruled tables, each column broken into three parts on occasion, incorporating headers and catch-words into the table, and including glosses to one side.

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Foxe was seeking to situate the events in England within a wider European perspective - his claim here has often been ignored by later commentators. He attempted to bring together into an ambitious organised compilation all that had been discovered about those who had suffered for the faith, at least in respect of the continental protestant martyrological circles in which he situated himself. He also wanted to say something to his contemporaries about the Spanish Habsburg dynastic empire, a point which implicitly underpins the narrative. For Foxe was an important source in creating the Elizabethan 'Black Legend' of Spain (see A. G. Kinder, 'Creation of the Black Legend: literary contributions of Spanish protestant exiles' Mediterranean Studies 6 (1996), 67-78).

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Only one Spanish martyr account - that of the Flemish sculptor, working in Sanlucár, known as 'Roque' ['Rochus'] - had appeared in the 1563 edition. That text - evidently a 'filler' to complete the final page of the volume - was (as Foxe states) 'taken oute of a booke of Franciscus Enzinas written to Phillip Melanton' (1563, p. 1041). This is an unambiguous reference to Francisco de Enzinas [=Franciscus Dryander], Historia de statu belgico deque religione hispanica, which Foxe tells us in the subsequent 1570 edition, he had consulted in the Oporinus print-shop, where he used it to furnish his account of the life and martyrdom of Francisco de San Román: 'The storye hereof is at large set forth by Francis Encenas, a notable learned man, who also himself was prisoned ye same time at Bruzels: whose booke written in Latine, I myselfe have sene and read, remaining in the hands of John Oporin at Basill'. The same source had probably also been consulted by Heinrich Pantaleon, and it therefore presumably informs his material on the Spanish martyrs, upon which Foxe also draws.

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In the 1570 table of Spanish martyrs, Foxe broke off to furnish, by way of introduction to the auto de fé at Valladolid, a description of the 'execrable Inquisition of Spayne'. Foxe could hardly have resisted making something of the potentially emotive and rich material furnished by the Inquisition. In Foxe's eyes it could hardly be other than the exemplification of catholic cruelty, clerical overlordship and injustice. By 1570, Foxe had already been sensitised to the issue of the Inquisition, perhaps through the 'history' of Francisco de Enzinas (=Dryander), in which the judicial proceedings, rituals and cruelty of the Inquisition had been emphasised, but also through his 'memoirs', which Foxe apparently also knew (e.g. J. de Savignac [ed.] Francisco de Enzinas. Les Mémorables de Francisco de Enzinas [Brussels: Les editions de la Libraire encyclopédique, 1963], pp. 180-3). Foxe's direct source for the passage on the inquisition and the subsequent Valladolid auto de fé (Foxe does not actually use the term) on 21 May 1559 was the French edition of Crespin. He tells us so: 'Ex quinta parte Marti Gallic Impresse pag 474'. This constitutes an initial problem, since Crespin's passage in the French 1564 edition of the martyrology (Crespin [1564]) was in book 7, pp. 904-5; and in the 157 French edition (Crespin [1570]) it was in book 6, fols 536B-538B. This seems to be one of the comparatively rare occasions where Foxe mis-references his text. This may not, however, have been his only source. He also refers to 'the story of the sayde Inquisition being set out in the French tongue'. This can only refer to Reinaldo Gonzales de Montes [Montanus], Sanctae Inquisitionis Hispanicae Artes aliquot detectae, ac palam traductae (Heidelberg, 1567), which enjoyed considerable popularity in the later sixteenth century, including at least one in French (1568), three further Latin, three English, four Dutch and three German editions before the end of the century. Quite why Foxe did not refer directly to the Latin edition is a mystery, although it seems possible that John Day was a considerable promoter of the Montanus text, and may even have been responsible for a good number of these editions himself, including the French translation. In its English translation of 1568, (A discovery & playne declaration of sundry subtill practises of the holy inquisition of Spayne […]) its translator, Vincent Skinner, mentioned that its publication was something of a 'taster' for the new edition of Foxe's martyrology ('as a taste in the meane space, whiles the booke of Martires be finished, wherein thou shalt have a most plentifull and notable History of the like matter and argument' (cited Kinder, p. 114).Foxe was certainly aware of the discrepancies of the sources to note that they tallied different numbers of martyrs from the Valladolid Inquisition, from which he inferred (correctly) that some of the victims had been returned to prison. At all events, the passage serves as a notable example of the proceedings of the Inquisition.

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Crespin's description (like Montanus') includes the notable presence at the auto de fé of Princess Joanna ('Dame Iane'), widow of the prince of Portugal and sister to Philip II as well as Don Carlos ('Prince Charles'), the king's son and the Comte de Buendia. Crespin (along with Montanus) describes the 'sanbenito' or yellow garment worn by the prisoners and the 'coroza' ('coracas') or paper mitres that they were obliged to wear on their heads. Foxe emphasises (as do Montanus and Crespin) the role of the Spanish clergy in the spectacle - Melchior Cano, the famous Dominican preacher who had been bishop in the Canary Islands, the archbishop of Seville ('Senille'), and the bishops of Palencia ('Valence').and Orense. The names of the martyrs recorded by Foxe reveal with what difficulty he struggled to transliterate the sometimes very different renditions of names in Crespin and Montanus. The official record of the Valladolid auto de fé survives in numerous copies. The comparison with Foxe's account reveals that he includes some individuals as martyrs who, in reality, were relaxed and returned to prison (Pedro Sarmiento, Luís de Rojas and Juan de Ulloa).

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Foxe was certainly aware how patchy and incomplete his treatment of protestant prosecution in the Spanish peninsula had been. Even in the case of the Valladolid trial, he mentions at the end of the account that 37 other prisoners in Valladolid were 'reserved to another tragedy and spectacle of that bloody inquisition', the number and phrase coming directly from Crespin's 1564 French edition (Actes des martyrs, p. 906: Actiones et monimenta (1570), p. 1065). How Crespin arrived at the figure of '37' is a mystery. There were 7 further autos de fé in Valladolid through to 1565, where 241 protestants were paraded, of whom 89 were burned, 23 of them in effigy (figures from Kinder, op. cit., p. 114). Foxe's supply of materials on the Spanish peninsula was much more restricted. He used extensively what was available to him in Heinrich Pantaleon (lib. 5), supplementing it with information from Crespin and Montanus, especially on the Valladolid martyrs of 1559. He realised, however, that there was probably much of which he was probably ignorant. He intimated as much: '…divers others haue bene in the sayd countrey of Spayne, whose hartes God had marvellously illuminated and stirrup up, both before and also since the coming in of the Inquisition …. Albeit theyr names are as yet are vnknowne, for that the storyes of that countrey bee not yet come to light, but I trust shortly shall, as partly some intelligence I haue thereof' ([1570], p. 1062; [1583], p. 930). He added for good measure: 'By the vigour and the rigour of thys Inquisition, many good and true servauntes of Jesus Christ have been brought to death, especially in these latter dayes …The names and stories of whom, partlye we will here recite…..The other which be not yet come to our knowledge we will differre, till further intelligence and oportunitie, by the Lordes ayde shall serve hereafter ([1570], p. 1062; [1583], p. 931). Foxe must have been acutely aware that the lack of an organised evangelical community, let alone formed churches in the Spanish peninsula, acted as a crippling weakness in his information flows. That said, the table remained unchanged thereafter for the 1576 and 1583 editions. This was despite the fact that a further edition of his key source, Jean Crespin, had appeared in 1582. He appears to have made no effort to make, or exploit, contacts with the small Spanish protestant exile community in London that would have provided him with valuable information on these matters in the later editions.

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M. Greengrass
University of Sheffield

The Spanish Martyrs.

MarginaliaFrances San Romane, Martyr. Spanishe
in Ant-
The fryers
of Ant-
San Roma-
At Burgis
in Spayne.
An. 1542.
AN. 1540. thys
Frances was sent
by certaine Spanish
Marchants of Ant-
werpe, to Breme, to
take vp money due to
be payde of certayne
Marchauntes there.
Where he beyng at a
Sermō, hearing M.
Iacobus, priour some-
times of the Austen
fryers of Antwerpe,
preach, was so tou-
ched & drawne (tho-
rough þe maruelous
working of gods spi-
rite) at the hearyng
thereof, albeit hauing
no perfect vnderstan-
ding of the Dutche

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tongue, that not onely he vnderstoode all that there was sayd, but also commyng to the preacher, and accompanying him home (all his other worldly busines set apart) there recited the whole contents of hys Sermon, euery thing (as they sayd, which heard the sayd minister of Breme preach) in perfecte forme and order, MarginaliaThe conuersion of San Romane. as he had preached. After this litle taste, and happy beginning, he proceeded further, searching and conferring with learned men, that in short space, he was growen in great towardnes, and rype knowledge in the word of life. The Minister meruelyng at the sodeine mutation of the man, and also seeing the vehemencie of hys zeale ioyned withall, began to exhort him, how to temper himselfe with circumspection, and discretiō, still more and more instructing him in the word and knowledge of þe gospell, which he so gredely did receaue, as one that could neuer be satisfied: and so remayned he with the minister iij. dayes together, cōmitting his worldly busines and message that he was sent for, vnto hys felow which came wyth hym. Thus being inflamed

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