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Master Hampton

Of Reading.

Master Hampton was engaged by enemies of Julins Palmer to befriend and then betray him. 1570, p. 2120, 1576, p. 1842 [recte 1831], 1583, p. 1937.

 
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Nicholas Ridley

(d. 1555) (DNB)

Bishop of London (1550 - 1553). Martyr. [DNB]

Nicholas Ridley gave John Rogers a prebend in St Paul's (1563, p. 1023; 1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1484).

He led the bishops who compelled John Hooper to wear vestments at his consecration. Ridley wrote a letter to Hooper apologising for this in Mary's reign (1563, pp. 1050-2; 1570, pp. 1676-7; 1576, p. 1404; 1583, pp. 1504-5).

He preached a sermon at Paul's Cross, at the behest of the privy council, supporting Jane Grey's claim to the throne. After Mary's accession Ridley visited the queen at Framlingham and was arrested (1563, p. 903; 1570, p. 1569; 1576, p. 1338; and 1583, p. 1408).

He was engaged, over dinner with John Feckenham and Sir John Bourne, in a debate on the nature of the eucharist. An account of the debate, 'penned with his own hand,' is first printed in 1563, (1563, pp. 928-31; 1570, pp. 1589-91; 1576, pp. 1356-58; and 1583, pp. 1426-28). There is no earlier printed version or manuscript of the exchange.

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Ridley was examined by Weston and the other members of the catholic delegation to the Oxford disputations on Saturday 14 April 1554 (1563, p. 933 and 937-38; 1570, p. 1593; 1576, p. 1935 [recte 1359]; 1583, pp. 1429-30).

[NB: There is a summary of Ridley's disputation on Tuesday 17 April 1554 which was printed in its entirety only in 1563, pp 933-34].

Ridley disputed with Richard Smith and the other catholic doctors on 17 April 1554 (1563, p. 957-78; 1570, pp. 1606-22; 1576, pp. 1370-84; 1583, pp. 1441-54).

Ridley's preface to his account of the disputation is 1563, pp. 956-57 and (in a differently worded version) 1570, p. 1632; 1576, pp. 1392-93; 1583, p. 1463.

Ridley's conclusion to his account of the Oxford disputations is printed (only) in 1563, p. 978.

Ridley wrote to Weston protesting the conduct of the 1554 Oxford disputations and demanding that Ridley's written responses to the three propositions be shown to the higher house of convocation (1563, p. 977; 1570, p. 1633; 1576, pp. 1393-94; 1583, p. 1464).

The queen's letter ordering Ridley, together with Cranmer and Latimer, to be held in the custody of the mayor and bailiffs of Oxford during the disputation is printed in 1563, p. 999.

He was summoned, together with Cranmer and Latimer, before Weston and the commissioners on 20 April 1554. He refused to recant what he had said during the disputations. He was condemned and taken to the sheriff's house (1563, pp. 935-38; 1570, pp. 1632-33; 1576, p. 1393; 1583, pp. 1463-64).

On 21 April 1554, Ridley was compelled to observe, having been brought from the sheriff's house, a procession in which Weston carried the sacrament and four doctors carried a canopy over Weston (1563, p. 936; 1570, p. 1633; 1576, p. 1393; 1583, p. 1464).

Ridley wrote a letter to Cranmer, which was sent together with copies of his account of the disputation and news of recent developments (1570, pp. 1633-34; 1576, p. 1394; 1583, pp. 1464).

Foxe mentions Ridley's condemnation and disputation in passing in 1570, p. 1639; 1576, p. 1399; 1583, p. 1469.

In a letter of 10 October 1554, Heinrich Bullinger asked John Hooper to pass his commendations toRidley, Hugh Latimer and Thomas Cranmer (1570, p. 1692; 1576, pp. 1444-45; 1583, p. 1518).

Ridley was one of the authors of a petition to Philip and Mary asking them for a chance to defend, in public debate, the Edwardian religious reforms (1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1483).

Laurence Saunders sent a letter to Ridley, Thomas Cranmer and Hugh Latimer from the Marshalsea(1563, pp. 1042-43; 1570, pp. 1667-68; 1576, pp. 1422-23; 1583, pp. 1496-97).

Foxe describes Ridley's character. 1563, p. 1283, 1570, p. 1895, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

John Bradford was persuaded to enter the ministry by Ridley. Ridley called Bradford to take the position of deacon and, at Bradford's willing, ordered him deacon. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, pp. 1603-04.

He led the bishops who compelled John Hooper to wear vestments at his consecration. Ridley wrote a letter to Hooper apologising for this in Mary's reign. 1563, pp. 1050-2; 1570, pp. 1676-7; 1576, p. 1404; 1583, pp. 1504-5.

In a letter of 10 October 1554, Heinrich Bullinger asked John Hooper to pass his commendations to Ridley, Hugh Latimer and Thomas Cranmer. 1570, p. 1692; 1576, pp. 1444-45; 1583, p. 1518.

Ridley was one of the authors of a petition to Philip and Mary asking them for a chance to defend, in public debate, the Edwardian religious reforms. 1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1483.

Laurence Saunders sent a letter to Ridley, Thomas Cranmer and Hugh Latimer from the Marshalsea.1563, pp. 1042-43; 1570, pp. 1667-68; 1576, pp. 1422-23; 1583, pp. 1496-97.

During Bradford's second examination, Doctor Seton described Ridley and Latimer as being unable to answer anything at all at their examinations. 1570, p. 1786, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1607.

John Bradford sent a letter to Cranmer, Latimer and Ridley. 1570, p. 1815 1576, p. 1551, 1583, p. 1634.

Rowland Taylor wrote a letter to Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley and Hugh Latimer when they were prisoners in Oxford. 1570, p. 2072; 1576, p. 1787; 1583, p. 1893.

Foxe recounts the life of Ridley. 1563, pp. 1283-96, 1570, pp. 1895-96, 1576, pp. 1623-24, 1583, pp. 1717-30.

Ridley was kind to Heath, archbishop of York during Edward VI's reign. 1563, p. 1285, 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

Ridley was kind to Edmund Bonner's mother. She would dine at Ridley's manor in Fulham with Ridley and Mistress Mungey, Bonner's sister. 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

Ridley's sister and her husband, George Shipside, were also kind to Bonner's mother and sister. 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, pp. 1717-18.

Ridley was converted through the reading of Bertram's Book of the Sacrament, and confirmed in his beliefs through conference with Cranmer and Peter Martyr. 1563, p. 1285, 1570, p. 1895, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

After Mary's accession, Ridley was kept first in the Tower, then in the Bocardo in Oxford, and then held in custody at Master Irish's house until his death. 1563, p. 1285, 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1624, 1583, p. 1717.

Ridley was cast into Bocardo prison with Hugh Latimer. 1563, p. 1285, 1583, p. 1718.

A conference took place between Ridley and Latimer in prison on the objections of Antonian, in other words, those of a popish persecutor, such as Winchester. 1563, pp. 1285-94, 1583, pp. 1718-24.

Letters of Ridley. 1570, pp. 1896-1902, 1576, pp. 1624-30, 1583, pp. 1724-30.

A letter was sent by Ridley to West, in which Ridley asked West and also Dr Harvey to remember their promises to him. Foxe also includes West's letter and Ridley's response. 1570, pp. 1900-01, 1576, pp. 1627-28, 1583, pp. 1728-29.

Grindal wrote to Ridley from his exile in Frankfort, to which letter Ridley replied. He mentioned his imprisonment with Cranmer, Latimer and Bradford. He mentioned that he knew that Ferrar, Hooper, Rogers, Taylor of Hadleigh, Saunders and Tomkins, a weaver, had all been martyred, as had Cardmaker the day before he wrote this letter. He had heard that West had relented, and Grimald been cast into the Marshalsea. He had also heard that Thomas Ridley, of the Bull-head in Cheapside, had died. He had heard that his brother-in-law, Shipside, had spent much time in prison but was now released. 1570, pp. 1901-02, 1576, pp. 1628-30, 1583, pp. 1729-30.

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The examination of Ridley and Latimer by White (Lincoln) and Brookes (Gloucester) took place on 30 September 1555. White and Brookes received their commission from Cardinal Poole. 1563, pp. 1297-98, 1570, pp. 1903-09, 1576, pp. 1631-39, 1583, pp. 1757-60.

A communication took place between Ridley and Brookes in Irish's house on 15 October, on which day he was degraded, and at which Edridge ('reader then of the Greek lecture') was present.. 1563, pp. 1374-76, 1570, pp. 1934-35, 1576, pp. 1659-60, 1583, pp. 1768-69.

Ridley had a discussion with Brookes on 16 October, on which day he was degraded. 1563, pp. 1374-76.

Foxe recounts the behaviour of Ridley at supper the night before he was martyred. 1563, pp. 1376-79, 1570, pp. 1936-37, 1576, p. 1661, 1583, p. 1769.

Foxe recounts the behaviour of Ridley and Latimer at their martyrdom. 1563, pp. 1376-1379, 1570, pp. 1937-39, 1576, pp. 1661-62, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley gave his gown and tippet to Shipside. 1563, p. 1377, 1570, p. 1937, 1576, p. 1661, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley gave a new groat to Henry Lea. 1563, p. 1377, 1570, p. 1937, 1576, p. 1661, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley spoke with Lord Williams before his martyrdom. 1563, p. 1379, 1570, p. 1937, 1576, p. 1662, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley's friendly farewell. 1563, pp. 1379-81, 1570, pp. 1939-43, 1576, pp. 1622-28, 1583, pp. 1770-76.

Ridley's lamentation for a change in religion, in which he makes reference to Latimer, Lever, Bradford and Knox, as well as Cranmer and their part in the duke of Somerset's cause. 1570, pp. 1945-50, 1576, pp. 1670-78, 1583, pp. 1778-84.

Cranmer was confirmed in his reformist beliefs after conference with Ridley. 1570, p. 2045, 1576, p. 1763, 1583, p. 1870.

Cranmer was examined by Bonner and Ely and condemned on 12 September 1556 (seven days before the condemnation of Ridley and Latimer). 1563, pp. 1491-92, 1570, p. 2046, 1576, p. 1765, 1583, p. 1871.

In the third year of Edward's reign, Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley admitted Robert Drakes to minister the sacraments. 1563, p. 1505, 1570, p. 2074, 1576, p. 1788, 1583, p. 1895.

Letter to Augustine Bernher [BL, Harley 416, fo.16v. Printed in LM, p. 72 et seq. Also in 1570, p. 1902 et seq.].

Letter to Augustine Bernher [BL Harley 416, fos.17v and 32r. Not printed in Foxe or LM].

Letter to Bernher [BL Harley 416, fo.32r. Not printed in AM or LM.]

Letter to Bradford. [BL Harley 416, fo.32v. Printed in LM, pp. 62 et seq. and 1570, p. 1897 et seq.]

Foxe records Nicholas Ridley's writings against idolatry. 1583, pp. 2128-31.

Lord Dacre would have paid a ransom to Mary for his kinsman Nicholas Ridley's life if it were possible but she refused. 1563, p. 1733, 1583, p. 2131.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Hampton Court Palace

East Molesey, Surrey

OS grid ref: TQ 157 685

1432 [1408]

Queene Mary. Bishops remoued from theyr places. Inhibition of printing &c.

MarginaliaAn.no 1552.in K. Henry the 8. dayes, as in K. Edwards he had oft euidently declared hymselfe both to fauour and further: exhortyng also the people to returne to the Catholike fayth (as he termed it.) MarginaliaThe Duke of Northumberland reuoketh his religion.Whose recantation the papistes foorthwith did publish and set abroad, reioysing not a litle at his conuersion or rather subuersion, as then appeared. 

Commentary  *  Close

There is some fairly subtle re-writing of the passages describing the Duke of Northumberland's death - 'But the Duke within a moneth after his comming ... conversion or rather subversion as then appeared' - in the 1570 edition; (compare 1563, p. 902 with 1570, p. 1569; 1576, p. 1338 and 1583 pp. 1407-08). The 1563 edition speculates that Northumberland recanted because he might have been offered a pardon; the later editions assert this as fact. Again Foxe is mitigating Northumberland's conduct.

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MarginaliaThe Duke of Northūberland beheaded. Syr Iohn Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer confessing their fayth were beheaded.Thus the Duke of Northumberland with Sir Iohn Gates, and sir Thomas Palmer (which Palmer on the other side confessed his fayth that he had learned in the gospel, and lamented that he had not lyued more Gospellike) beyng put to death: In the meane tyme Queene Marye, entring thus her raigne with the bloud of these men: besides hearyng Masse her selfe in the Tower, gaue a heauy shewe and signification hereby, but especially by the sodaine deliuering of Steuen Gardiner out of the Tower, that she was not mynded to stand to that which she so deeply had promised to the Suffolke men before, concernyng the not subuertyng or alteryng the state of religion: as in very deede the surmise of the people was therein nothyng deceyued.

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Besides the premisses, other things also folowed which euery day more and more discomforted the people, declaring the Queene to beare no good will to the present state of religion: as, not onely the releasing of Gardiner beyng then made Lord Chauncellor of England and B. of Winchester, Doct. Poynet beyng put out, but also that Boner was restored to his bishoprike agayne, and D. Ridley displaced. MarginaliaThe true preaching Bishops displaced.Itē, D. Day to the bishoprike of Chichester, Iohn Scory beyng put out. Item, D. Tonstall to the bishoprike of Duresme. Item, D. Heath to the bishoprike of Worcester, and Iohn Hooper committed to the Fleete. Item, D. Veste to Exceter, and Miles Couerdale put out. These things beyng marked and perceiued, great heauinesse, and discomfort grew more and more to all good mens hartes: but contrary to the wicked, great reioysing. In which discord of minds, and diuersitie of affections, was now to be seene a miserable face of things in the whole commō welth of England. They that could dissemble, tooke no great care how the matter went. But such whose consciences were ioyned to truth, perceiued already coales to bee kindled, which after should be the destruction of many a true Christian man, as in deed it came to passe. In the meane while Queene Mary after these beginnings, remoouyng from þe Tower to Hampton Court, MarginaliaA Parliament Summoned.caused a Parliament to bee sūmoned against the x. day of Octob. 

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Cattley/Pratt, VI, 389, fn 1

Rather, October 5. See Statutes of the Realm. Edit. 1819, vol. iv. p. 197. - ED.

next ensuing, wherof more is to be sayd hereafter.

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Ye heard before how diuers Bishops were remooued, and other placed in their roumes: amongest whome was D. Ridley B. of London, a worthy man both of fame and learnyng. MarginaliaBishop Ridley preacheth in Queene Maryes time.This D. Ridley in tyme of Queene Iane had made a Sermon at Paules crosse, so commaunded by the Counsaile: declaryng there hys mynde to the people, as touching the Lady Mary, and disswading them, alledging there the incommodities and inconueniēces which might ryse by receiuyng her to be their Queene, prophesieng as it were before, that which after came to passe, þt she would bryng in forraine power to raigne ouer them: besides the subuertyng also of Christian Religion then already established: shewyng moreouer, that the same Mary beyng in hys Diocesse, he accordyng to his duetie, beyng then her Ordinary, had trauailed much with her to reduce her to this Religion, and notwithstandyng in all other poyntes of ciuilitie, she shewed her selfe gentle and tractable, yet in matters that concerned true fayth and doctrine, she shewed her selfe so stiffe and obstinate, that there was no other hope of her to be conceyued, but to disturbe and ouerturne all that which with so great labours had bene comfirmed and planted by her brother afore. Shortly after this Sermon, Queene Mary was proclaymed, whereuppon hee speedily repairyng to Fremingham to salute the Queene, had such colde welcome there: that beyng dispoyled of all his dignities, he was sent backe vpon a lame halting horse to the Tower. 

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Cattley/Pratt, VI, Appendix, ref. page 390, line 7

The following entry in the Council Book is printed in Haynes's Burghley State Papers, p. 160: "July 23d, 1553. A letter to Sir Thomas Cheney and to Sir John Gayge to receive into the Tower of London, as prysoners to be safely kept, the Marquess of Northampton, the Lord Robert Dudley, and Doctor Ridley." Foxe, however, states at p. 537 that they were actually put in the Tower July 26th.

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MarginaliaM. Rogers preacheth.After hym preached also Maister Rogers the next sonday, 

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Cattley/Pratt, VI, Appendix, ref. page 390, line 8

July 23d, which was the eighth Sunday after Trinity by Nicolas's Tables, when the Gospel for the day would be Matt. vii. 15-21.

entreatyng very learnedly vppon the Gospell of the same day.

This so done, Queene Mary seyng all things yet not goyng so after her mynd as she desired, deuiseth wyth her Counsaile, to bring to passe that thyng by other meanes, which as yet by open lawe she could not well accomplish, directing forth an Inhibition by Proclamation, that no man should preach or read openly in churches the word of God, besides other thynges also in the same Proclamation Inhibited, the copye whereof here followeth.

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¶ An inhibition of the Queene, for preaching, Printyng, &c. 
Commentary  *  Close
Block 4: Mary's Inhibition against Printing

Mary's proclamation banning unlicensed preaching, printing, etc. (1563, pp. 903-04; 1570, pp. 1569-70; 1576, pp. 1338-39 and 1583, pp. 1408-09) was undoubtedly printed from an original copy, probably from the version printed by John Cawood. This is confirmed by the fact that the 1563 edition prints the words 'God save the Quene' at the conclusion of the proclamation; this fidelity to the original was not repeated in subsequent editions. For a copy of this proclamation, with a list of the surviving copies, see Paul L Hughes and James F Larkin (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, (3 vols, New Haven, 1964-99) II, pp. 5-8.

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MarginaliaAugust. 18.

 

Commentary on the Glosses  *  Close
The Inhibition

The root of the changes in the will of Mary is emphasized ('Q. Mary beginneth to set forth her popish religion. Religion here grounded vppon the Queenes will'), but Gardiner's place behind one of the changes is also mentioned in the margin ('Here was the head of Winchester'.) The lack of any prompting from within the text for this gloss was perhaps suggestive of the half-hidden forces at work behind Mary's basic desire for a catholic restoration. Most of the other glosses point out what was banned, and regret the fact. All editions give the date (August 18).

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MarginaliaAn inhibition of the Queene for preaching and printing.THe Queenes highnes well remembryng what great inconuenience and daungers haue growen to this her highnes Realme in tymes past, thorough the diuersitie of opinions in questions of religion, and hearyng also that now of late, sithence the beginnyng of her most gracious Raigne, the same contentions be agayne much reuiued thorough certayne false and vntrue reportes and rumors spreade by some lyght and euyll disposed personnes, hath thought good to doe to vnderstand to all her highnes most louyng subiectes, her most gracious pleasure in manner followyng.

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First, her Maiestie beyng presented by the onely goodnesse of God, setled in her iust possession of the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme, and other dominions thereunto belongyng, MarginaliaQ. Mary beginneth to set forth her popish religion. Religion here grounded vppon the Queenes will.cannot now hide that religion which God and the world knoweth she hath euer professed from her infancie hitherto. Which as her Maiestie is mynded to obserue and maintaine for her selfe by gods grace during her tyme, so doth her highnesse much desire and would be glad the same were of all her subiectes quietly and charitably embraced.

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And yet she doth signifie vnto all her maiesties louyng subiects, that of her most gracious disposition & clemency, her highnesses myndeth not to compell any her sayde subiects thereunto, vnto such tyme as further order by common assent may be taken therein: forbiddyng neuertheles all her subiects of all degrees, at their peryls to mooue seditions, or stirre vnquietnes in her people by interpreting the Lawes of this Realme, after their braynes and fantasies, but quietly to continue for the tyme, tyll (as before is sayd) further order may be taken, and therfore willeth and straitly chargeth and commaundeth all her sayd good louyng subiects, to lyue togethers in quiet sort and Christian charitie, MarginaliaTermes of Papist and Hereticke forbidden.leauyng those new found diuelish termes of Papist or heretike, and such lyke, and applying their hole care, study and trauaile to lyue in the feare of God, exercising their conuersations in such charitable & godly doyng, as their lyues may in deed expresse that great hunger and thirst of Gods glory and holy worde, which by rash talke & wordes many haue pretended: and in so doing they shal best please God, and lyue without daungers of the lawes, and maintaine the tranqullitie of the Realme. Wherof as her highnes shall be most glad, so if any man shall rashlye presume to make any assemblies of people, or at any publike assemblies or otherwyse, shall go about to stir the people to disorder or disquiet, shee myndeth according to her dutie, to see the same most surely reformed & punished accordyng to her highnes lawes.

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MarginaliaFalse surmise against true preachers, Printers and players.And furthermore, forasmuch also as it is well knowen, that sedition and false rumours haue bene nourished and maintayned in this Realme by the subtletie and malice of some euill disposed persons, which take vpon them without sufficient authoritie to preach & to interprete the word of God after their owne brayne in churches MarginaliaHere was the head of Winchester. and other places, both publike and priuate, & also by playing of Enterludes, MarginaliaPreachyng, Printyng, Readyng and playing of Enterludes, restrayned.and printyng of false fond bookes, ballades, rymes, and other lewd treatises in the English tongue, concernyng doctrine in matters now in question, and controuersie touchyng the high poyntes and mysteries of christen religion, which bookes, ballades, rymes, and treatises, are chiefly by the Printers and Stationers set out to sale to her graces subiects of an euil zeale, for lucre and couetousnes of vile gayne. Her highnes therefore straitly chargeth and commaundeth all and euery of her sayde subiectes, of whatsoeuer state, condition or degree they be, that none of them presume from hencefoorth to preach, or by way of readyng in Churches or other publike or priuate places, except in schooles of the Vniuersitie, to interprete or teach any scriptures or any maner poynts of doctrine concerning religion, neither also to print any bookes, matter, ballade, ryme, Enterlude, processe or treatise, nor to play any Enterlude, except they haue her graces speciall licence in writyng for the same, vpon payne to incurre her highnesse indignation and displeasure.

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And her highnes also further chargeth and commaundeth all and euery her sayd subiectes, that none of them of their owne authoritie do presume to punish, or to ryse against any offender in the causes aboue sayde, or any other offender in words or deeds in the late rebellion committed or done by the Duke of Northumberland or his complices, or to cease any of their goods, or violently to vse anye such offender by strikyng or imprisonyng, or threatenyng the same, but wholy to referre the punishment of all suche offenders vnto her highnes and publike authority, wherof her maiestie myndeth to see due punishment, accordyng

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