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995 [994]

K. Henry. 8. Humfrey Mummuth. Thomas Hytten. Thomas Bilney, Martyrs.

but to diuers other moe likewise, which were no heretickes: as, to D. Royston, the Bishop of Londons Chaplayne he exhibited fourtie or fiftie poundes: to D. Wodial, Prouincial of the Frere Austens as much, or more: to D. Watson the kinges Chaplayne: also to other scholars, and diuers Priestes, besides other charges bestowed vppon religious houses, as vpon the Nunrye of Dendey, aboue fiftie poundes sterling bestowed. &c.

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And as touchyng his bookes, as Enchiridion, 

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Erasmus' Enchiridion Militis Christiani (Handbook of a Christian Soldier), first published in 1504, republished with a new prefatory letter in 1518 and thereafter an enormous publishing success. It is a text of polemical but ultimately orthodox Catholic humanist piety. Monmouth's original letter makes it plain that his copy was of the English translation prepared by Tyndale himself, who left it in Monmouth's custody. He owned at least two copies, although claimed in 1528 that he no longer had either of them. The translation is presumed lost, although it is possible that the first printed English edition of 1533 is, or is based on, Tyndale's translation. Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, I/ii, p. 365. The existence of a translation of the Enchiridion by Tyndale is independently attested in 1563, p. 514. See also Desiderius Erasmus, Enchiridion Militis Christiani: an English version, ed. Anne M. O'Donnell (Early English Text Society 282: Oxford, 1981), pp. xlix-liii.

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the Pater noster, 
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Monmouth described this as a handwritten book in English, 'an old book', and claimed that he could not remember how it came to be in his possession. It may be a Lollard text. Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, I/ii, p. 365.

De libertate Christiana, 
Commentary  *  Close

Luther's The Liberty of a Christian, first published in 1520: Luther's fullest early statement of his core doctrine of justification by faith alone. This too, Monmouth's letter makes plain, was a handwritten copy in English, making it the earliest known English translation of Luther. He was given it by 'one Arnold, a yong man that is gone into Spain'. Strype, Ecclesiastical Memorials, I/ii, p. 365.

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an Englishe Testamēt, of whom, some W. Tindall left with hym, some he sent vnto hym, some were brought into his house, by whome he could not tell, these bookes he sayd, did lye opē in his house, the space of two yeares together, he suspecting no harme to be in them. And moreouer, the same bookes being desired of sondry persons, as of the Abbesse of Denney, a Fryer of Grenewich, the father confessour of Siō, he let them haue them, and yet he neuer heard Frier, priest, or lay man, finde any fault wyth the sayd bookes. Likewise to D. Watson, to D. Stockehouse, Maister Martin, Parson of Totingbecke, he committed the perusing of the bookes of Pater noster, & De libertate Christiana, which founde no great fault in thē, but onely in the booke De libertate Christiana, they sayde there were thynges somewhat hard, excepte the Reader were wise.

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Thus he excusing hymselfe, and moreouer complainyng of the losse of hys credite, by his imprisonmēt in þe Tower, and of the detrimentes of hys occupying, who was wont yearely to ship ouer v. hundreth clothes to straungers, and set many clothiars a worke, in Suffolke and in other places, of whom he bought all their clothes, which almost were now all vndone: by this reason at length was set at liberty, beyng forced to abiure, and after was made knight by the kyng, and Shrife of London.

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MarginaliaA notable examble of Christian pacience, in an Aldermā. Of this 

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This anecdote is lifted from Latimer's seventh sermon on the Lord's Prayer: Hugh Latimer, 27 sermons preached by the ryght Reuerende father in God and constant matir of Iesus Christe, Maister Hugh Latimer (STC 15276: London, 1562), fo. 57r-v. Monmouth is not named in the text, simply being 'a great riche merchaunte'.

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Humfrey Mummuth we read of a notable example of Christian patience, in the Sermons of M. Latimer, which the sayd Latimer heard in Cambridge of MarginaliaM. George Stafford, reader in Cambridge. M. George Stafford, reader of the Diuinitie lecture in that Vniuersitie. Who expounding the place of S. Paule to the Romaines 
Commentary  *  Close

Romans 12:20-1.

, that we shall ouercome our enemy wyth well doyng, and so heape whote coales vpō his head, &c. brought in an example, saying, that he knew in London a great rich Marchaunt (meanyng this Humfrey Mummuth) which had a very poore neighbour: yet for all hys pouerty, he loued hym very well, and lent hym money at his neede, and let hym come to his table whensoeuer he woulde. It was euen at that tyme, when D. Colet was in trouble, and should haue bene burnt, if God had not turned the kynges hart to the contrary. Now the richman began to be a scripture man, he began to smell the Gospell. The poore man was a Papist still. MarginaliaEx concione Doct. Hug. Latimeri. It chaunced on a tyme, when the riche man talked of the Gospel sittyng at hys table, where he reproued Popery, and such kynde of thynges. The poore man being there present, tooke a great displeasure agaynst the rich man: in so much, that he would come no more to his house: he would borow no money of hym, as he was wont to do before tymes: yea and conceiued such hatred and malice against hym, that he went and accused hym before the Bishops. Now the riche man not knowing of any suche displeasure, offred many tymes to talke with him, and to set hym at quiet. It would not be. The poore man had such a stomak, that he would not vouchsafe to speake with him. If he met the rich man in the streat, he would go out of his way. One tyme it happened that he met him so in a narow streate, that he could not auoyde, but come neare him: yet for all that this poore man (I say) had suche a stomacke against the rich man, that he was minded to goe forwarde, & not to speake with hym. The riche man perceiuyng that, MarginaliaAgree with thine enemie while thou art in the way with him. Math. 5. caught hym by the hand, and asked him, saying: Neighbor, what is come into your hart, to take such displeasure with me? What haue I done against you? tel me, and I wyll be ready at al times to make you amendes.

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Finally, he spake so gently, so charitably, so louingly, and frendly, that it wrought so in the pore mans hart, that by and by he fel downe vpon his knees, and asked hym forgeuenes. The riche man forgaue him, and so tooke hym againe to hys fauour, and they loued as wel as euer they dyd afore.

¶ The historie of Thomas Hitten. 
Commentary  *  Close

Foxe's sources here are, as he suggests, William Tyndale, The practyse of prelates (STC 24465: Antwerp, 1530), sig. K6r, and Tyndale, An answere vnto sir Thomas Mores dialoge (STC 24437: Antwerp, 1531), sig. I5r-v. Tyndale also referred to Hitton, giving no additional detail, in The examinacion of master William Thorpe preste (STC 24045: Antwerp, 1530), sig. A2r. Hitton is also the 'Seinte Thomas mar.' placed in the calendar of George Joye's primer Ortulus animus (RSTC 13828.4: Antwerp, 1530), sig. A3v. These scattered references provoked a much fuller and more circumstancial account of Hitton's case from Thomas More, in The confutacyon of Tyndales answere (STC 18079: London, 1532), sigs. Bb2r-4r. But in the 1583 edition of the Acts and Monuments, Foxe succeeded in providing an even more detailed account of Hitton, apparently drawing on Archbishop Warham's records: see 1583, pp. 2136-2137. See also Charles C. Butterworth, The English Primers (1529-1545) (Philadelphia, 1953), pp. 11-17, 23-4.

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Persecuters. Martyrs. The Causes.

MarginaliaTho. Hitten Martyr. Will. War-
ham Arch-
bishoppe of
Canterbu-
rye.

Thomas Hytten

TOuchyng the me-
moriall of Tho-
mas Hytten, remay-
neth nothing in wri-
tyng, but onely hys

Persecuters. Martyrs. The Causes.

Fisher, Bi-
shop of Ro-
chester.
At Mayd-
stone.
Ann. 1530.
name, saue that Wil-
liam Tyndall in his
Apologie agaynste
More: and also in an
other booke, entitu-
led, The Practise of
Prelates, dooth once
or twise make men-
tion of hym by waye
of digressiō. He was
(saith he) a preacher
at Maidston, whom
the Bishop of Can-
terbury Williā War-
ham, and Fisher bi
shop Rochester, af-
ter they had lōg kept
and tormēted hym in
prison with sundrye
tormentes, and that
notwithstanding, he
continued constant,
at the last they bur-

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woodcut [View a larger version]

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Thomas Hitton may only feature as a footnote (if that) in modern histories of the English Reformation. In his day it was different. As an early martyr of a new credal generation he sparked new admiration. Stemming from Martham in Norfolk (Foxe tells us), which had been a home of Lollards a hundred years earlier, he was sentenced by Archbishop Warham and burned at Maidstone (where he had been preaching) in February 1530. Already in 1531 Hitton's name appeared as that of a saint in the calendar of an unorthodox primer -- something that appalled Thomas More who regarded him as learning false faith and heresy from Tyndale's books

¶ The burnyng of Thomas Hytten.

ned at Maidstone, for the constant and manifest testimonie of Iesu Christe, and of his free grace & saluation. In the yeare of our Lord. 1530. 

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Hytten was in fact executed on or around 23 February 1530, making him the first English Protestant to be burned for heresy.


Marginalia1531.
Thomas Bilney Martyr.
Cardinall
Wolsey.
Nixe, Bi-
shoppe of
Norwich.
Fryers of
Ipswich.
Fryer Byrde.
Fryer Ho-
gekins.

Thomas
Bilney.

In the storye a-
boue passed of Car-
dinall Wolsey, men-
tion was made of
certaine, whom the
said Cardinal caused
to abiure, as Bilney, 
Commentary  *  Close
Thomas Bilney

Unlike Robert Barnes or other Cambridge men who were among the earliest English evangelicals, Thomas Bilney left few written works at the time of his execution by burning on 19 August 1531. Posterity therefore has had to depend very largely on Foxe's martyrology for his portrait. When Patrick Collinson wrote that John Foxe's beautiful stories are `indispensable' for our understanding of the Reformation, because `we cannot and never shall be able to see the events' that he recounted `except through his spectacles' (Patrick Collinson, `Truth and legend: the veracity of John Foxe's Book of Martyrs', in Elizabethan Essays, (London, 1994), p. 177), we may appreciate that Foxe is also indispensable for what we can know about Bilney. In this section of his text it is particularly clear how Foxe and his printer John Day looked through the spectacles of the men who had actually known Bilney, and how they interwove the contradictory accounts of his life, examinations, retractions, and death into a memorable portrait of a man who was sacrificed at a delicate moment in the life of the Christian Church.

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In the 1563 edition, their source material was drawn from the official records kept by Cuthbert Tunstall, then bishop of London, in his episcopal register; the sermons of Hugh Latimer; as well as the polemical denunciations of Sir Thomas More. In the second edition of 1570, Foxe and Day were assisted by those who had known Bilney, and were still alive at the time that they were writing, most notably their great patron the archbishop of Canterbury, Matthew Parker, who was a Norwich native, and as a young fellow of Corpus Christi College had accompanied Bilney when he went to the stake. The reason why Foxe consulted these sources about Bilney's death was that he was responding to charges made by Thomas More, and repeated later by Nicolas Harpsfield in 1566, that Bilney had died a penitent sinner, reconciled with the Catholic church.

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Latimer's first printed references to Bilney appeared during the reign of King Edward VI, when Day (while he was working with William Seres in the late 1540s) began to disseminate his sermons with the backing of Katherine Brandon, the widowed duchess of Suffolk, whose arms appear at the beginning of Latimer's books. After Latimer was burnt in 1555, Foxe and Day continued to gather his sermons as they prepared their successive editions of the A&M. Day printed a fresh assemblage of Latimer's sermons in 1562, with previously-unprinted additions that contained further references to Bilney. Even at the end of Day's life, he discovered more sermons by Latimer to put into print.

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To Latimer, we can attribute the evocative portrait of `Bilney, little Bilney' the vulnerable and harmless scholar, which he created in three sermons:1) 'Bilney, litle Bilnei, that blessed martyr of GOD', first appeared in Latimer's Seventh Sermon preached before King Edward VI: The seconde sermon of Maister Hughe Latimer, whych he preached before the Kynges Maiestie within his graces Palayce at Westminster, the xv. day of Marche M.ccccc.xlix. (London: John Day and William Seres [1549], STC 15274.7), sigs. Bb3A-Bb3B; (reprinted in the Parker Society edition of Latimer's Sermons, ed. George Elwes Corrie (Cambridge, 1844), p. 222.2) Bilney asked Latimer to hear his confession (1524): first printed in Latimer's First Sermon on the Lord's Prayer in 27 sermons preached by the ryght Reuerende father in God and constant matir [sic] of Iesus Christe, Maister Hugh Latimer, as well such as in tymes past haue bene printed, as certayne other commyng to our handes of late, whych were yet neuer set forth in print, (London: John Day, 1562, STC 15276) in the section known as Certayn Godly Sermons, made vppon the Lordes Prayer, at fol. 13B (reprinted in Latimer's Sermons, ed. pp. 334-5).3) Bilney's `anguishe and agonie' following his recantation of 1527 appeared in one of the final books Day printed, in Latimer's Lincolnshire Sermons for the Second Sunday in Advent Fruitfull sermons preached by the right reuerend Father, and constant martyr of Iesus Christ M. Hugh Latimer (London: John Day, 1584, STC 15280), fols. 247-247v; reprinted in Sermons and Remains, ed. George Elwes Corrie (Cambridge, 1844), p. 51.Latimer's reminiscences of Bilney's life and sufferings, as they were adapted in the A&M, have proved to be definitive over the centuries, or rather, the chief means by which Bilney has been understood, at least until recently.

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In contrast to Latimer's portrait of Bilney as the noble victim, Sir Thomas More's characterization was polarized between Bilney's obvious reputation for goodness, contrasted against the harm that More believed Bilney inflicted when he preached and distributed books in London and East Anglia. So More wrote during Bilney's lifetime that he had heard that his reputation, was of 'a good honest vertuous man/ farre from ambycyon and desire of worldely worshyp/ chast/ humble/ and charytable/ free and lyberall in alm[h]ouse dede[s]/ and a very goodly prechoure' in A dyaloge of syr Thomas More knyghte . . . touchyng the pestylent secte of Luther [and] Tyndale (London: William Rastell, 1530, STC 18085), especially sig. B3B. B5A-C6B; reprinted in Sir Thomas More, A Dialogue Concerning Heresies, eds. Thomas M. C. Lawler et al., in The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, vol. 6, pt. 1 (New Haven, 1981), especially pp. 27-8, 35-51. As Lord Chancellor, More was asked to investigate some of the legal disarray that accompanied Bilney's execution, which he discussed in The confutacyon of Tyndales answere (London: William Rastell, 1532, STC 18079), sig. Cc3B-Dd1A, reprinted in The confutacyon of Tyndales answere, ed. L. A. Schuster et al., in The Complete Works of St. Thomas More, vol. 8, pt. 1 (New Haven, 1973), pp. 22-5. More's nuanced and complicated understanding of Bilney, which moved in turns from sympathy through to acidulation, has been especially influential in recent decades in the work of John F. Davis and Gregory Walker, among others.

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What was Bilney's own religious complexion? The term `Protestant' began to emerge only from 1529, after the second Diet of Speyer and it did not gain any currency in English until long after Bilney's death. Probably it is not fair to call Bilney a Protestant, for he died before doctrinal lines and confessional identities had been sufficiently developed to make their meanings clear (this was also the view of the Jesuit Robert Parsons writing at the beginning of the seventeenth century). Bilney's opinions reveal a certain fluidity that was characteristic of the Cambridge men of his generation. Also, it may not be completely appropriate to refer to his conversion, as Foxe and Day did, nor to his converting of others, for they defined with the benefit of hindsight what has become known as `the conversion experience' in a manner that might not be said to match the type of profound religious and emotional engagements that Bilney or Latimer knew. Some profound transformations occurred in their devotional lives, but `conversion', as Foxe and Day labeled them, might be too limiting to express the complexity of what actually occurred. Elements of Lollardy have been identified in Bilney's thinking, but many of his ideas were also unexceptional in the broad currents of the Christian Church. It is hard to discern how much of Luther's ideas he accepted. In 1527 he agreed that Luther's opinions had been justly condemned, and that Luther and his followers were wicked and detestable heretics. Four years later, however, some of his ideas sound very much influenced by Luther indeed. But by the time of his death, Bilney may have already been surpassed in his thinking by other Cambridge men. This is apparent if we can believe a comment the A&M attributed to Richard Nix, bishop of Norwich, who exclaimed, `I feare I haue burnt Abell & let Cain go', after learning that Nicholas Shaxton had preached during a University Sermon on Ash Wednesday 1531 that it was wrong to say publicly that there was no purgatory, but not damnable to think so privately. John F. Davis, followed by P. R N. Carter, termed Bilney an `evangelical': one who believed that scripture defined faith, devotion, and practice. Evangelical is the term for Bilney that will be embraced here.

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Why was Bilney burned in 1531? The circumstances of his execution go back to his defiant to return to Norwich and preach publicly. His adversaries held the advantage once he decided to repudiate his abjuration and 'go to Ierusalem'), and see his friends no more (like Christ on his way to Golgotha). As a relapsed heretic, he could expect little mercy. More importantly, his execution came about as one element in the larger struggle that was taking place in England between the clergy and Henry VIII for control over the English Church. Cardinal Thomas Wolsey (who examined Bilney in 1527) was discarded as the king's chief advisor in 1529 after he failed to obtain an annulment of Henry's marriage to Catherine of Aragon from Pope Clement VII. From mid-1530, the king became emboldened to assert his own authority against the jurisdiction of the pope. Henry began to press forward the understanding that he was the supreme head of the Church in England, and that English kings had always held spiritual sovereignty in their realm. Under this line of reasoning the papacy was a mere usurper in England, and the pope was only the bishop of Rome. In 1527, Bilney made the daring suggestion that kings and princes should assume the role of an Ezechias and destroy any religious images that detracted worshippers from the sacrifice that Christ had made on the cross. In essence, Bilney attempted to push Henry into the role of acting like an Old Testament ruler like Hezekiah, or Josiah, which was a trend that gained greater success late in his reign, and became the standard attribute for the young King Edward VI. During his trial in Norwich in 1531, Bilney appealed to have the king hear his case as the supreme head of the English Church (a strategy that saved his colleague Edward Crome when he was accused of preaching heresies). But Bishop Richard Nix and his chancellor Thomas Pelles refused to allow Bilney to appeal to the king, and they moved swiftly to have him condemned and executed. He was burnt in a place outside Norwich known as the Lollards Pit. It may have seemed singularly appropriate to burn Bilney on the feast day of St. Magnus as a means to repair the insult that he had inflicted four years earlier by preaching against idolatry in a church dedicated to the saint.

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Bilney's execution (like Archbishop Thomas Cranmer's in 1556) was marked by vexing irregularities that fed contentious controversies for decades to come, and they informed the narrative that Foxe created in the A&M. At the last moment, just before the fire was lit, a written recantation was thrust into Bilney's hands to give him a final chance to submit. But he did not take advantage of the opportunity, even though he might have saved his life had he read the document loud enough for the people standing by to hear him. His execution was vastly disturbing. Bilney was a Norfolk native. He had many friends in Norwich, and a number of his colleagues from Cambridge University attended him in his last hours. The fact that his appeal was not brought before the king worried many, and Sir Thomas More, as Lord Chancellor, was asked to investigate. More decided that Bilney had indeed `redde hys reuocacyon hym selfe' as he stood at the stake, but `so softely' that those standing by could not hear him. Had Bilney then revoked at the last moment? If so, was it correct to burn him? In The confutacyon of Tyndales answere More continued to associate Bilney with the teachings of Martin Luther and William Tyndale, but he concluded that Bilney had revoked. As God had given Bilney grace to cast all of his errors to the devil, then Bilney `with glad herte was content to suffer the fyre' as a punishment for his offences. Then, More hoped, God had 'forthwith from the fyre taken hys blessed soule to heuen', where Bilney now could pray for all of those still alive whom he had deluded.

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What Bilney wanted to achieve, at least in terms of dismantling shrines, was done later in Henry's reign, and under King Edward. Bilney was audacious, and he pushed the pace too early. In 1531 he became the victim, but as matters developed, his enemies also failed, for the reaction to his death was extreme. The English clergy was forced to submit to Henry VIII's supremacy over the Church. More's pursuit of Bilney and other heretics in his defense of the papacy and tradition was among the factors that led to his surrender of the office of Chancellor in 1532. Latimer and other evangelicals played a part in bringing him to his execution in 1535. Latimer of course read every word that More had printed against Bilney. He took his own opportunity avenge his friend when he preached before King Edward. 'Wo, wil be to that byshoppe that had the examynacyon of hym,' he warned (Nix had died in 1535, hounded to the end by Cranmer for killing Bilney), 'if he repented not.' (Hugh Latimer, The seconde sermon of Maister Hughe Latimer, whych he preached before the Kynges Maiestie within his graces Palayce at Westminster, the xv. day of Marche M.ccccc.xlix. (London: John Day and William Seres [1549], STC 15274.7), Bb3v).More's writings remained influential long after his death, and were newly relevant after Queen Mary Tudor (1553-1555) brought about a rapprochement with the Roman Catholic Church. Foxe and Day used their account of Bilney in successive editions of the A&M as a means to discredit Catholic politics and theology, and to prevent any possible backsliding toward Rome under Queen Elizabeth. They reconciled the conflicting and divergent interpretations of Bilney's actions largely following Latimer's lead. Bilney was a good man who was overcome by the enemies of the true Church. The heightened competition between Protestant and Catholic traditions had solidified by the beginning of Elizabeth's reign. Foxe and Day reinterpreted the confusing 1520s and 1530s in light of their own present-day circumstances. Thus they smudged some aspects of Bilney's career. They made some of the details of his 1527 submission harder to understand, and cloaked the fact that Bilney had agreed that Luther was a heretic. They also stressed the word 'conuersio' or 'conversion' when they referred to the astonishing and elusive life-altering interviews that passed between Bilney and his friends.

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Was Foxe and Day's account of Bilney's life mainly the literal truth, or was it art? We may never know, and here we suggest some approaches to this difficult issue. At the beginning of the seventeenth century, the Jesuit Robert Parsons criticized Foxe for his 'bragg & glory' (N. D. [Robert Parsons], A Treatise of Three Conversions of England from Paganisme to Christian Religion (St. Omer, 1603- [1604], STC 19416), 547), and he dismissed the story of Latimer hearing Bilney's confession as a vain thing. Parsons maintained that Bilney had held but few Protestant opinions and that he died in his adjuration. Recently, Bilney could seem (Gregory Walker has argued) more the 'scheming lawyer than the persecuted saint' in 1527 (Walker, 'Heresy Trial', p. 163). If Foxe and Day drifted in their stories, then perhaps they learned some of their strategies from what they called the 'Poeticall fictions' (1563, p. 1009) of Sir Thomas More. Beyond all doubt, however, is the fact that Foxe and Day's portrait of the life and martyrdom of Thomas Bilney is among the elements that make the A&M one of the supreme religious and literary masterpieces of sixteenth-century England.

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Susan Wabuda
Fordham University


Geffrey Lome, Gar
ret, Barnes, & suche
other, of whom we
haue nowe (the Lord
directing vs) speci-
MarginaliaThomas Bilney Bacheler of both lawes.
ally to entreat. This
Tho. Bilney was
brought vp in the v-
niuersitie of Cam-
bridge 
Commentary  *  Close

Thomas Bilney proceeded to the degree of bachelor in Canon Law at Cambridge in 1521. Grace Book B, Part II: Containing the Accounts of the Proctors of the University of Cambridge, 1511-44, ed. Mary Bateson (Cambridge, 1905), p. 95.

, euen from a
childe, profiting in all
kind of liberall sciēce,
euen vnto the profes-

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sion
RRr.iiij.
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