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Guildford Dudley

(d. 1554)

Husband of Lady Jane Grey and fourth son of Northumberland (DNB)

Guildford Dudley married Lady Jane Grey (1563, p 901; 1570, p. 1567; 1576, p. 1336; and 1583, p. 1406; cf. the darker version of this marriage given in Rerum, p. 232, where Guildford Dudley is not named).

He was imprisoned in the Tower for nearly five months after Mary became queen (1563, p. 902; 1570, p. 1569; 1576, p. 1338; and 1583, p. 1407).

He was executed on 12 February 1554, the same day as Jane Grey; Foxe calls him and his wife 'innocentes' (1563, p. 923; 1570, p. 1585; 1576, p. 1352; and 1583, p. 1423). [His execution is not mentioned in the Rerum.]

Foxe again relates that Lady Jane Grey and her husband were beheaded. 1563, p. 1474 [recte 1472], 1570, p. 2046, 1576, p. 1764, 1583, p. 1871.

Another mention of Dudley's execution is in 1570, p. 1637; 1576, p. 1397; 1583, p. 1467.

Foxe refers to Guildford Dudley's marriage to Jane Grey. 1583, p. 2128.

[Also referred to as 'Lord Gildford']

 
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Henry Grey

(d. 1554)

Marquis of Dorset (1517 - 1554); duke of Suffolk (1551 - 1554). Father of Lady Jane Grey. [DNB)]

Although it was originally intended that Henry Grey should take the field against Mary in 1553, it was later decided that he should have custody of the Tower, where his daughter Jane Grey and her husband Guildford Dudley were staying (1563, p. 901; 1570, p. 1568; 1576, p. 1337; and 1583, p. 1407).

He was committed to the Tower on 28 July 1553; released on 31 July 1553 (1570, p. 1634; 1576, p. 1394; 1583, p. 1465).

Suffolk fled into Warwickshire and Leicestershire 'to gather a power'. The earl of Huntingdon was sent into Warwickshire to stop the duke. Huntingdon reached Coventry before the duke and thwarted him. Suffolk was betrayed by a servant and taken to London (1563, p. 916; 1570, p. 1579; 1576, pp. 1347-48; 1583, p. 1418).

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At the end of January 1554, Suffolk, together with his brother John, went into Leicestershire. Frances Hastings, the earl of Huntingdon, was ordered to bring him back to London; Hastings proclaimed the duke a traitor (1570, p. 1637; 1576, p. 1396; 1583, p. 1467).

Henry was apprehended together with his brother John (1570, p. 1637; 1576, p. 1397; 1583, p. 1467).

On 17 February he was arraigned and condemned to die (1570, p. 1637; 1576, p. 1397; 1583, p. 1467).

He was beheaded on Tower Hill (1563, p. 923; 1570, p. 1585; 1576, p. 1352; and 1583, p. 1423).

The dukes of Northumberland and Suffolk were executed for their support of Lady Jane Grey. 1563, p. 1474 [recte 1472], 1570, p. 2046, 1576, p. 1764, 1583, p. 1871.

Foxe presents a detailed account of Suffolk's fortitude and affirmation of his protestantism at his execution (1570, p. 1637; 1576, p. 1397; 1583, pp. 1467-68).

 
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Jane Grey

(1537 - 1554) (DNB)

Jane Grey was named by Edward VI as his heir and proclaimed Queen (1563, p. 901; 1570, p. 1567; 1576, p. 1336; 1583, p. 1406).

She was compared favorably to Edward VI in learning; she was also compared to Aspasia, Sempronia and the mother of the Gracchi (1563, p. 901; 1570, p. 1576; 1576, p. 1336; and 1583, p. 1406).

She was imprisoned in the Tower for nearly five months after Mary became Queen (1563, p. 902; 1570, p. 1569; 1576, p. 1338; 1583, p. 1407).

Jane Grey's writings and letters (1563, pp. 917-22; 1570, pp. 1580-84; 1576, pp. 1348-52; 1583, pp. 1420-22).

Jane Grey's words at her execution and a description of her execution are in 1563, p. 919; 1570, p. 1584; 1576, p. 1352; and 1583, p. 1422.

Latin verses written by Jane Grey are in 1563, p. 922; 1570, p. 1584; 1576, p. 1352; and 1583, pp. 1422-23).

Latin verses commemorating Jane Grey (by John Parkhust, John Foxe and Laurence Humphrey) are in 1563, pp. 923; 1570, pp. 1584-85; 1576, p. 1352; and 1583, p. 1423.

Jane was executed 12 February 1554 (1563, p 823; 1570, p. 1584; 1576, p. 1352; 1583, p. 1422).

Also referred to as 'Jane Dudley'

 
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John Aylmer

(d. 1594)

Archdeacon of Stow, later archdeacon of Lincoln and bishop of London (1577 - 1594) (DNB).

Aylmer is commended as Lady Jane Grey's tutor and a learned man in 1563, p. 901; 1570, p. 1567; 1576, p 1336; and 1583, p. 1406.

Aylmer was one of six clerics - the others were Walter Phillips, James Haddon, John Philpot, Richard Cheyney and Thomas Young - who argued against the Real Presence in the 1553 convocation (1563, pp. 906-7, 912 and 914; 1570, pp. 1571-72 and 1575-76 [recte 1577]; 1576, pp 1340-41 and 1344-45; 1583, pp. 1410-11 and 1414 and 1416; also see Rerum, pp. 215, 217, 224-25 and 228. Cf. John Philpot, The trew report of the dysputacyon had and begonne in the convocacyon hous at London the xviii daye of Octobre MDLIII. [Emden, 1554]. (STC 19890 sigs A3r - A4r, B1r-v, C8r-v, D1r and D7v))

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John Aylmer was a participant in the Westminster disputation of 1559. 1563, p. 1717, 1583, p. 2119.

[Also referred to as 'Aelmer', 'Ælmar', 'Elmar', 'Elmer']

 
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Sir James Hales

(d. 1554)

Judge of the Common Pleas (1547 - 1553) (DNB); father-in-law of Joyce Hales

Sir James Hales is mentioned as opposing the Act proclaiming Lady Jane Grey as heir to Edward VI and is characterised as both 'favouringe true religion' and 'as upright a Iudge as any was in this realme' (1563, p. 901; 1570, p. 1567; 1576, p. 1336; and 1583, p. 1406).

Hales' exemplary character and piety described (1563, pp. 1113-14).

A brief account of how Hales upheld the statutes passed in Edward's reign against the establishing of altars and the Mass, was imprisoned and attempted suicide (1563, p. 905; 1570, p. 1571; 1576, pp. 1339-40; and 1583, p. 1410; also see 1563, p. 1114).

After Hales had enforced the Edwardian statues in Kent in the summer of 1553, he came to Westminster at the beginning of the legal term in October 1553 to be sworn in as a justice. Lord Chancellor Stephen Gardiner refused to administer the oath to him unless he abjured. Hales refused. He was arrested soon after. While imprisoned, George Day, William Portman and one Foster sought to persuade him to recant (1563, pp. 1114-15; 1570, pp. 1708-9; 1576, p. 1458; 1583, p. 1532).

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A notice that Hales was committed to the Marshalsea appears in 1570, p. 1637; 1576, p. 1396; 1583, p. 1467).

Hales attempted to commit suicide in prison. Afterward, in April 1554, he was released (1563, p. 1115; 1570, p. 1709; 1576, p. 1459; 1583, p. 1533).

Ridley reported, in a letter to Cranmer, written in the aftermath of the Oxford disputations in April 1554, that John Moreman had persuaded Sir James Hales to recant (1570, p. 1634; 1576, p. 1394; 1583, p. 1464).

Hales succeeded in killing himself (1563, p. 1115; 1570, p. 1709; 1576, p. 1459; 1583, p. 1533).

Foxe defends Hales' character and suicide (1563, pp. 1116-17; 1570, p. 1709; 1576, p. 1459; 1583, p. 1533).

 
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Kenninghall
NGR: TM 035 864

A parish in the hundred of Guilt-Cross, County of Norfolk, 3 miles east by south from east Harling. The living is a discharged vicarage in the Archdeaconry of Norfolk, diocese of Norwich, in the patronage of the Bishop of Ely. On the site of the ancient palace was erected the manorial residence which was afterward destroyed by Thomas, third Duke of Norfolk, who built a magnificent house to the north east This was forfeited by attainder in 1546 and given to the Princess Mary, who as well as her successor Elizabeth, often resided here. In the seventeenth century it was taken down and the materials sold.

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Lewis, Samuel, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)

1430 [1406]

Queene Mary. The comming in of Queene Mary, her clayme to the crowne.
MarginaliaAnno 1549. The first entring of Queene Mary to the Crowne, with the alteration of Religion, and other perturbations happening the same time in this Realme of England. 
Commentary  *  Close
Block 3: Mary's first moves

This is the first example of what will be a recurring pattern throughout Book 10 (and not typical of any other section of the Actes and Monuments) - extended theological discussion followed by bald political narrative. This section of narrative had a purpose: it emphasises Mary's 'perjury' to the protestants who supported her and it is as close as Foxe ever came to directly criticising her.

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The section of Book 10, from Edward VI's illness and Jane Grey's marriage to Mary's arrival in London, is based on Foxe's Rerum, pp. 232-34 (translated with varying degrees of fidelity). Essentially the sources for this section were reports from protestants in England during Mary's reign to English protestants in exile and continental reformers, which Foxe gathered while he was overseas. Some new material was added in later editions (notably Mary's letter to the Privy Council and the Council's response), but on the whole, there was little new information added to this section. Many of the remaining changes to the substance of this section (e.g., the accounts of Northumberland's death) reflect the changing circumstances in which Foxe's work was written.

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Cattley Pratt  *  Close
Cattley/Pratt, VI, 383, fn 5:

See Edition 1559, p. 215. Ed. 1563, p. 901. Ed. 1570, p. 1567. Ed. 1576, p. 1336. Ed. 1583, p. 1397. Ed. 1597, p. 1270. Ed. 1684, vol.iii. p. 11 - ED.

 

Commentary on the Glosses  *  Close
Mary's First Moves

Political events predominate here. Foxe has to decide what titles to give the competing queens at crucial moments. The glosses 'Queene Iane proclamed at London' and 'Comparisō betweene young king Edward & young Lady Iane' may be examined: the first notes the proclaiming of 'Queene Iane' while the second, by pointing to a passage concerned with her upbringing and therefore using 'Lady Iane', allows the transition back to Lady Jane for the rest of the section (except for 'Bishop Ridley preacheth in Queene Maryes time' which recalls Ridley preaching in Queen Jane's time) without having to say anything explicit about legitimacy.

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Another interesting titular contrast comes at the gloss 'Breach of promise in Queene Mary': immediately before this is a gloss in all editions, 'The Lady Mary promiseth faithfully that she would not alter religion'. The contrast between 'Lady' and 'Queen' appears to suggest a willingness to promise anything to gain power followed by indifference to promises.

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Another contrast between Jane and Mary can be found in the glosses: while 'Two things feared in Queene Mary' points to two things feared from Mary, 'Comparisō betweene young king Edward & young Lady Iane' points to a favourable comparison between Jane and King Edward. Two glosses do not appear after 1563. Perhaps the reference to the king's will in the gloss 'Lady Iane made heire by þe kings will' was too sensitive a point with Elizabeth to risk retaining the gloss. Another to be removed was 'Tokēs that quene Mary wold not kepe touch with the Suffolke menne' which considers the executions of various protestant nobles as 'tokens' that Mary would not 'kepe touch with the Suffolke men': perhaps this was later removed as ceding too much to the popular will (the Northern Uprising of 1569 may have heightened Foxe's awareness of the sensitivity of rebellion). Foxe's glosses report but do not comment upon Northumberland's recantation ('The Duke of Northumberlād condemned to dye', 'The Duke of Northumberland reuoketh his religion' and 'The Duke of Northūberland beheaded',) although the juxtaposition of the confessions and deaths of two protestant gentlemen, 'Syr Iohn Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer confessing their fayth were beheaded', was perhaps designed to offer contrast.

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Marginalia
Anno 1553.
The reigne of Queene Mary.
W Hat time King Edward by long sicke-nesse beganne to appeare more feble and weake, in the meane while during the time of this his sickenesse, a certayne mariage was prouided, concluded and shortly also vpon the same solempnised in the moneth of May, MarginaliaMariage betweene the Lord Gilford and the Lady Iane.betwene the Lord Gilford, sonne to the Duke of Northumberland, and the Lady Iane the Duke of Suffolkes daughter, whose mother being then aliue, was daughter to Mary King Henryes second sister, who first was maried to the French king, and afterward to Charles Duke of Suffolke. But to make no long tariance hereupon, the mariage being ended, and the king waxing euery day more sicke then other, where as in deede there seemed in him no hope of recouerye, it was brought to passe by the consent not on of the Nobility, but also of all the chiefe Lawyers of the Realme, that the king by his Testament did appoynt the foresayde Ladye Iane, daughter to the Duke of Suffolke, to be inheretrice vnto the crowne of England, passing ouer his two sisters Mary and Elizabeth.

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To this order subscribed all the kinges Counsell, and chiefe of the Nobility, and Maior and city of London, and almoste all the Iudges and chiefe Lawyers of this Realme, sauing onely MarginaliaSyr Iames Hales standeth with Queene Mary. Iustice Hales of Kent, a man both fauoring true Religion, and also an vpright iudge as any hath bene noted in this Realme, who geuing his consent vnto Lady Mary, would in no case subscribe to Lady Iane. Of this man (God willing) you shall perceiue more in the sequele of this story. MarginaliaTwo things feared in Queene Mary.The causes layd agaynst Lady Marye, were as well for that it was feared she would mary with a Straunger, and thereby entangle the crowne: as also that she would cleane alter Religion, vsed both in king Henry her father, and also in king Edwarde her brothers dayes, & so bring in the pope, to the vtter destruction of the Realme, which indeed afterward came to passe, as by the course and sequele of this story may well appeare.

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Much probable matter they had thus to coniecture of her, by reason of her great stubbernnes shewed and declared in her brothers dayes, as in the letters before mentioned, passing betwene her and king Edward, & the Counsell, may appeare. The matter being thus concluded, and after confirmed by euery mans hand, King Edwarde an Impe of so great hope, not long after this departed, by the vehemency of his sickenes, when he was sixtene yeares of age: with whom also decaid in maner the whole florishing estate and honor of the English nation.

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When king Edwarde was deade, this Iane was established in the kingdome by the Nobles consent, MarginaliaQueene Iane proclamed at London.and was forthwith published Queene by proclamation at London, and in other Cityes where was any great resort, and was there so taken and named. MarginaliaComparisō betweene young king Edward & young Lady Iane.Betweene this young Damosell and kyng Edwarde there was litle difference in age, though in learning & knowledge of the tongues she was not onely equall, but also superior vnto him, being instructed of a Mayster right notablye learned. MarginaliaThis instructer of the Lady Iane was M. Elmer.If her fortune had bene as good as was her bringing vppe, ioyned wyth finenesse of wit: vndoubtedly she might haue semed comparable, not onelye to the house of the Vaspasians, Sempronians, and mother of the Grachies, 

Cattley Pratt  *  Close
Cattley/Pratt, VI, Appendix, ref. page 384, line 7 from the bottom

"To the house of the Aspasians, Sempronians, or mother of the Gracchies," is the reading in Foxe's text, except that in 1576 and ever since "Aspasians" has been changed into "Vaspasians," and "or" into "and." Foxe's text has been improved from the Latin edition, which runs thus, p. 233: - "Quæ si tam felicem sortita fortunam fuisset, quàm cum felici ingenio non infelicem conjunxit educationem, non modo cum Aspasiis, Semproniis, Gracchorum matre, et literariâ laude commendatissimis quibusque fœminis, sed viris, Academicis etiam titulis lauroque onustis, pari certare commendatione potuisset." All the females of the families of the Sempronii, Gracchi, and Scipios, were sometimes called by the term Sempronia. There was a sister of the Gracchi called Sempronia. Hence Foxe puts in "Matre Gracchorum" parenthetically, to determine whom he meant. (See Lempriere.)

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yea, to anye other women beside that deserued high prayse for theyr singulart learning: but also to the vniuersity men, which haue taken many degrees of the Schooles.

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In the meane time, while these thinges were a working at London, Mary which had knowledge of her Brothers death, writeth to the Lords of the Councell in forme as foloweth.

¶ A Letter of the Lady Mary, sent to the Lordes of the Counsell, wherein shee claymeth the Crowne after the decease of king Edwarde,  
Commentary  *  Close

Mary's letter to the Privy Council and the Council's response first appear in the 1570 edition (see textual variant 2); clearly Foxe had access to some Privy Council records between the publication of the 1563 and 1570 editions. As will become clear, he also had further access between the publication of the 1576 and 1583 editions.

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MarginaliaLady Maryes letter sent to the Counsayle, wherein shee clameth the Crowne. M Y Lordes, we greete you well, and haue receiued sure aduertisement that our dearest Brother the king our late soueraigne Lord, is departed to Gods mercye: whiche newes howe they be woefull vnto our hart, he onely knoweth, to whose will and pleasure we must and do humbly submitte vs and our willes.

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But in this so lamentable a case, that is to witte, now after hys Maiesties departure and death, concerning the Crowne and gouernaunce of thys Realme of England, with the title of Fraunce, and all thinges thereto belonging, what hath bene prouided by Act of Parliament and the Testament and last will of our dearest Father, besides other circumstaunces aduauncing our right, you know, the Realme, and the whole world knoweth, the Rolles and Recordes appeare by the authority of the kyng our sayde Father, and the king our sayde brother, and the subiectes of thys Realme, so that we verily trust that there is no good true subiect, that is, can, or would pretend to be ignoraunt therof, and of our parte wee haue of our selues caused, and as God shall ayde and strength vs, shall cause our right and title in this behalfe to be published and proclaymed accordingly. And albeit this so weighty a matter seemeth straunge, that the dying of oure sayde brother vpon Thursday at night last past, we hytherto hadde no knowledge from you thereof, yet we consider your wisedomes and prudence to be such, that hauing eftsoones amongest you debated, pondered, and well wayed this present case with our estate, with your own estate, the common wealth, and all our honours, wee shall and may conceiue greate hope and trust with much assuraunce in your loyaltye and seruice, and therefore for the tyme interprete and take thinges not to the worst, and that ye yet will like Noble men woorke the best. Neuerthelesse wee are not ignoraunt of your consultations, to vndoe the prouisions made for our preferment, nor of the great bandes and prouisions forceable, wherewith yee bee assembled and prepared, by whom, and to what ende, God and you know, and nature can but feare some euill. But be it that some consideration politicke, or whatsoeuer thing else hath mooued you thereto, yet doubte you not my Lordes, but we can take all these your doynges in gracious part, being also right ready to remit & fullye pardon the same, with that freely to eschewe bloudshed and vengeance agaynst all those that canne or will intend the same: trusting also assuredly you will take and accept this grace and vertue in good part as appeateyneth, and that wee shall not be enforced to vse the seruice of other our true subiectes and frendes which in thys our iust and right cause, God in whom our whole affiaunce is, shall send vs. Wherefore my Lordes we require you and charge you, and euery of you, that euery of you, of your allegeance whyche you owe to God and vs, and to none other, for our honour and the surety of our parson, onely employ your selues, & forth with vpon receit hereof, cause our right and title to the Crowne and gourrnement of this Realme to be proclaymed in our Citty of London, and other places as to your wisedomes shall seeme good, and as to this case apperteineth, not fayling hereof as our verye trust is in you. And thus our Letter signed with our hande, shalbe your sufficient warrant in this behalfe.

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Yeuen vnder our Signet, at our Manor
of Kenyngall, the ninth of Iulye.
1553.

To this Letter of the Ladye Marye, the Lordes of the Counsell make aunswere agayne as foloweth.

¶ Aunswere of the Lordes vnto the Lady Maryes Letter.

MarginaliaA letter of the Counsaile aunswering agayne to the Lady Mary. M Adame, we haue receiued your letters the ninth of this instant, declaring your supposed title, which you iudge your self to haue to the Imperiall crowne of this Realm, & all the dominions thereunto belonging. For answere whereof, this is to aduertise you, that for asmuch as our soueraign Lady Quene Iane is after the death of our soueraign Lord Edward the sixt, a prince of most noble memorye MarginaliaLady Iane inuested in possession of the crowne by king Edwards will and assent of the whole coūsaile. inuested and possessed with the iuste and right title in the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme, not onely by good order of olde aunciente lawes of this Realme, but also by our late soueraigne Lordes Letters patentes signed with his own hand, and sealed with the greate seale of Englande in presence of the most parte of the Nobles, Councellours, Iudges, with diuers other graue and sage personages, assenting & subscribing to the same: We must therfore as of most boūd duety and allegeance assent vnto her sayde Grace, and to none other, except wee shoulde (which faythfull subiectes can not) fall into greeuous and vnspeakeable enormities. Wherefore we can no lesse do, but for the quiet both of the realme and you also, to aduertise you, that forasmuch as the diuorce made betwene the king of famous memory K Henry the 8 & the Lady Katherine your mother, was necessary to be had both by the euerlasting lawes of God, and also by the Ecclesiasticall lawes, & by the most part of the noble & lear-

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ned
KKKk.iij.
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