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939 [915]

K. Henry. 8. A Table of the Italian Martyrs.

Persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes.
1600. o-
ther, also
condēned.
At Cala-
bria.
An. 1560.
takē out of the house,
and so beyng layd vpō
the butchers stall, like
sheepe in þe shambles,
wt one bloudy knife,
were all killed in or-
der. A spectacle most
tragicall, for all poste-
ritie to remember, &

almost incredible to beleue. Wherfore for the more credite of þe matter, lest we shal seeme either light of cre-

Persecutors. Martyrs. The Causes.

dite, to beleue that is not true, or rashly to commit to penne, thynges without due profe and authoritie, we haue here annexed a peece of an Epistle, written by master Symon Florillus preacher of Gods word at the Citie Cla-uenna, amōg the Rhetians, vnto a certaine frend of his named Guliel. Gratalorus an Italian, and Doctour of Phisicke, in the Vniuersitie of Basill, whiche Gratalorus translated the same into the Latin toung, and it is to be found in the xi. booke of Pantal. pag. 337. the English wherof is this as foloweth.

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¶ The end of a certaine letter of maister Symon Florillus, written in Italian, concernyng a lamentable slaughter of 88. Christian Saintes, in the parties of Calabria. 
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At the end of the table of Italian martyrs, Foxe turns to a summary account of the gathering persecution of the Waldensian (Fr: Vaudois; It: Valdesi) communities on either side of the Alps. This enables him to create a powerful interlinked narrative, bringing together the targeted elimination of two Waldensian rural communities in Provence in 1545-6 with the parallel campaign in 1560-1 in Calabria. Foxe's objective was, at least in part, to demonstrate that there was an underlying pattern to these events and their chronology. They both involved the state-sponsored terror of innocent individuals and communities. This enabled him to ignore conveniently the difficult question as to whether those being persecuted in Calabria were (in the strict sense that Foxe understood it) protestants. It also enabled him to stretch the otherwise rather strict conventions about the proofs of the status of martyrdom, necessarily based upon individual proof-statements of faith, to encompass the possibility of group martyrdom. 'Divers that suffered in the kingdome of Naples' 'Lxxxviij Martyrs in one day, with one butcherlye knife, slayne like shepe' was a more spectacular kind of bloodshed that Foxe had documented hitherto in his narrative ([1570], p. 1073).

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The Waldensian presence in the kingdom of Naples had existed from the thirteenth of Montalto - San-Sisto, San-Vincenzo, Argentina, etc - were largely founded by them, encouraged by the local nobility. Girolamo Zanchi, a sixteenth-century contemporary in a position to know, spoke of their being around 4,000 Calbrian Waldensians, although some contemporaries put the estimate even higher. The progressive acceptance of reformed doctrines and ecclesiology from 1532 made them much more a subject of likely persecution. When the latter eventually started, it owed a good deal to support within the Neapolitan Hispanic state, working in collaboration with the nobility and senior clergy. The marquis Salvador Spinelli was signor of La Guardia and San-Sisto and it was his decision (at the instigation of his chaplain, Anania) to denounce his Waldensian inhabitants to Cardinal Ghislieri (later Pope Pius V) that was became crucial to the launching of the persecution in 1560, in which contemporaries estimate that around 2,000 individuals were executed. Foxe's estimates of the massacre were cautiously based on the evidence which he had to hand, and heavily under-estimated the extent of the loss of life. For further details, see Crespin/Benoit, 3, p. 34-64; Lombard; Galiffe; Amabile, vol 1, pp. 235-

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Further information about what happened in the persecution of the Waldensians of Calabria, and particularly about the continuing brutality and repression of the following year, 1561, which would be even more severe than that mentioned by Foxe in 1560, continued to emerge in the 1560s and 1570s. Crespin's later editors referred to Job Fincelius [Fincel], Traité des merveilles de notre temps which was well informed and graphic on the subject. André Hondorf, Calendarium historiarum oder der Heilige Märtyrer istorien (Frankfurt-am-Main, 1575) also contributed some further information by which protestant Europe could gradually piece together what had happened. By the time of the last edition to which he was able to contribute, Foxe had seemingly no further energies for pursuing the fate of martyrs whose Protestantism might, if investigated more closely, not have withstood the scrutiny.

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Foxe was very aware of the weakness of his sources for what were, even in 1570, comparatively recent developments in the horn of Italy, culminating in 1560. Once more Foxe relies exclusively on the treatment of the subject in Pantaleon, 11 (p. 337-339 - the end folios of this work being paginated rather than foliated), although there was more material theoretically available to him in Crespin's 1564 edition (Crespin [1564], p. 969 et seq;, further amplified in Crespin [1570], fol 544A et seq.). Crespin, in this instance, was particularly well informed because of the existence of the Italian church in Geneva and its growing links with the Waldensians in Piedmont and elsewhere in the Italian peninsula. Crespin graphically presents the persecution in Calabria through the eyes of those missionaries sent from Geneva as schoolmasters and preachers to minister to them. Because Foxe did not draw on this material, he therefore did not include the rich letters from prison of Giovanni Luigi Pasquale [Fr: Paschal/Pascal], firstly at Fuscaldo, and then at Cosenze and finally in Naples and Rome that Crespin had printed in his edition of 1564 (Crespin [1564], p. 969; Crespin [1570], fols 544). Instead, he concentrated on two pieces of evidence that had been furnished already by Pantaleon.

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MarginaliaNewes out of Italy. an. 1560. AS concerning newes, I haue nothing to write 

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The first piece of evidence was an extract from a letter written by Simon Fiorello ('Simon Florellus'), an evangelical preacher at Chiavegna ('Citie Clauenna') to Guilelmus Gratalorus, an Italian professor of medicine at the University of Basel. Fiorello was a native of Caserte who had gained a doctorate in 1553. Taking up exile in Geneva for his protestant views, he became the first catéchiste of the Italian Genevan church in 1556 before becoming a minister at Chiavegna (or possibly Tirano). See J.-B. G. Galiffe, Le refuge italien de Genève aux XVI et XVIIe siècles (Geneva and Paris: H. Georg and G. Fischbacher, 1881), p. 162. Pantaleon had presumably had the letter from Gratalorus, his colleague in Basel, and printed the extract (fol. 337A). The letter mentions the publication of an account of the Calabrian repression in Rome and Venice. This was the pamphlet, written by the Genevan pastor from Naples, Scipio Lentulo, who was preaching in the Grisons and Vaudois valleys in 1559-60 and in active contact with protestant elements in the Italian peninsula at that time. For an edition of the pamphlet, see T. Gay (ed.), Scipio Lentolo. Historia delle grandi e crudeli persecutioni fatte ai tempi nostri (Torre Pellice, 1906).

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, but onely, that I send you a copy of certain letters imprinted either at Rome, or at Venice, cōcernyng the Martyrdome or persecution in two seuerall townes of Calabria, eight Italian myles from the borders of Consentia 
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Consentia - Cosenza.

: the one called S. Sixtus 
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Sainte Sixte - 'San-Sisto'

within ij. myles of Montalte 
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'Montalte' - Montalto

, vnder the Segniorie of the Duke of Montalte: the other called Guardia, situate vpon the Sea cost, and xij. myles frō S. Sixtus: the which two townes are vtterly destroyed and viij. C. of the inhabitaunts there (or as some write from the Citie of Rome) no lesse then a full thousand. He that wrote the letter, was seruant to Ascanius Caracciolus. 
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'Ascanius Caracciolus' - Galeas Caracciolo, marquis de Vico, the pre-eminent figure and patron of the Italian church in Geneva.

The countrey and people there I well knew, to take the first Originall of their good doctrine, and honest life, from the Valdēses. For before my departure from Geneua, at their request, I sent them two Scholemasters, and two preachers. The last yeare the two preachers were martyred: the one at Rome named MarginaliaIoan Aloisius Paschalis, Iames Bouell, preachers & Martyrs. Ioānes Aloisius Paschalis, a citizē of Cuniū: the other at Messina named Iames Bouel both of Piedmont: This yeare þe residue of that godly felowshyp were Martyred, in the same place. I trust this good seede sowē in Italy, will bring forth good and plentyfull fruite.

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Now foloweth the copy of the letters sent from Montalte, a town in Calabria 8. myles distant from Consentia, bearyng date the xi. of Iune. 1560. The writer of the which letters, as ye may perceaue, was one of them whiche call themselues Catholickes, and folowers of the pope. The wordes of the letter be these, as here vnder foloweth. 

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The second piece of evidence is a copy and translation of a letter sent from Montalto to Rome containing news of the persecutions in Calabria. Like Pantaleon, where he found the source text, he did not know to whom it was addressed, or from whom it had come, but he followed him in dating it to 11 June 1560. In reality, the letter was from Acanio Caraccioli, the nephew of the marquis di Buccianico, signor di Montaltro (mentioned by Foxe in his text as 'Buccianus'), one of the agents of the viceroy of Naples, writing to the duke of Urbino. Pantaleon had mistranscribed the date (it was in fact a year later - 1561) and had been printed in Rome, where the progress of the repression in Naples was followed with intense interest by those close to the new pontiff, Pope Pius IV. The letter is reproduced in Giovanni Pietro Vieusseux (ed.), Archivio Storico Italiano vol 9 ('Narrazioni e documenti sulla storia del regno di Napoli dall'anno 1522 al 1667, raccolti e ordinati... da Francesco Palermo') (Florence, 1846), p. 193.

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¶ Here foloweth the copie, of a letter sent from Montalte in Calabria, by a Romaniste, to a certeine frende of his in Rome, conteinyng newes of the persecution of Christes people in Calabria, by the new Pope Pius the fourth.

MarginaliaHorrible persecution in Calabria. an. 1560. HEtherto, most noble Lord, haue I certified you, what here dayly hath bene done about these heretickes. Now commeth next, to signifie vnto your Lordship, the horrible iudgement begonne thys present day, being the xi. of Iune, to be executed very early in the mornyng agaynst the Lutherans. Which when I thynke vpon, I verely quake and tremble. And truely the maner of their puttyng to death, was to be compared to the slaughter of MarginaliaThe Christians killed like Calues. calues and sheepe. For they all beyng thrust vp in one house together as in a shepefolde, the executioner commeth in, and amongst them taketh one and blindfeldeth him wyth a muffler about hys eyes, and so leadeth him forth to a larger place neare adioyning, where he commaundeth hym to kneele downe, which being so done, he cutteth hys throte, and leauyng him halfe dead, and takyng his butchers knife and muffler all of gore bloud (which the Italians call Benda) cōmeth againe to þe rest, & so leading one after an other, he dispatcheth them all, which were to þe number of 88. Thys spectacle, to beholde how dolefull & horrible it was, I leaue to your Lordshyps iudgement: for to write of it I me selfe, cannot but weepe. Neither was any of the beholders there presēt, which Marginalia88. Martyrs. seing one to die, could abide to behold the death of an other. But certes so humbly and paciently they went to death, as is almost vncredible to beleue. Some of them as they were in dying, affirmed that they beleued euen as we do. Notwithstandyng the most part of them dyed in the same their obstinate opinions. All the aged persons went to death more cherefully, the yonger were more timrrous. I tremble and shake euen to remember how the executioner held his bloudye knife betwene hys teeth, with the bloudy muffler in his hand, and hys armes all in gore bloud vp to þe elbowes, goyng to the folde, and takyng euery one of them, one after an other, by the hand, and so dispatchyng them all, no otherwyse then doth a butcher kill hys calues and sheepe.

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It is moreouer appoynted (and the cartes become already) þt all those so put to death, should be quartered, and so to be conueied in the cartes to the hethermost partes of Calabria, where they shalbe hanged vpon poles in the hyghe wayes, and other places, euen to the confines of the same countrey. Vnlesse the Popes holynes and the Lord Viceroy of Neaples shall geue in commaundement to the Lorde Marques of Buccianus, gouernour of the sayd prouince, to stay hys hand, and go no further, he wyll proceede, with the racke and torture, examinyng all other, and so encrease the number in such sorte, that he wyl nye dispatch them all.

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Thys day it is also determined that an hundreth of the more auncient women, should appeare to be examined and racked, and after to be put to death, that the mixture may be perfect, for so many mē, so many womē. And thus haue you that I can say of this iustice. Now it is about two of the clocke in þe afternoone: Shortly we shall heare what some of them sayd, when they went to execution. There be certeine of them so obstinate, that they will not looke vpon the crucifixe, nor be confessed to the Priest, and they shall be burned alyue.

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The heretickes that be apprehended and condemned, are to the number of 1600. but as yet no more but these foresaid 88. are already executed. Thys people haue their originall of the valley named Angronia neare to Subaudia, and in Calabria, are called Vltramontani. In the kyngdome of Neaples there are 4. other places of þe same people, of whom whether they liue wel or no, as yet we know not: For they are but simple people, ignoraūt, wtout learnyng, wodgatherers, & husbādmē: but as I heare, much deuout & religious, geuing thēselues to dye for religions sake. Frō Montealto, the xi. of Iune. And thus much writeth thys Romaniste.

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¶ Here moreouer is to be noted, that the foresayd Marques Buccianus aboue specified, had a sonne or brother, vnto whom the sayd new Pope (Pius the fourth belyke) is reported to haue promised a Cardinalshyp at Rome, if al the Lutherans were extirped and rooted out in that prouince. And lyke enough that the same was the cause of this butcherly persecution and effusion of Christen bloud, in the sayd countrey of Calabria, beyond Neaples, in Italy.

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Besides these godly Italian Martyrs, in thys Table aboue conteyned, many other also haue suffered in the same countrey of Italie, of whom some before haue bene specified: some peraduenture omitted. But many moe there be, whose names we know not, wherof as soone as knowledge may be geuen vnto vs, we purpose God willyng, to imparte the same (louyng reader) vnto thee.

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¶ Now in the meane tyme 

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Merindol and Cabriers

From the first edition of his martyrology in 1563, Foxe had included an extensive account of the Mérindol and Cabrières affair (1563, pp. 632-652). He had foreshadowed it much earlier in the book (p.46), providing a graphic preview of the affair. It would be his first attempt to deal with mass martyrdom. In that preview, he spoke of 800 people slain in the elimination of these two communities, 40 of them women. He reported that 25 people had died smoke inhalation and fire, locked in a barn that was set alight. He briefly alluded to the young man who was tied to an olive tree and tortured to death. When he returned to deal with the affair properly, it was to juxtapose the evidence for the 'cruelty' of the individual persecutors (on the one hand) with the determination and constancy of the persecuted. His insertion of this piece of text (more or less unchanged) after the narrative of the Calabrian Vaudois was undertaken for a specific purpose. He did not want to interrupt the formal table of French martyrs with too extensive a narrative excursion. Equally, he relished the opportunity to highlight material which demonstrated (as he saw it) 'the furious crueltie' of the French king in an incident which had reverberated widely around western Europe. By placing the narrative adjacent to that of the Waldensians in Calabria he intimated that there was continuity and an underlying pattern to the persecution of the (largely rural) Vaudois. By juxtaposing these two narratives, Foxe was also able somewhat to obscure the more difficult questions about Waldensian beliefs prior to the reformation, and the extent to which they accorded with magisterial Protestantism, as Foxe would have understood it.

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Foxe was all too aware that there was a considerable literature available on the massacres of the Waldensians of Provence in 1545 and 1546. He explicitly notes that he cannot present all the primary material, or even recount the history at full length because of its bulk. That said, however, he devotes over 25 pages to it, treating it in a major and exemplary fashion. There were already other narratives available of the persecution of the Waldensians in Provence. Jean Crespin had included an abbreviated account of the affair in the initial edition of his martyrology in 1554 (Crespin [1554], pp. 656-666). Elements from this had been incorporated into Sleidan's Commentaries, first published in 1555, and translated into English in 1560 as A famouse cronicle of oure time… As Foxe said, much earlier in the 1563 edition (p.46) this was the account that he would rely on for his primary narrative of this affair. But Crespin already knew in 1554 that there was more to be said about the affair - as he said his account had been inserted then 'pour en toucher comme en passant ce qui est à present le plus necessaire pour l'instruction des fideles, jusqu'à ce que plus amplement toute l'histoire en soit redigee par escrit, comme elle en soit rédigée par escrit, comme elle est tres digne'. Geneva's contacts with the Vaudois communities in Provence had been somewhat strengthened in the aftermath of the persecution by exiles from the region, especially after 1550 - see G. Audisio, 'The first Provençal Refugees in Geneva (1545-1571)' French History 19 (2005), 385-400. It was no doubt on the basis of their information that Crespin was able to publish his extensively documented Histoire memorable de la persecution & saccagement du people de Mérindol et Cabrières in 1556. This was the account that became integrated into later editions of Crespin in extenso (Crespin [1560], fols 88A-117A; Crespin/Benoit, 1, pp. 381-419), and also into Pantaleon, lib. 5 (fols 111-145). It concentrates our attention on the persecution which began with the legal decision of 18 November 1540 pronouncing the destruction of the village of Mérindol, which reached its claim in 1545-6. In reality, however, the efforts of the ecclesiastical authorities to eliminate the Provençal Vaudois had begun at least a decade earlier. For background accounts to the Vaudois in Provence, see G. Audisio, Les Vaudois du Luberon. Une minorité en Provence (1460-1560) (Mérindol, 1984) ; G. Audisio, Procès-verbal d'un massacre. Les vaudois du Luberon (avril 1545) (Aix-en-Provence, 1992); G. Audisio, Les 'Vaudois': naissance, vie et mort d'une dissidence (xiie-xvie siècle) 2 vols (Turin: Albert Meynier Editore, 1989). Marc Venard, Réforme protestante, Réforme catholique dans la province d'Avignon au XVIe siècle (Paris, 1993). On the massacre itself, see P. Gaffarel, 'Les massacres de Cabrières et de Mérindol en 1545' Revue Historique 101 (1911), 241-64.

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Mark Greengrass
University of Sheffield

it foloweth (according to my promise made before) next after this lamētable slaughter of Calabria, here to insert also the tragicall persecution & horrible murder of the faythfull flocke of Christ inhabityng in Merindole in Fraunce, and in other townes adiacent neare vnto the same, in the time of Frāciscus. I. the French kyng. The furious cruelty of whiche miserable persecution, although it can not be set forth to much at large, yet because we will not wery to much the reader, with the full length therof, we haue so contracted the same, especially the principall effect therof we haue comprehended in such sort, that as we on the one part haue auoyded prolixitie: so on the other we haue omitted nothyng, which might seeme vnworthy to be forgotten. The story here followeth.

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¶ A notable history of the persecution and destruction of the people of Merindoll and Cabriers, the countrey of Prouince: where, not a few persons, but whole Villages and Towneshyps with the most part of all the foresayd countrey, both men, womē, and childrē, were put to all kynds of cruelty, and suffered martyrdome for the profession of the Gospell.

MarginaliaThe lamentable story of Merindol. THey that write of the begynnyng of this people, say that about CC. yeares ago, they came out of the countrey of

Pied-
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