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Edmund Bonner

(d. 1569) [ODNB]

Archdeacon of Leicester 1535; bishop of Hereford 1538; bishop of London (1540 - 49, 1553 - 59)

Henry VIII sent injunctions to Bonner regarding the abolishing of images in churches. 1563, pp. 685-86.

Edmund Bonner wrote a preface to Stephen Gardiner's De vera obedientia, in which he expressed agreement with Gardiner's favouring of King Henry's marriage to Anne Boleyn and his position as head of the church. 1570, p. 1206; 1576, p. 1032; 1583, pp. 1059-60.

Stephen Gardiner was a resident ambassador to France in 1538, when Edmund Bonner, through the efforts of Thomas Cromwell, was brought in to replace him. There were great disagreements between the two, since Bonner at the time was in favour of reform. Bonner owed his main preferments to Cromwell. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1088.

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Bonner, when archdeacon of Leicester and ambassador in France, accused Gardiner of papistry. 1570, p. 1233; 1576, p. 1056; 1583, p. 1082.

Bonner sent a declaration to Thomas Cromwell of Stephen Gardiner's evil behaviour. 1570, pp. 1241-44; 1576, pp. 1063-66; 1583, pp. 1090-92.

King Henry wrote to Bonner in France, asking him to assist those printing English bibles in Paris. 1570, p. 1362; 1576, p. 1162; 1583, p. 1191.

Cromwell was instrumental in getting Edmund Bonner's nomination to the bishopric of London. 1570, p. 1362; 1576, p. 1162; 1583, p. 1191.

Although Bonner performed his duties well as far as Henry VIII was concerned, he displeased the king of France, who asked for him to be recalled. Henry recalled him, giving him the bishopric of London, and sent Sir John Wallop to replace him. 1570, p. 1245; 1576, p. 1066; 1583, p. 1093.

Henry VIII wrote to Bonner commanding that excess holy days be abolished. 1563, p. 682; 1570, p. 1441; 1576, p. 1229; 1583, p. 1259.

After Anne Askew had been examined by the quest and the mayor of London, she was imprisoned in the Counter and then examined by Bonner. 1563, p. 670; 1570, p. 1414; 1576, p. 1205; 1583, p. 1235.

Bonner witnessed Anne Askew's confession. 1563, p. 673; 1570, p. 1416; 1576, p. 1207; 1583, p. 1237.

Richard Rich and Edmund Bonner attempted to persuade Anne Askew to change her views after her condemnation. 1563, p. 676; 1570, p. 1418; 1576, p. 1209; 1583, p. 1238.

Edward Seymour stood against the bishops of Chichester, Norwich, Lincoln, London and others at the consultation at Windsor in the first year of Edward VI's reign. 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

Bonner was one of the subscribers to the Bishops' Book. 1570, p. 1212; 1576, p. 1037; 1583, p. 1064.

Bonner brought Richard Mekins to court, charged with heresy. Although the witnesses against him gave contradictory evidence, the jury were told to allow them. The jury brought an indictment and Mekins was executed. 1563, p. 613; 1570, p. 1376; 1576, p. 1174; 1583, p. 1202.

Edward VI's commissioners attempted to administer an oath to Bishop Bonner and the clergy of St Paul's and gave Bonner a list of injunctions. He made a protestation, which he subsequently repented and recanted. He was pardoned, but committed to the Fleet for a short period. 1570, pp. 1501-02; 1576, pp. 1272-73; 1583, pp. 1309-10.

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Edward VI's councillors and Edward Seymour wrote to Thomas Cranmer, directing that candles no longer be carried on Candlemas, nor palms on Palm Sunday, nor should ashes be used on Ash Wednesday. Cranmer immediately wrote to the other bishops, including Bonner, to inform them of the new directive. Bonner consented to the changes and wrote to Thomas Thirlby to inform him of them. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

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The council wrote further to Cranmer ordering the abolishing of images in all churches in the archdiocese. He wrote to Edmund Bonner, directing him to carry out the order in London, and Bonner in turn wrote to Thomas Thirlby. 1570, p. 1490; 1576, p. 1263; 1583, p. 1300.

Bonner continued to hold private masses in St Paul's, and the king's council ordered these to be stopped. Bonner then wrote to the dean and chapter to that effect. 1563, pp. 692-93; 1570, p. 1492; 1576, p. 1265; 1583, p. 1302.

Another letter was sent by the king and council to Bonner, rebuking him and urging him to use the Book of Common Prayer. Bonner again wrote to the dean and chapter. 1563, pp. 693-94; 1570, p. 1494; 1576, p. 1266; 1583, p. 1303.

Hearing of the death of Thomas Seymour and of the rebellions in the kingdom, Bonner began to slacken his pastoral diligence. 1570, p. 1502; 1576, p. 1273; 1583, p. 13103.

Having knowledge of rebellions stirring in the realm and of slackness in religious reform in the city of London, Edward VI called Edmund Bonner to come before his council. The council ordered him to preach a sermon at Paul's Cross in three weeks' time and provided him with the articles upon which he was to preach. 1563, p. 695; 1570, p. 1495; 1576, p. 1267; 1583, p. 1304.

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John Hooper and William Latymer, in a letter to the king, denounced Bonner for his sermon at St Paul's, which went contrary to the instructions given by the king's commissioners. 1563, pp. 696-97; 1570, p. 1503; 1576, p. 1274; 1583, p. 1311.

Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, Nicholas Ridley, bishop of Rochester, Sir William Petre, Sir Thomas Smith and William May, dean of St Paul's, were commissioned to examine Edmund Bonner. 1563, p. 697; 1570, p. 1504; 1576, p. 1275; 1583, p. 1312.

Bonner was summoned to appear before the commissioners. He behaved haughtily, ridiculing his accusers and the commissioners, and spoke in favour of the mass. He appeared first on 10 September 1549 before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir William Petre and William May. Sir Thomas Smith was absent. 1563, pp. 698-99; 1570, pp. 1504-06; 1576, pp. 1275-77; 1583, pp. 1312-14.

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Bonner appeared for the second time on 13 September before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir William Petre, Sir Thomas Smith and William May and was further examined. 1563, pp. 699-704; 1570, pp. 1506-08; 1576, pp. 1277-79; 1583, pp. 1314-17.

Bonner appeared for the third time on 16 September before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir Thomas Smith and William May to answer the articles put to him at the previous session. John Hooper and William Latymer also appeared in order to purge themselves against the slanders of Bonner. 1563, pp. 704-709; 1570, pp. 1508-11; 1576, pp. 1279-80; 1583, pp. 1317-22.

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The commissioners, finding Bonner's answers to the articles put to him to be unsatisfactory, received witnesses against him: John Cheke, Henry Markham, John Joseph, John Douglas and Richard Chambers. Bonner submitted a set of questions the witnesses were to answer. 1563, p. 707; 1570, p. 1510; 1576, p. 1280; 1583, p. 1320.

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Bonner appeared before the commissioners for the fourth time on 18 September, at which session new articles were drawn up and new witnesses received: Sir John Mason, Sir Thomas Chaloner, William Cecil, Armygell Wade and William Hunnings. 1563, pp. 704-713; 1570, pp. 1508-13; 1576, pp. 1279-82; 1583, pp. 1317-23.

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On the following day, 19 September, Bonner's registrar appeared to report that Bonner was too ill to attend the session. 1563, p. 713; 1570, p. 1513; 1576, p. 1282; 1583, p. 1323.

Bonner appeared for the fifth time before the commissioners on 20 September. During an interval, he instructed Gilbert Bourne, his chaplain, Robert Warnington, his commissary, and Robert Johnson, his registrar, to tell the mayor and aldermen of London to avoid reformed preachers. Bonner made his first appellation to the king. As a result of his behaviour during the proceedings, he was committed to the Marshalsea. 1563, pp. 713-717; 1570, pp. 1513-16; 1576, pp. 1282-85; 1583, pp. 1324-26.

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Bonner appeared for the sixth time before the commissioners on 23 September, when he presented a general recusation against all the commissioners and a second appellation to the king. A letter was read from Bonner to the mayor of London, Henry Amcottes, and aldermen. 1563, pp. 717-18; 1570, p. 1516; 1576, p. 1285; 1583, pp. 1326-27.

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Bonner' seventh appearance before the commissioners took place on 1 October. He presented a declaration, an appellation and a supplication to the king. The commissioners pronounced their sentence definitive. 1563, pp. 718-26; 1570, pp. 1516-19; 1576, pp. 1285-88; 1583, pp. 1327-30.

Bonner was imprisoned in the Marshalsea and deprived of his bishopric under Edward VI and Edward Seymour. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1296.

Bonner remained in prison until the death of Edward VI. 1563, pp. 717-18; 1570, p. 1518; 1576, p. 1287; 1583, p. 1329.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
George Day

(c. 1502 - 1556) [ODNB]

BA Cambridge 1521; MA 1524; 1st Linacre professor of medicine 1525; university public orator 1528

Bishop of Chichester (1543 - 1551, 1553 - 56)

George Day gave an oration at the beginning of the trial of John Lambert before Henry VIII. 1563, p. 534; 1570, p. 1282; 1576, p. 1096; 1583, p. 1122.

Edward Seymour stood against the bishops of Chichester, Norwich, Lincoln, London and others at the consultation at Windsor in the first year of Edward VI's reign. 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

George Day was a deponent in the case of Stephen Gardiner. 1563, p. 854.

 
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Henry Beaufort

(1375? - 1447) [ODNB]

2nd illegitimate son of John of Gaunt; chancellor of Oxford 1397

Bishop of Lincoln (1399 - 1404); privy councillor 1402; chancellor (1403 - 05, 1413 - 17, 1424 - 26); bishop of Winchester (1404 - 47); cardinal (1417 - 47)

Foxe compares the story of Edward Seymour with that of Humphrey of Lancaster, dealing with his enemy Bishop Beaufort. 1563, pp. 882-84; 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

 
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Henry Chichele

(c. 1362 - 1443) [ODNB]

Administrator; BCL Oxford by 1389; DCL 1396; advocate in the court of Canterbury 1396; vicar-general for Medford, bishop of Salisbury (1397 - 1407); archdeacon of Dorset 1397; ambassador; represented the crown and Canterbury at the council of Pisa in 1409

Bishop of St David's (1407 - 14); archbishop of Canterbury (1414 - 43)

Henry Chichele and Pedro, prince of Portugal, had to ride eight times daily in an attempt to calm the dispute between Humphrey of Lancaster and Henry Beaufort. 1563, p. 882; 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

 
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Henry Holbeach (formerly Rands)

(d. 1551) [ODNB]

Benedictine monk of Crowland; BTh Cambridge 1527; DTh 1534; prior of Buckingham College

Dean of Worcester 1542; dean of Rochester 1544; bishop of Lincoln (1547 - 51)

Edward Seymour stood against the bishops of Chichester, Norwich, Lincoln, London and others at the consultation at Windsor in the first year of Edward VI's reign. 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

Henry Holbeach, Richard Coxe, Simon Haynes, Richard Morison and Christopher Nevinson, king's visitors, were present at the disputations at Oxford in 1549 with Peter Martyr. 1570, pp. 1552; 1576, p. 1323; 1583, p. 1373.

After Stephen Gardiner's sequestration, Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Thomas Goodrich, Henry Holbeach, Sir William Petre, Sir James Hales, Griffith Leyson, John Oliver and John Gosnold were commissioned to examine him. 1563, p. 776; 1570, p. 1535; 1576, p. 1309; 1583, p. 1358.

 
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Humphrey of Lancaster (called Good Duke Humphrey)

(1390 - 1447) [ODNB]

Youngest son of Henry IV; duke of Gloucester (1414 - 47) and earl of Pembroke (1414 - 47); prince, soldier, literary patron; protector in the minority of his nephew Henry VI (1422 - 29)

Foxe compares the story of Edward Seymour with that of Humphrey of Lancaster, dealing with his enemy Bishop Beaufort. 1563, pp. 882-84; 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

Both Sir Thomas More and William Tyndale related the story of how Humphrey proved the miracle of the blind man regaining his sight at St Albans to be fraudulant. 1563, p. 883.

Humphrey is given as an example of one wrongly accused and judged. 1570, p. 1360; 1576, p. 1161; 1583, p. 1189.

 
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Pedro of Portugal

(1390 - 1449)

Son of Phillipa of Lancaster and João I, king of Portugal

Duke of Coimbra, called the prince of Portugal; regent of Portugal (1438 - 48)

Henry Chichele, archbishop of Canterbury, and Pedro, prince of Portugal, had to ride eight times daily in an attempt to calm the dispute between Humphrey of Lancaster and Henry Beaufort. 1563, p. 882; 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

 
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Richard Coxe

(1500 - 1581) [ODNB]

BA Cambridge 1524; MA 1526; headmaster at Eton 1529; BTh 1535, DTh 1537

Chaplain to Henry VIII and to Archbishop Cranmer by 1540; archdeacon of Ely 1540; first dean of Osney Cathedral, Oxford 1544

Tutor and almoner to Prince Edward; chancellor of Oxford (1547 - 52)

Bishop of Ely (1559 - 1581). Marian exile

Richard Coxe was one of the scholars Wolsey gathered for Cardinal College. 1563, p. 497; 1570, p. 1174; 1576, p. 1004; 1583, p. 1032.

Coxe was one of the subscribers to the Bishops' Book. 1570, p. 1212; 1576, p. 1037; 1583, p. 1064.

Stephen Gardiner complained to the king about the sermon of Robert Barnes preached during Lent at Paul's Cross. He disputed with Barnes, and Richard Coxe and Thomas Robinson acted as arbiters. 1570, p. 1371; 1576, p. 1169; 1583, p. 1198.

Richard Coxe and Thomas Robinson came in to see Anne Askew after a session of questioning at her second examination. 1563, p. 683; 1570, p. 1417; 1576, p. 1208; 1583, p. 1238.

Thomas Cranmer praised the learning and wisdom of Prince Edward to his tutor, Richard Coxe. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Richard Coxe wrote to Thomas Cranmer, praising the young Prince Edward. 1570, p. 1564; 1576, p. 1334; 1583, p. 1395.

Henry Holbeach, Richard Coxe, Simon Haynes, Richard Morison and Christopher Nevinson, king's visitors, were present at the disputations at Oxford in 1549 with Peter Martyr. 1570, pp. 1552; 1576, p. 1323; 1583, p. 1373.

Richard Coxe was a deponent in the case of Stephen Gardiner. 1563, pp. 808-9

Richard Coxe was present at the scaffold in January 1552 as counsellor and spiritual advisor to Edward Seymour at his execution. 1563, p. 882; 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

 
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Sir Arthur Darcy

Lieutenant of the Tower of London (October 1551 - 1553) ['Officers of State during the period covered', The Diary of Henry Machyn: Citizen and Merchant-Taylor of London (1550-1563) (1848), pp. XIV-XIX. URL: http://www.british-history.ac.uk/report.asp?compid=45505

Edward Seymour said farewell to Arthur Darcy and others on the scaffold before his execution in January 1552. 1563, p. 882; 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

 
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William Rugg (name in religion William Repps)

(d. 1550) [ODNB]

BTh Cambridge 1509; DTh 1513; abbot of St Benet of Hulme, Norfolk 1530

Bishop of Norwich (1536 - 50); resigned

William Rugg was one of the subscribers to the Bishops' Book. 1570, p. 1211; 1576, p. 1037; 1583, p. 1064.

Rugg attended a synod in 1537 with other bishops and learned men and with Thomas Cromwell as vicar-general. Rugg favoured retaining the seven sacraments. 1563, p. 594; 1570, p. 1351; 1576, p. 1153; 1583, p. 1182.

John Butler and William Smith were brought for examination before John Clerk, Richard Sampson and William Rugg. 1570, p. 1403; 1576, p. 1196; 1583, p. 1226.

William Rugg incited the duke of Norfolk against Rogers. Rogers was burnt, and within half a year the duke's position deteriorated, although it later recovered. 1563, p. 627; 1570, p. 1422; 1576, p. 1212; 1583, p. 1241.

Edward Seymour stood against the bishops of Chichester, Norwich, Lincoln, London and others at the consultation at Windsor in the first year of Edward VI's reign. 1570, p. 1551; 1576, p. 1322; 1583, p. 1372.

 
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William Tyndale

(c. 1494 - 1536) [ODNB]

Translator of the bible and religious reformer; martyr

BA Oxford 1512; MA 1515; read theology

Strangled and burnt at Vilvorde Castle

John Frith was converted at Cambridge by William Tyndale. 1563, p. 497; 1570, p. 1174; 1576, p. 1004; 1583, p. 1031.

Foxe erroneously includes Tyndale in a list of scholars imprisoned at Cardinal College, Oxford. Tyndale was in Germany at this time. [ODNB sub John Frith] 1563, p. 441; 1570, p. 1133; 1576, p. 970; 1583, p. 997.

William Tyndale was schoolmaster to Sir John Walsh's children. Sir John and his wife joined in discussing religion with a variety of senior clergy and with Tyndale. After Tyndale gave his master and mistress a copy his translation of Erasmus's Enchiridion militis Christiani, they invited the clergy less frequently. 1563, p. 518; 1570, p. 1225; 1576, p. 1048; 1583, p. 1075.

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Tyndale was examined on a charge of heresy by the bishop's chancellor. He returned to his master, but was troubled by the priests in the area and left for London. He tried to enter the service of Tunstall, the bishop of London, but was unsuccessful. Eventually, with the aid of Humphrey Monmouth and others, he left the country. 1563, p. 518; 1570, pp. 1225-26; 1576, p. 1049; 1583, pp. 1075-76.

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Humphrey Monmouth had heard Tyndale preach two or three sermons at St Dunstan-in-the-West. 1570, p. 1133; 1576, p. 970; 1583, p. 997.

Tyndale preached repentance and had his books burned. 1570, p. 39; 1576, p. 32; 1583, p. 32.

Humphrey Monmouth was accused of helping William Tyndale and William Roy to get to the continent to join Martin Luther. Tyndale had wished to become chaplain to the bishop of London, but was turned down. Tyndale had lodged with Monmouth for about six months. 1570, p. 1133; 1576, p. 970; 1583, p. 997.

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Tyndale went into Saxony and met Luther. 1570, p. 1226; 1576, p. 1050; 1583, p. 1076.

While in Germany, Tyndale met John Frith and became determined to translate the scriptures into English. Copies of these and other books he had written were sent to England. 1570, p. 1226; 1576, pp. 1049-50; 1583, p. 1076.

While abroad, Richard Bayfield met William Tyndale and John Frith and sold their books in France and in England. 1563, p. 484; 1570, p. 1161; 1576, p. 993; 1583, p. 1021.

Simon Fish, sought by Cardinal Wolsey, was forced to go overseas to join Tyndale. While there, he wrote his book, Supplication for the Beggars. 1563, p. 448; 1570, pp. 1152-53; 1576, pp. 986-87; 1583, p. 1014.

Tyndale left Germany and went to Antwerp. As he was travelling to Hamburg, all his books and notes, including his translation of the book of Deuteronomy, were lost in a shipwreck. Miles Coverdale then helped him translate all of the first five books of the Old Testament in Hamburg. 1570, p. 1227; 1576, p. 1050; 1583, p. 1077.

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John Tyndale, William's brother, was charged in 1530 in London with having sent his brother five marks and having received and kept letters from him. 1570, p. 1185; 1576, p. 1014; 1583, p. 1041.

Lambert translated works from Latin and Greek to English and then went abroad to join William Tyndale and John Frith. 1563, p. 527; 1570, p. 1255; 1576, p. 1075; 1583, p. 1101.

Augustine Packington favoured William Tyndale, but pretended otherwise to Cuthbert Tunstall, bishop of London, then in Antwerp. He offered to procure all the unsold copies of Tyndale's New Testament held by the merchants in the city if Tunstall would provide the money to buy them. Packington then paid Tyndale for the books, and Tyndale immediately had them reprinted. 1563, p. 443; 1570, pp. 1158-59; 1576, p. 991; 1583, p. 1019.

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William Tyndale mentioned the martyr Thomas Hitten in his Apology against Sir Thomas More and in The Practice of Prelates. 1563, p. 1134; 1570, p. 971; 1576, p. ; 1583, pp. 997-98.

Both Sir Thomas More and William Tyndale related the story of how Humphrey of Lancaster proved the miracle of the blind man regaining his sight at St Albans to be fraudulant. 1563, p. 883.

William Tyndale was one of those Sir Thomas More in his The Supplication of Purgatory said the souls in purgatory railed against. 1570, p. 1156; 1576, p. 990; 1583, p. 1017.

Tyndale and Miles Coverdale translated the 'Matthew Bible'. Because Tyndale was arrested before it was completed, it was published under the name of Thomas Matthews. 1570, p. 1363; 1576, p. 1163; 1583, p. 1191.

Tyndale returned to Antwerp and lodged at a house of English merchants kept by Thomas Poyntz. He became acquainted with Henry Philips and obtained for him a place in the same house, befriended him and showed him his books. 1563, p. 515; 1570, p. 1227; 1576, p. 1050; 1583, p. 1077.

While Thomas Poyntes was away, Thomas Philips set a trap for Tyndale. He arranged for imperial officers to be ready in an alley when he tricked Tyndale into leaving the house. Tyndale was captured and imprisoned. 1563, p. 515; 1570, p. 1227; 1576, p. 1050; 1583, p. 1077.

Tyndale was strangled and then burnt at Villevorde. 1563, p. 519; 1570, p. 1229; 1576, p. 1052; 1583, p. 1079.

Tyndale wrote letters to John Frith in the Tower in London. 1563, pp. 520-22; 1570, pp. 1231-32; 1576, pp. 1053-55; 1583, pp. 1080-82.

Tyndale was one of the authors whose books were banned by the proclamation of 1546. 1563, p. 676; 1570, p. 1427; 1576, p. 1216; 1583, p. 1246.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
St Albans
S. Albones, Saint Albons
NGR: TL 155 075

Borough, having separate jurisdiction, locally in the Hundred of Cashio, Hertfordshire. 12.5 miles west-by-south from Hertford; 20 miles north-west-by-north from London. The town comprises the parish of St Alban, or the Abbey parish, and part of the parish of St Michael and St Peter, in the archdeaconry of St Albans, diocese of London

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English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)

Scottish information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Scotland (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1846)

Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)

The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.

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St Albans (Verulamium) [S. Albanes; S. Albons]

Hertfordshire

OS grid ref: TL 155 075

 
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Windsor
NGR: SU 967 768

A borough, market town and parish having separate jurisdiction, locally in the hundred of Ripplesmere, county of Berkshire. 20 mile east by north from Reading, 22.5 miles west by south from London. The castle, built by Henry I, occupies more than 12 acres of ground, comprising upper, lower and middle wards. A principal royal residence in Tudor times. The living [of the town] is a discharged vicarage in the Archdeaconry of Berkshire, Diocese of Salisbury.

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English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)

Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)

The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.

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1396 [1372]

K. Edw 6. The troubles, deathe, and worthy commendations of the Duke of Somerset.

MarginaliaAnno 1552.necessary that we all be obedient vnto. Wherefore I pray you all to be quiet, and to be contented with my death, which I am most willing to suffer: and let vs now ioyne in praier vnto the Lord, for the preseruation of the Kings Maiestie, vnto whome hitherto I haue alwaies shewed my selfe a most faithfull and true subiecte. I haue alwayes bene most diligent about his Maiestie in his affayres both at home and abroade, and no lesse diligent in seeking the common commoditie of the whole Realme. MarginaliaTestimony of the people with the Duke of Somerset.At whyche words all the people cried out, and said, it was most true.

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Then the Duke proceeding, said: Vnto whose Maiestie I wish continuall health, with all felicitie & all prosperous successe. Whereunto the people againe cryed out, Amen.

Moreouer, I do wishe vnto all his Counsaylours the grace and fauour of God, whereby they may rule in all things vprightly with iustice. Vnto whome I exhort you all in the Lord, to shew your selues obedient, as it is your bounden duety, vnder the payne of condemnation, and also most profitable for the preseruation and safegarde of the Kings Maiestie.

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MarginaliaThe confession of the Duke of Somerset.Moreoeuer, for so much as heeretofore I haue had oftentimes affaires with diuers men, & hard it is to please euery man, therfore if there be any that hath ben offended & iniuried by me, I most humbly require & aske him forgeuenes: but especially almighty God, whome throughout all my life I haue most greeuously offended: and all other, whatsoeuer they be that haue offended me, I do with my whole hart forgeue them. Now I once againe require you, dearly beloued in the Lord, that you wil keepe your selues quiete and still, least through your tumult you might trouble me. For albeit the spirite be willing and ready, the flesh is fraile and wauering: and through your quietnesse I shall be much more quieter. Moreouer, I desire you all to beare me witnes, MarginaliaThe Duke of Somerset dyeth in the fayth of Iesu Christ.that I dye heere in the fayth of Iesus Christ: desiring you to helpe me with your prayers, that I may perseuere constant in the same vnto my liues end.

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After this, hee turning himselfe agayne aboute like a meeke lambe, kneeled down vpon his knees. Then doctor Coxe, MarginaliaD. Coxe his ghostly father. which was there present to counsell and aduertise him, deliuered a certaine scroll into his hand, wherin was conteined a briefe confession vnto God. Which being read, he stoode vp againe vpon his feete, without any trouble of mind (as it appeared) and first bad the Sheriffes farewel, then the Lieutenant of the Tower and other, taking them all by the handes which were vpon the scaffold with hym. Then he gaue the Hangman certaine money. Which done, he put off his gowne, and kneeling downe againe in the straw, vntied his shyrt strings. After that, the hangman comming vnto him, turned downe his coller round about his necke, and al other things which did let or hinder him. Then lifting vp his eyes to heauen, where his only hope remained, and couering his face with his owne handkercher, he layd himselfe downe along, shewing no maner of token of trouble or feare, neyther did his countenaunce chaunge, but that before his eyes were couered, there began to appeare a red colour in the middest of his cheekes.

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MarginaliaThe godly end of the Duke of Somerset.Thus this most meeke and gentle Duke lying along, and looking for the stroke, because his doublet couered his necke, he was cōmaunded to rise vp and put it off: and then laying himselfe downe againe vpon the blocke, and calling thrise vpon the name of Iesus saying: Lord Iesu saue mee, as he was the thyrd tyme repeating the same, euen as the name of Iesu was in vttering, in a moment he was bereft both of head & life, & slept in the Lord Iesus, being taken away from all the daungers and euils of this life, and resting now in the peace of God: in the preferment of whose truth and Gospell he alwaies shewed himselfe an excellent instrument and member, and therefore hath receyued the reward of his labours. Thus gentle Reader, thou hast the true history of this worthy and noble Duke, and if any man report it otherwise, let it be counted as a lye.

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MarginaliaThe vertues of the Duke of Somerset declared.As touching the maners, disposition, life, and conuersation of the said Duke and the Kings vncle, what shall we neede to speake, when as he can not be sufficiently commēded, according to the dignitie of his vertues? There was alwaies in him great humanitie, and suche meekenes and gentlenes, as is rare to be found in so high estate. He was prone and ready to geue eare vnto the cōplaints and supplicatiōs of the poore, & no lesse attentiue vnto the affaires of the cōmon wealth. Which if he had liued together wyth king Edward, was like to do much good in reforming many misorders within this realme. He was vtterly ignorāt of al craft and deceit, and as farre void of all pride and ambition, as he was frō doing of iniury, being indeede vtterly voyd of both. He was of a gentle dispositiō, not coueting to be reuenged: more apt & ready to be deceiued, then to deceiue. His auncient loue & zeale of the Gospell & of religion he brought with him to the state of this his dignitie.The proofe whereof sufficiently was seene in his constant standing to gods truth, and zealous defence therof, MarginaliaThe zealous standing of the Duke of Somerset in defence of the truth against the Bishops at Winsore. against the Bishops of Chichester, Norwich, Lincolne, London, and others moe, in the Consultation had at Windsore, the first yeare of the kinges raigne.

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MarginaliaA comparison betweene Duke Humfrey Vncle to K. Henry. 6. and the Duke of Somerset Vncle to K. Edward. 6.Briefly, considering the nature and vertues of this Duke, I may (as seemeth) not vnaptly compare and resemble him vnto Duke Humfrey, the good Duke of Glocester. Who likewise being vncle vnto king Henry 6. and Protector of the Realme (as this was also to king Edw. the 6.) yet he wanted not his enemies and priuy enueyers especially Henry Beauford Cardinal, Bishop of Winchester, and Lord Chancellour of England: 

Commentary  *  Close

The account of the rivalry between Cardinal Beaufort and Humphrey , duke of Gloucester, is taken from Edward Hall, The union of the two noble and illustre families of Lancastre and York [London, 1550], STC 12723a, fo. 94r.

who at that time disdayning and enuying the rule and authoritie of thys Duke, procured much trouble agaynst him, and great deuision in the whole realme; in so muche that all the Shops within the Cittie of London were shutte in, for feare of the fauourers of these two great personages: For ech part had assembled no small number of people.

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For pacifying wherof the Archbishop of Caunterbury and the Duke of Quimber, called the Prince of Portugale, rode eight times in one day betwene the two aduersaries. Such were then the troubles of these tumultuous diuision within the realme, betweene these two: as is before expressed, pag. 679. MarginaliaTouching the trouble of the Duke of Glocester, read before pag. 679. not much vnlike to þt troublesome discord betwixt parties in this Protectors dayes. And as in their afflictions and troubles, these two Dukes seemed not much vnlike, so in matters of religion, and in discerning truth from falshood, their zeale seemed not much discrepant. Although the light of the Gospell did not so fully then shine out, as in the time of this latter Duke (the Lord be praysed therfore) yet wisedome and towardnes of þt other Duke also touching the same, was not vtterly vnworthy of his commendation. MarginaliaA false miracle detected by Duke Humfrey of Glocester.For the more manifest declaration whereof, amongest many other his godly doinges, we may take for example the prudent and famous acte of that noble Duke, in descerning and trying out the false lying miracle and popish hipocrisie of the blinde begger at S. Albons mentioned in his story before, pag. 679. 

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See 1563, p. 883, 1570, p. 834, 1576, pp. 679-80 and 1583, p. 704.

For the whiche cause, and for his dilligent studye in reforming that and such other blinde abuses of fayned Religion, he was the more hated of the spiritualtie, and suche as Winchester then was.

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Finally, as thys Lorde Protector Duke of Somerset the kinges vncle, by certayne of the Counsayle was then accused, arraigned & cōdemned for the trespasse (as it was geuen forth) of felonie (although I neuer heard he murdered or robbed any) so the other vncle of king Henry the 6. was made away. MarginaliaThe testimonye of M. William Tindall of good Duke Humfrey-Of whose decease thus writeth Mayster W. Tindall in his practise of Prelaets: At þe last they found the meanes to contriue a drift to bring their matters to passe & made a Parliamēt far from the Citizens of Londō, where was slayne the sayd good Duke, & the onely wealth of the Realme, and þe mighty shield which so long had kept it from sorowe, which shortly after his death fell vpon theū by heapes. But the Chronicles (sayth he) cannot tel wherfore he dyed, nor by what meanes. Neuertheles, this they testifie, that he was a vertuous man, godly and good to the common wealth. 

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Tyndale, Expositions and Notes…with the Practice of Prelates, ed. Henry Walter. Parker Society (Cambridge, 1849), p. 297.

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But to leaue Duke Humphrey, and to return to the maners and vertues of the Duke of Somerset, whiche before we were about to describe: as he was a gentle and courteous Duke at home, MarginaliaThe happy successe of the Duke of Somerset in his victoryes.so was he no lesse fortunate a Captain in warfare abroad. Vnder whose gouernment & guidyng not onely diuers rebellious commotions were happily suppressed here at home, but also abroad in the expedition of Scotland such a victory was geuen him of God, that wt the losse scarse of sixe hundred of his own men, there were of the enemies as good, or little lesse then x. thousand slayn and put to flight, and euen the very same day and tyme in the which all the Idolatrous Images were here burnt at London. 

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Foxe is repeating his earlier account of the battle of Musselborough (1570, p. 1499; 1576, p. 1271; 1583, p. 1406). Foxe claimed that the victory occurred at exactly the same time as Ridley began purging the images from the London churches.

And yet al these warres notwithstanding, wherunto he was agaynst his will compelled, he was a man of nature singularly geuen to peace, as may be seene by the sweete and peaceable exhortation by him set forth in print before, and sent to the realme of Scotland.

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MarginaliaGods chastisement vpon the Duke of Somerset.But as there is nothing in this worlde so perfect in all respectes, which is not blotted or darckned with some spot of vice adioyned withal: so amongst the manifold commēdations of this Duke, one thinge there was too, whiche both desteyned his honour and estimation much, and also more empayred and hindered his owne life & safety: which was, that he in condescending to the death of his brother, followed too rashly the perswasion of certayne, whosoeuer they were: for that matter lacked not perchaunce some singular fetche and pollicie of some, more craftely then godly disposed persons, as many good men haue supposed.

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But what soeuer of that matter is to be deemed, cre-

dible,
GGGg.iiij.
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