Thematic Divisions in Book 12
1. Exhumations of Bucer and Phagius along with Peter Martyr's Wife2. Pole's Visitation Articles for Kent3. Ten Martyrs Burnt at Canterbury4. The 'Bloody Commission'5. Twenty-two Prisoners from Colchester6. Five Burnt at Smithfield7. Stephen Gratwick and others8. Edmund Allen and other martyrs9. Edmund Allen10. Alice Benden and other martyrs11. Examinations of Matthew Plaise12. Richard Woodman and nine other martyrs13. Ambrose14. Richard Lush15. The Martyrdom of Simon Miller and Elizabeth Cooper16. Rose Allin and nine other Colchester Martyrs17. John Thurston18. George Eagles19. Richard Crashfield20. Fryer and George Eagles' sister21. Joyce Lewes22. Rafe Allerton and others23. Agnes Bongeor and Margaret Thurston24. John Kurde25. John Noyes26. Cicelye Ormes27. Persecution at Lichfield28. Persecution at Chichester29. Thomas Spurdance30. Hallingdale, Sparrow and Gibson31. John Rough and Margaret Mearing32. Cuthbert Simson33. William Nicholl34. Seaman, Carman and Hudson35. Three at Colchester36. A Royal Proclamation37. Roger Holland and other Islington martyrs38. Stephen Cotton and other martyrs39. Scourging of Thomas Hinshaw40. Scourging of John Milles41. Richard Yeoman42. John Alcocke43. Thomas Benbridge44. Four at St Edmondsbury45. Alexander Gouch and Alice Driver46. Three at Bury47. A Poor Woman of Exeter48. The Final Five Martyrs49. John Hunt and Richard White50. John Fetty51. Nicholas Burton52. John Fronton53. Another Martyrdom in Spain54. Baker and Burgate55. Burges and Hoker56. The Scourged: Introduction57. Richard Wilmot and Thomas Fairfax58. Thomas Greene59. Bartlett Greene and Cotton60. Steven Cotton's Letter61. James Harris62. Robert Williams63. Bonner's Beating of Boys64. A Beggar of Salisbury65. Providences: Introduction66. The Miraculously Preserved67. William Living68. Edward Grew69. William Browne70. Elizabeth Young71. Elizabeth Lawson72. Christenmas and Wattes73. John Glover74. Dabney75. Alexander Wimshurst76. Bosom's wife77. Lady Knevet78. John Davis79. Mistress Roberts80. Anne Lacy81. Crosman's wife82. Congregation at Stoke in Suffolk83. Congregation of London84. Englishmen at Calais85. Edward Benet86. Jeffrey Hurst87. William Wood88. Simon Grinaeus89. The Duchess of Suffolk90. Thomas Horton 91. Thomas Sprat92. John Cornet93. Thomas Bryce94. Gertrude Crockhey95. William Mauldon96. Robert Horneby97. Mistress Sandes98. Thomas Rose99. Troubles of Sandes100. Complaint against the Ipswich Gospellers101. Tome 6 Life and Preservation of the Lady Elizabeth102. The Unprosperous Queen Mary103. Punishments of Persecutors104. Foreign Examples105. A Letter to Henry II of France106. The Death of Henry II and others107. Justice Nine-Holes108. John Whiteman109. Admonition to the Reader110. Hales' Oration111. The Westminster Conference112. Appendix notes113. Ridley's Treatise114. Back to the Appendix notes115. Thomas Hitton116. John Melvyn's Letter117. Alcocke's Epistles118. Cautions to the Reader119. Those Burnt at Bristol: extra material120. Priest's Wife of Exeter121. Snel122. Laremouth123. William Hunter's Letter124. Doctor Story125. The French Massacre
Critical Apparatus for this Page
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Names and Places on this Page
John BradfordNicholas RidleySir John Cheke
 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
John Bradford

(1510? - 1555)

Protestant divine. Martyr. Of Manchester. [DNB]

Foxe gives an account of Bradford's birth, early life and education. 1563, p. 1172, 1570, p. 1779, 1576, p. 1520 , 1583, p. 1603.

Martin Bucer exhorted Bradford to preach and join the ministry. 1563, pp. 1172-73, 1570, pp. 1779-80, 1576, p. 1520 , 1583, p. 1603.

Bradford was persuaded to enter the ministry by Ridley. Foxe provides an account of Bradford's ordination and early career under Edward. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1520, 1583, pp. 1603-04.

He was deprived under Mary. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1520, 1583, p. 1604.

On 13 August 1553 Bradford saved Bishop Bourne from a riotous crowd when the bishop preached at Paul's Cross. (1563, pp. 904-5, 1173; 1570, pp. 1570, 1780; 1576, pp. 1339, 1520; and 1583, pp. 1497 (recte 1409), 1604).

One Sunday Bradford preached at the St Mary le Bow Church in Cheapside, reproving people for their 'sedicious misdeamenour'. He was accused of sedition in 1553 and committed to the Tower. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Bradford was committed to the Tower by the privy council on 16 August 1553 together with Thomas Becon and 'M. Vernon' [Jean Veron], (1583, p 1497, (recte 1409)). Another mention of Bradford being sent to the Tower, together with Veron and Becon, on 16 August 1553 is in 1570, p. 1634; 1576, p 1395; 1583, p. 1465.

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He was sent to the King's Bench in Southwark and later to the Counter, Poultry Street, London. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Rowland Taylor was imprisoned with him in the King's Bench. Taylor told his friends that Bradford was an angel of God sent to comfort him (1563, p. 1570; 1570, p. 1696; 1576, p. 1448; 1583, p. 1521).

In a letter William Tyms wrote to 'God's faithful servants', he named his fellow prisoners in the King's Bench as Robert Ferrar, Rowland Taylor, John Philpot, John Bradford and five other Sussex men. 1570, p. 2082, 1576, p. 1795, 1583, p. 1902.

Bradford became ill whilst incarcerated. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

He received the sacrament whilst incarcerated. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Foxe gives an account of Bradford's character and behaviour. 1563, p. 1174, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Bradford was generous with his money towards fellow prisoners. 1563, p. 1174, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Foxe describes the conditions of Bradford's imprisonment. 1563, p. 1174, 1570, p. 1781, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Ridley reported to Cranmer, in a letter written in the aftermath of the Oxford disputations in April 1554, that Crome, Rogers and Bradford would be taken to Cambridge for a disputation on similar lines to that held in Oxford (1570, p. 1634; 1576, p 1394; 1583, p. 1464; not in LM). It was rumored in May 1554 that Bradford, Saunders and John Rogers would be in a disputation to be held at Cambridge (1570, p. 1639; 1576, p 1399; 1583, p. 1469). Bradford was one of the signatories to a letter of 8 May 1554 protesting against the proposed disputation. The letter is printed in 1563, pp. 1001-3; 1570, pp. 1639-41; 1576, pp. 1399-1400; 1583, pp. 1469-71.

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On 6 May 1554, John Hooper sent Robert Ferrar, John Philpot, John Bradford and Rowland Taylor a letter discussing a proposed disputation in Cambridge in which they would represent the protestants. 1570, p. 1687; 1576, p. 1440; 1583, p. 1513.

Laurence Saunders sent a letter to him and his fellow prisoners Robert Ferrar, John Philpot and Rowland Taylor (1570, pp. 1671-72; 1576, p. 1426; 1583, p. 1500).

Ferrar would have taken the sacrament if not for Bradford's intervention. 1563, p. 1174, 1570, p. 1781, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Bradford's final days and execution are described. 1563, p. 1174-75, 1570, p. 1781, 1576, pp. 1521-22, 1583, p. 1604.

Bradford was examined after the lord chancellor and his commission had finished their talk with Ferrar. 1563, p. 1185, 1570, p. 1782, 1576, p. 1522, 1583, p. 1605.

Bradford was brought to speak to Bonner by the under-marshal of the King's Bench. Talk and communication took place between the lord chancellor, Bonner and John Bradford on 22 January 1555, during which the bishop of Durham, Sir Richard Southwell, Sir Robert Rochester, and Secretary Bourne questioned Bradford's eucharistic doctrine. 1563, pp. 1185-88, 1570, pp. 1782-84, 1576, pp. 1522-23, 1583, pp. 1605-06.

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Secretary Bourne declared that Bradford had caused much trouble with letters, as had been reported to him by the earl of Derby. 1563, p. 1186, 1570, p. 1783, 1576, p. 1523, 1583, p. 1606.

Bourne asked Bradford if the letters were seditious, but Bradford claimed they were not. 1563, p. 1187, 1570, p. 1783, 1576, p. 1523, 1583, p. 1606.

The bishop of Worcester was present at this examination. 1563, p. 1187, 1570, p. 1784, 1576, p. 1523, 1583, p. 1606.

The under-marshall was called to take watch over Bradford and was told to make sure that Bradford wrote no letters. 1563, p. 1187, 1570, p. 1784, 1576, p. 1523, 1583, p. 1606.

Bradford was examined on 29 January 1555 before Bonner. 1563, pp. 1185-92, 1570, pp. 1782-87, 1576, pp. 1524-26, 1583, pp. 1607-09.

Thomas Hussey met Bradford and spoke with him after his first examination. He told him that he could organise an escape for him, and that all those who had witnessed the examination could see that they had not reason to hold Bradford, yet Bradford did not want any assistance. 1563, p. 1191, 1570, p. 1786, 1576, p. 1525, 1583, p. 1609.

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During the conversation between Hussey and Bradford, Doctor Seton entered the room, and spoke a 'long sermon of my Lord Canterbury, M. Latimer, and M, Ridley'. He acknowledged that Latimer and Ridley were not able to answer anything at all at their examinations, and that Canterbury desired to confer with Durham and others, saying that Bradford should make a like suit, to which Seton received no agreement from Bradford. Seton berated Bradford for his attitude, and claimed that Bonner could be charitable. 1563, p. 1191, 1570, p. 1786, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1609.

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Bradford was brought before Stephen Gardiner at St Mary Overy's on 29 January 1555 (1570, p. 1655; 1576, p 1412; 1583, p. 1483).

Bradford's second examination took place directly after the excommunication of John Rogers. 1563, pp. 1185, 1570, p. 1784, 1576, p. 1524, 1583, p. 1607.

Gardiner told Bradford that he would be handed over to the secular authorities if he did not follow the example of Barlow and Cardmaker. 1563, p. 1188, 1570, p. 1784, 1576, p. 1524, 1583, p. 1607.

During Bradford's second examination, Doctor Seton described Ridley and Latimer as being unable to answer anything at all at their examinations. 1570, p. 1786, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1607.

Gardiner spoke on the subject of Bradford's allegedly seditious letters, referring to a report given by the earl of Derby. Bradford claimed that he had been denied paper, pen and ink. 1563, p. 1190, 1570, p. 1786, 1576, p. 1525, 1583, p. 1609.

Bradford was taken to St Mary Overyes church and stayed there until early morning after his second examination. 1563, p. 1191, 1570, p. 1787, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1609.

Bradford's last examination took place directly after the excommunication of Laurence Saunders. 1563, pp. 1192, 1195, 1570, p. 1787, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1609.

Mr Chamberlaine told Gardiner that Bradford had served Harrington, to which Gardiner answered that Bradford deceived Harrington out of ?7, and claimed that this was why Bradford left his service. Bradford said this was slanderous. 1563, p. 1197, 1570, p. 1788, 1576, p. 1527, 1583, p. 1610.

The bishop of London referred to Bradford's letter to Mr Pendleton as proof of his heresy. A clerk named Allen then reminded Gardiner of Bradford's letters to Lancashire. 1563, p. 1197, 1570, p. 1788, 1576, p. 1527, 1583, p. 1610.

Bradford and Gardiner debated transubstantiation and Bradford denied Christ's presence in the bread and wine. The bishops and council discussed Luther, Zwingli and Oecolampadius. A bishop asked Bradford if he received Christ's body to which he said that he did not. 1563, p. 1197, 1570, p. 1789, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1611.

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In his last examination Bradford was also questioned by the bishop of Worcester. 1563, p. 1197, 1570, p. 1789, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1611.

Gardiner excommunicated Bradford. 1563, p. 1198, 1570, p. 1789, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1611.

He was excommunicated and sentenced to death by Stephen Gardiner on 30 January 1555 (1570, p. 1655; 1576, p 1412; 1583, p. 1483; also see 1570, p. 1699; 1576, p. 1450; 1583, pp. 1523-24).

Bradford was handed over to the sheriff of London and taken to the Clink. He was then taken to the Counter in the Poultry, and it was intended that he be handed to the earl of Derby and burned in Manchester, but these original plans were altered and he was burned in London. 1563, p. 1199, 1570, pp. 1789-90, 1576, p. 1528,1583, p. 1611.

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On 4 February 1555, after the condemnation of Bradford, Bonner went to the Counter to degrade Master Taylor but spoke to Bradford first. 1563, p. 1199, 1570, p. 1790, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1612.

Rowland Taylor told Bradford that he threatened to strike Bishop Bonner as he (Taylor) was being degraded (1570, p. 1699; 1576, p. 1451; 1583, p. 1524).

On 4 February 1555 Bonner took Harpsfield to speak with John Bradford, who was imprisoned after his excommunication. 1563, p. 1199, 1570, p. 1790, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1612.

In February 1555 Willerton, a chaplain to Bishop Bonner, went to speak with John Bradford in prison. They discussed the doctors and scripture and agreed that each would write down his own arguments over transubstantiation. Willerton sent his few sparse answers to Bradford the next morning and went to see him in the afternoon. They discussed whether or not the scriptures should be in the vernacular. Bradford gave Willerton his answers on transubstantiation and told Willerton to form his answers as reasons. 1563, pp. 1199-1200. Willerton was with Creswell, Harding, Harpsfield and others. 1570, p. 1790, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1612.

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On 12 February 1555 a servant of the earl of Derby went to see Bradford in prison. He asked Bradford to tender himself, and what his answer would be if Derby petitioned the queen to have Bradford sent overseas. Bradford refused, as he believed he would only end up being burned in Paris or Louvain, instead of in England, which was where he wished to die. 1563, p. 1200, 1570, p. 1790, 1576, p. 1529, 1583, p. 1612.

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On 14 February 1555 Percival Creswell, an old acqauintance of Bradford's, went to visit Bradford in prison. He offered to make suit for Bradford. He returned later, at 11 o'clock, with another man and gave Bradford a book by More, desiring him to read it. He told Bradford that the lords of York, Lincoln and Bath wished to speak with him. Then at 3 o'clock the same day, Dr Harding, the bishop of Lincoln's chaplain, went to see Bradford in prison. Harding talked of his fear for Bradford's soul, and that he himself had spoke against Peter Martir, Martin Bucer, Luther and others for their beliefs. 1563, p. 1200, 1570, pp. 1790-91, 1576, p. 1529, 1583, pp. 1612-13.

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On 15 February 1555 Percival Cresswell and another man went to see Bradford once more. Harspfield discussed with Bradford the way to enter the kingdom of heaven and also baptism. 1563, pp. 1200-01. In 1570 the date is given as 25 February. 1563, p. 1200, 1570, p. 1791, 1576, p. 1529, 1583, p. 1613.

On 16 February 1555 John Harpsfield and two others went to see Bradford in prison, to defend the line of bishops in the catholic church. Bradford refuted the argument. 1563, pp. 1202-03, 1570, pp. 1792-93, 1576, pp. 1530-31, 1583, pp. 1614-15.

On 23 February 1555 the archbishop of York (Nicholas Heath) and the bishop of Chichester (George Day) went to the Counter to speak with Bradford. 1563, pp. 1204-08, 1570, pp. 1794-97, 1576, pp. 1532-34, 1583, pp. 1615-17.

Bradford was asked by Heath and Day to read a book that did Dr Crome good. 1563, p. 1208, 1570, p. 1797, 1576, 1524, 1583, p. 1617.

On 25 February , at about 8am, two Spanish friars visited Bradford in the Counter. One of them was the king's confessor, the other was Alphonsus, who had written against heresies. Their conversation was held in Latin. 1563, pp. 1208-11, 1570, pp. 1797-98, 1576, pp. 1534-36, 1583, pp. 1617-19.

On 25 February, at about 5pm, Master Weston visited Bradford and asked to speak with him in private. When the two men were alone, Weston thanked Bradford for his writings to him and then produced the work that Bradford had sent him. It was entitled, 'Certayne reasons againste Transubstantiation gathered by John Bradforde, and geuen to Doctour weston and others'. 1563, p. 1212. They discussed transubstantiation. 1563, pp. 1211-12, 1570, pp. 1801-02. [Note that in 1570 this meeting is dated as the afternoon of 28 March. 1570, p. 1800.]

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On 21 March 1555 Bradford talked with Dr Weston, after being told of Weston's intention to visit by the earl of Derby's servant (when master Collier, warden of Manchester, had come to dinner at the Counter). 1576, p. 1536. Bradford and Weston spoke to each other in the presence of Master Collier, the earl of Derby's servant, the subdean of Westminster, the keeper (Master Clayden), and others. 1570, pp. 1799-80, 1576, pp. 1536-37, 1583, pp. 1619-20.

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Bradford wrote his religious convictions down for Weston, and on or around 28 March 1555 Dr Pendleton, Master Colier (sometime warden of Manchester) and Stephen Beche visited Bradford in the Counter. 1563, p. 1213, 1570, p. 1800, 1576, p. 1537, 1583, p. 1620.

Bradford questioned Pendleton as to why Pendleton changed his religion. 1563, pp. 1213-14, 1570, p. 1800, 1576, p. 1537, 1583, p. 1620.

Foxe states that he omitted the talk that Bradford and Pendleton had of 'my lord of Canterbury, of Peter Martirs boke, of Pendleto[n']s letter laid to Bradford.' 1563, p. 1214, 1570, p. 1800, 1576, p. 1537, 1583, p. 1620.

Bradford's reasons against transubstantiation were given to Weston and others. 1563, pp. 1211-12, 1570, pp. 1800-01, 1576, pp. 1537-38, 1583, pp. 1620-21.

Weston told Bradford of what he had done for Grimald, who had subscribed. 1563, p. 1212, 1570, p. 1801, 1576, p. 1538, 1583, p. 1621.

On 5 April, at 2pm, Weston went to visit Bradford in the Counter. Weston had not visited him earlier due to ill health and also because he had been busy withstanding monks from entering Westminster. He also thought that Pendleton would be coming to see him. Weston told Bradford that the pope was dead and that Weston had petitioned the queen and so thought that death would not come to Bradford soon. 1570, p. 1802, 1576, pp. 1538-39, 1583, pp. 1621-22.

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As Weston left Bradford on 5 April, he sent for Master Weale. 1570, p. 1802, 1576, p. 1539, 1583, p. 1622.

After Weston left Bradford on 5 April, the keeper, Master Claydon, and Steven Bech came to Bradford and spoke unkindly to him even though they had hitherto appeared to be friendly to him. 1570, p. 1802, 1576, pp. 1538-39, 1583, pp. 1621-22.

Bradford spoke to the servant of an unnamed gentlewoman, misused by her family for not going mass, who visited Bradford while he was in prison. [Note that Foxe says that the gentlewoman is still alive and so does not give her name, but simply records the conversation between the servant and Bradford.] 1570, pp. 1802-03, 1576, pp. 1539-40, 1583, pp. 1622-23.

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Bradford told the servant of the unnamed gentlewoman that he had read the work of Friar Fonse. 1570, p. 1803, 1576, p. 1539, 1583, p. 1622.

The servant of the unnamed gentlewoman gave Bradford greetings from Cardmaker. 1570, p. 1803, 1576, p. 1539, 1583, p. 1622.

The servant of the unnamed gentlewoman told Bradford that she saw a priest come to him in the morning and Bradford told her that he had brought a letter from a friar, to which he was replying. 1570, p. 1803, 1576, p. 1539, 1583, p. 1622.

Rowland Tayor joked to Bradford as he was about to be led away to execution (1563, p. 1080; 1570, p. 1703; 1576, p. 1454; 1583, p. 1527).

Foxe describes Bradford's behaviour at his burning at Smithfield. 1563, p. 1215, 1570, pp. 1804-05, 1576, p. 1540, 1583, p. 1623.

Sheriff Woodruff chided Bradford at his burning. When Woodruff went home after the burning of John Bradford, he became paralysed in his legs and arms. 1563, p. 1215, 1570, pp. 1804-05, 1576, p. 1540, 1583, p. 1624.

Bradford sent Anne Smith money. 1563, pp. 1266-7, 1570, p. 1876, 1576, p. 1607, 1583, p. 1701.

He was described as a faithful witness of Christ by Robert Glover in a letter to his wife.1563, pp. 1273-80, 1570, p. 1886-89, 1576, pp. 1615-19, 1583, pp. 1710-12.

Bradford was one of the authors of a petition to Philip and Mary asking them for a chance to debate the rectitude of the Edwardian religious reforms. The petition is printed in 1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1483.

Bradford's letter to John Treves, dated February 1548. [BL Harley 416, fos.33r-34r. Not printed in AM or LM.]

Bradford's letter to John Treves, dated Christmas 1549. [BL, Harley 416, fo.37v. Not printed in AM or LM.]

Bradford's letter to an unnamed gentleman or noble, written during Lent 1549. [BL Harley 416, fo.37r. Not printed in AM or LM.]

Letters of Bradford: 1563, pp. 1176-85, 1570, pp. 1805-40, 1576, pp. 1541-75, 1583, pp. 1624-64.

Ridley and his fellow prisoners sent a letter to Bradford and his fellow prisoners in the King's Bench. 1563, pp. 1894-95, 1570, pp. 1896-97, 1576, pp. 1624, 1583, pp. 1724-25.

Ridley wrote a letter to Bradford. 1563, p. 1295, 1570, p. 1897, 1576, pp. 1624-25, 1583, p. 1725.

Ridley wrote a letter to Bradford and his fellow prisoners, in which Ridley spoke of his love for Taylor. The bearer of the letter to Bradford was Punt, who also carried Hooper's letters. 1570, pp. 1897-98, 1576, pp. 1625-26, 1583, p. 1725.

Another letter was written by Ridley to Bradford. 1570, p. 1898, 1576, p. 1626, 1583, p. 1726.

Grindal wrote to Ridley from his exile in Frankfort, to which letter Ridley replied. He mentioned his imprisonment with Cranmer, Latimer and Bradford. 1570, pp. 1901-02, 1576, pp. 1628-30, 1583, pp. 1729-30.

Foxe includes Ridley's lamentation for a change in religion, in which he makes reference to Latimer, Lever, Bradford and Knox, as well as Cranmer and their part in the duke of Somerset's cause. 1570, pp. 1945-50, 1576, pp. 1670-78, 1583, pp. 1778-1784.

Bradford received a letter from John Careless. 1570, pp. 2104-05, 1576, pp. 1815-16, 1583, p. 1922-23.

Bradford wrote a letter to Careless. 1570, p. 2105, 1576, p. 1816, 1583, p. 1923.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Nicholas Ridley

(d. 1555) (DNB)

Bishop of London (1550 - 1553). Martyr. [DNB]

Nicholas Ridley gave John Rogers a prebend in St Paul's (1563, p. 1023; 1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1484).

He led the bishops who compelled John Hooper to wear vestments at his consecration. Ridley wrote a letter to Hooper apologising for this in Mary's reign (1563, pp. 1050-2; 1570, pp. 1676-7; 1576, p. 1404; 1583, pp. 1504-5).

He preached a sermon at Paul's Cross, at the behest of the privy council, supporting Jane Grey's claim to the throne. After Mary's accession Ridley visited the queen at Framlingham and was arrested (1563, p. 903; 1570, p. 1569; 1576, p. 1338; and 1583, p. 1408).

He was engaged, over dinner with John Feckenham and Sir John Bourne, in a debate on the nature of the eucharist. An account of the debate, 'penned with his own hand,' is first printed in 1563, (1563, pp. 928-31; 1570, pp. 1589-91; 1576, pp. 1356-58; and 1583, pp. 1426-28). There is no earlier printed version or manuscript of the exchange.

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Ridley was examined by Weston and the other members of the catholic delegation to the Oxford disputations on Saturday 14 April 1554 (1563, p. 933 and 937-38; 1570, p. 1593; 1576, p. 1935 [recte 1359]; 1583, pp. 1429-30).

[NB: There is a summary of Ridley's disputation on Tuesday 17 April 1554 which was printed in its entirety only in 1563, pp 933-34].

Ridley disputed with Richard Smith and the other catholic doctors on 17 April 1554 (1563, p. 957-78; 1570, pp. 1606-22; 1576, pp. 1370-84; 1583, pp. 1441-54).

Ridley's preface to his account of the disputation is 1563, pp. 956-57 and (in a differently worded version) 1570, p. 1632; 1576, pp. 1392-93; 1583, p. 1463.

Ridley's conclusion to his account of the Oxford disputations is printed (only) in 1563, p. 978.

Ridley wrote to Weston protesting the conduct of the 1554 Oxford disputations and demanding that Ridley's written responses to the three propositions be shown to the higher house of convocation (1563, p. 977; 1570, p. 1633; 1576, pp. 1393-94; 1583, p. 1464).

The queen's letter ordering Ridley, together with Cranmer and Latimer, to be held in the custody of the mayor and bailiffs of Oxford during the disputation is printed in 1563, p. 999.

He was summoned, together with Cranmer and Latimer, before Weston and the commissioners on 20 April 1554. He refused to recant what he had said during the disputations. He was condemned and taken to the sheriff's house (1563, pp. 935-38; 1570, pp. 1632-33; 1576, p. 1393; 1583, pp. 1463-64).

On 21 April 1554, Ridley was compelled to observe, having been brought from the sheriff's house, a procession in which Weston carried the sacrament and four doctors carried a canopy over Weston (1563, p. 936; 1570, p. 1633; 1576, p. 1393; 1583, p. 1464).

Ridley wrote a letter to Cranmer, which was sent together with copies of his account of the disputation and news of recent developments (1570, pp. 1633-34; 1576, p. 1394; 1583, pp. 1464).

Foxe mentions Ridley's condemnation and disputation in passing in 1570, p. 1639; 1576, p. 1399; 1583, p. 1469.

In a letter of 10 October 1554, Heinrich Bullinger asked John Hooper to pass his commendations toRidley, Hugh Latimer and Thomas Cranmer (1570, p. 1692; 1576, pp. 1444-45; 1583, p. 1518).

Ridley was one of the authors of a petition to Philip and Mary asking them for a chance to defend, in public debate, the Edwardian religious reforms (1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1483).

Laurence Saunders sent a letter to Ridley, Thomas Cranmer and Hugh Latimer from the Marshalsea(1563, pp. 1042-43; 1570, pp. 1667-68; 1576, pp. 1422-23; 1583, pp. 1496-97).

Foxe describes Ridley's character. 1563, p. 1283, 1570, p. 1895, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

John Bradford was persuaded to enter the ministry by Ridley. Ridley called Bradford to take the position of deacon and, at Bradford's willing, ordered him deacon. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, pp. 1603-04.

He led the bishops who compelled John Hooper to wear vestments at his consecration. Ridley wrote a letter to Hooper apologising for this in Mary's reign. 1563, pp. 1050-2; 1570, pp. 1676-7; 1576, p. 1404; 1583, pp. 1504-5.

In a letter of 10 October 1554, Heinrich Bullinger asked John Hooper to pass his commendations to Ridley, Hugh Latimer and Thomas Cranmer. 1570, p. 1692; 1576, pp. 1444-45; 1583, p. 1518.

Ridley was one of the authors of a petition to Philip and Mary asking them for a chance to defend, in public debate, the Edwardian religious reforms. 1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1483.

Laurence Saunders sent a letter to Ridley, Thomas Cranmer and Hugh Latimer from the Marshalsea.1563, pp. 1042-43; 1570, pp. 1667-68; 1576, pp. 1422-23; 1583, pp. 1496-97.

During Bradford's second examination, Doctor Seton described Ridley and Latimer as being unable to answer anything at all at their examinations. 1570, p. 1786, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1607.

John Bradford sent a letter to Cranmer, Latimer and Ridley. 1570, p. 1815 1576, p. 1551, 1583, p. 1634.

Rowland Taylor wrote a letter to Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley and Hugh Latimer when they were prisoners in Oxford. 1570, p. 2072; 1576, p. 1787; 1583, p. 1893.

Foxe recounts the life of Ridley. 1563, pp. 1283-96, 1570, pp. 1895-96, 1576, pp. 1623-24, 1583, pp. 1717-30.

Ridley was kind to Heath, archbishop of York during Edward VI's reign. 1563, p. 1285, 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

Ridley was kind to Edmund Bonner's mother. She would dine at Ridley's manor in Fulham with Ridley and Mistress Mungey, Bonner's sister. 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

Ridley's sister and her husband, George Shipside, were also kind to Bonner's mother and sister. 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, pp. 1717-18.

Ridley was converted through the reading of Bertram's Book of the Sacrament, and confirmed in his beliefs through conference with Cranmer and Peter Martyr. 1563, p. 1285, 1570, p. 1895, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

After Mary's accession, Ridley was kept first in the Tower, then in the Bocardo in Oxford, and then held in custody at Master Irish's house until his death. 1563, p. 1285, 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1624, 1583, p. 1717.

Ridley was cast into Bocardo prison with Hugh Latimer. 1563, p. 1285, 1583, p. 1718.

A conference took place between Ridley and Latimer in prison on the objections of Antonian, in other words, those of a popish persecutor, such as Winchester. 1563, pp. 1285-94, 1583, pp. 1718-24.

Letters of Ridley. 1570, pp. 1896-1902, 1576, pp. 1624-30, 1583, pp. 1724-30.

A letter was sent by Ridley to West, in which Ridley asked West and also Dr Harvey to remember their promises to him. Foxe also includes West's letter and Ridley's response. 1570, pp. 1900-01, 1576, pp. 1627-28, 1583, pp. 1728-29.

Grindal wrote to Ridley from his exile in Frankfort, to which letter Ridley replied. He mentioned his imprisonment with Cranmer, Latimer and Bradford. He mentioned that he knew that Ferrar, Hooper, Rogers, Taylor of Hadleigh, Saunders and Tomkins, a weaver, had all been martyred, as had Cardmaker the day before he wrote this letter. He had heard that West had relented, and Grimald been cast into the Marshalsea. He had also heard that Thomas Ridley, of the Bull-head in Cheapside, had died. He had heard that his brother-in-law, Shipside, had spent much time in prison but was now released. 1570, pp. 1901-02, 1576, pp. 1628-30, 1583, pp. 1729-30.

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The examination of Ridley and Latimer by White (Lincoln) and Brookes (Gloucester) took place on 30 September 1555. White and Brookes received their commission from Cardinal Poole. 1563, pp. 1297-98, 1570, pp. 1903-09, 1576, pp. 1631-39, 1583, pp. 1757-60.

A communication took place between Ridley and Brookes in Irish's house on 15 October, on which day he was degraded, and at which Edridge ('reader then of the Greek lecture') was present.. 1563, pp. 1374-76, 1570, pp. 1934-35, 1576, pp. 1659-60, 1583, pp. 1768-69.

Ridley had a discussion with Brookes on 16 October, on which day he was degraded. 1563, pp. 1374-76.

Foxe recounts the behaviour of Ridley at supper the night before he was martyred. 1563, pp. 1376-79, 1570, pp. 1936-37, 1576, p. 1661, 1583, p. 1769.

Foxe recounts the behaviour of Ridley and Latimer at their martyrdom. 1563, pp. 1376-1379, 1570, pp. 1937-39, 1576, pp. 1661-62, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley gave his gown and tippet to Shipside. 1563, p. 1377, 1570, p. 1937, 1576, p. 1661, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley gave a new groat to Henry Lea. 1563, p. 1377, 1570, p. 1937, 1576, p. 1661, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley spoke with Lord Williams before his martyrdom. 1563, p. 1379, 1570, p. 1937, 1576, p. 1662, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley's friendly farewell. 1563, pp. 1379-81, 1570, pp. 1939-43, 1576, pp. 1622-28, 1583, pp. 1770-76.

Ridley's lamentation for a change in religion, in which he makes reference to Latimer, Lever, Bradford and Knox, as well as Cranmer and their part in the duke of Somerset's cause. 1570, pp. 1945-50, 1576, pp. 1670-78, 1583, pp. 1778-84.

Cranmer was confirmed in his reformist beliefs after conference with Ridley. 1570, p. 2045, 1576, p. 1763, 1583, p. 1870.

Cranmer was examined by Bonner and Ely and condemned on 12 September 1556 (seven days before the condemnation of Ridley and Latimer). 1563, pp. 1491-92, 1570, p. 2046, 1576, p. 1765, 1583, p. 1871.

In the third year of Edward's reign, Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley admitted Robert Drakes to minister the sacraments. 1563, p. 1505, 1570, p. 2074, 1576, p. 1788, 1583, p. 1895.

Letter to Augustine Bernher [BL, Harley 416, fo.16v. Printed in LM, p. 72 et seq. Also in 1570, p. 1902 et seq.].

Letter to Augustine Bernher [BL Harley 416, fos.17v and 32r. Not printed in Foxe or LM].

Letter to Bernher [BL Harley 416, fo.32r. Not printed in AM or LM.]

Letter to Bradford. [BL Harley 416, fo.32v. Printed in LM, pp. 62 et seq. and 1570, p. 1897 et seq.]

Foxe records Nicholas Ridley's writings against idolatry. 1583, pp. 2128-31.

Lord Dacre would have paid a ransom to Mary for his kinsman Nicholas Ridley's life if it were possible but she refused. 1563, p. 1733, 1583, p. 2131.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Sir John Cheke

(1514 - 1557)

Tutor to Edward VI, privy councillor under Edward VI. [DNB]

Sir John Cheke was a signatory to a letter from the privy council to Princess Mary, dated 9 July 1553, declaring that she was illegitimate and that Jane Grey was Edward VI's true heir (1570, p. 1567; 1576, p. 1337; 1583, pp. 1406-7).

Cheke was placed in the Tower on 28 July 1553 (1570, p. 1634; 1576, p. 1394; 1583, p. 1465).

Actions were taken by Stephen Gardiner against Cheke. 1563, p. 1382, 1570, p. 1951, 1576, p. 1679, 1583, p. 1785.

When Cheke was in Germany he was greatly esteemed by the Germans. 1570, p. 2141, 1576, p. 1862, 1583, p. 1955.

He travelled with Sir Peter Carew from High Germany to Brussels, having checked his route by the stars. 1570, p. 2141, 1576, p. 1862, 1583, p. 1955.

He was famous for his knowledge of astronomy. 1570, p. 2141, 1576, p. 1862, 1583, p. 1955.

Cheke had safe passage from King Philip, with Lord Paget and Sir John Mas securing their safety. 1570, p. 2141, 1576, p. 1862, 1583, p. 1955.

He arrived in Brussels to see the queen's ambassadors. 1570, p. 2141, 1576, p. 1862, 1583, p. 1955.

Having seen Paget safely off to England, Carew and Cheke were taken en route between Brussels and Antwerp. 1570, p. 2141, 1576, p. 1862, 1583, p. 1955.

Cheke was shipped to the Tower of London in dreadful conditions. 1570, p. 2141, 1576, p. 1862, 1583, p. 1955.

Feckenham spoke up in defence of Cheke. 1570, p. 2141, 1576, p. 1862, 1583, p. 1955.

Cheke recanted but was so remorseful that he became sick and died. 1570, p. 2141, 1576, p. 1862, 1583, p. 1955.

Nicholas Carre wrote a letter to John Cheke about Martin Bucer which was then passed on to Peter Martyr. 1563, p. 1538, 1570, p. 2143, 1576, p. 1863, 1583, p. 1957.

[Also referred to as 'Sir John Cheeke']

2154 [2131]

Quene Mary. A treatise of M. Nich. Ridley against the worshipping of Jmages.

in all thinges kept. We permit no man to cast, graue, or paint the Image of our Sauiour Christ, either in colors, stone, or other matter: but wheresoeuer it be found, wee commaund it to be taken away, punishing them most greuously that shall attempt any thing contrary to our decrees and Empire.

Leo the 3.  

Cattley Pratt  *  Close
Cattley/Pratt, VIII, 706, fn 2

This occurred in 726; the reflections of the Latin chroniclers upon the circumstance are given in "Goldasti Imperialia Decret. de Cultu Imag." Francorf. 1608, p. 17. See also Mosheim, cent. xviii., part 2. ch. 3, ¶ 10. - ED.

a man commended in histories for his excellent vertues and godlinesse, who (as is iudged of some men) was the author of the booke De re militari, that is, Of the feate of Warre, beyng translated out of Greeke by sir Iohn Cheeke, and dedicated to king Henry the viij. your highnes father, by publike authoritie commaunded, abolishing of Images, and in Constantinople caused all the images to be gathered together on a heape, & burned them vnto ashes.

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Constantine the first his sonne, assembled a Councel of the bishops of the East church, 

Cattley Pratt  *  Close
Cattley/Pratt, VIII, 706, fn 3

A. D. 754; the arguments and Decrees of the council are included in what was intended for a refutation. "The Acts of the Second Nicene Council in 787;" but the express words, cited by Ridley as a decree, do not appear, though the substance doubtless may. See Labbe, tom. vii. col. 396, 513-529. As the existing accounts of the Nicene council are supposed to have been corrupted, the decrees of the council assembled by Constantine may also have similarly suffered. See "Dallæi de Imaginibus;" Lug. Bat. 1642, p. 419. - ED.

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in which Councell it was decreed as followeth. It is not lawfull for them that beleeue in God through Iesus Christ, to haue any Images neither of the Creator, nor of any creatures set vp in temples to be worshipped, but rather that all Images by the law of God, and for the auoiding of offence ought to be taken out of churches. Which decree was executed in all places where any Images were, either in Greece or in Asia. But in all these tymes, the bishops of Rome rather mainteining the authoritie of Gregory, weighing like christian bishops the perill of the Church, alwayes in their assemblies allowed Images.

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Not long after the Bishop of Rome practising wyth Tharasius Patriarch of Constantinople obteyned of Irene the Empresse, her sonne Constantine being thē yong, that a Councell was called at Nice, in the which þe Popes Legates were Presidents, which appeared well by their fruits: for in that Councell it was decreed, that Images should not onely be permitted in churches, but also worshipped, which councell was confuted by a booke written by Carolus Magnus the Emperour, callyng it a foolish and an arrogant councell.

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Soone after this Councell, arose a sharpe contention betwene Irene the Empresse, and her sonne Constantine the 6. the Emperour, who destroyed Images. And in the end as she had before wickedly burned the bones of her father in lawe Constantine the v. so afterward vnnaturally she put out the eyes of her owne sonne Constantine the sixt.

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About which tyme as Eutropius writeth,  

Cattley Pratt  *  Close
Cattley/Pratt, VIII, Appendix: ref page 706, middle

This must be looked for in Paulus Diaconus (lib. xxiii. p. 333), appended to such Editions of Eutropius as that noticed in vol. i. p. 221, note; and other collections. From the great similarity of quotation and argument adopted by the writer of this treatise, and in the second part of the Homily "Against Peril of Idolatry," they would seem to be the work of the same individual. See Hom. Edit. Oxf. 1840, pp. 170, 186, 198.

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the Sunne was darkened most terribly for the space of 17. days, God shewyng by that dreadfull signe, how much hee misliked those kynds of proceedyngs.

To bee short, there was neuer thing that made more diuision, or brought more mischiefe into the church, then the controuersie of Images: by reason whereof, not onely the East church was deuided from the West, and neuer since perfectly reconciled, but also the Emperour was cut asunder and deuided, and the gate opened to the Saracens and Turkes to enter and ouercome a great pice of Christendome. The fault whereof most iustly is to bee ascribed to the patrons of Images, who could not be contented wt the ensample of the Primitiue Church beyng most simple and sincere, and most agreeble to the Scripture. For as Tertullian sayth: Quod primum verum, quod posterius adulterinū. 

Latin/Greek Translations  *  Close
Nicholas Ridley in a treatise, citing Tertullian.
Foxe text Latin

Quod primum verum, quod posterius adulterinum.

Foxe text translation

What as is first, that is true, & that that is latter is counterfeit.

Actual text of Tertullian, Lib. adversus Praxeam. 2. in Migne, P.L. Vol. 002. Col. 0157B

id esse verum, quodcumque primum; id esse adulterum, quodcumque posterius.

[While this is not a word for word quotation, Foxe is clearly citing this passage in Tertullian]

That is to say, What as is first, that is true, & that that is latter is counterfeit. But wt all extremitie, mainteined the vse of images in churches, whereof no profite nor commoditie did euer grow to the chuch of God. For it is euident, that infinite millions of soules haue bene cast into eternall damnation by the occasion of Images vsed in place of religion, and no history can recorde that euer any one soule was wonne vnto Christ by hauing of Images. But least it might appeare that the West church had alwayes generally retained and commended Images. It is to be noted that in a Councell holden in Spaine called Concilium Eliberinum, the vse of Images in churches was clerely prohibited in these forme of wordes. Placuit in ecclesijs picturas esse non debere, ne quod colitur aut adoratur in parietibus depingatur. 
Latin/Greek Translations  *  Close
Nicholas Ridley in a treatise, citing the Concilium Eliberinum.
Foxe text Latin

Placuit in ecclesiis picturas esse non debere, ne quod colitur aut adoratur in parietibus depingatur.

Foxe text translation

Wee decree that pictures ought not to be in churches, least that be painted vpon the walles which is worshipped or adored.

Actual text of the Concilium Eliberinum

Not found in searches.

[This Council, the first in Spain, was held in early in the fourth century (possibly as early as 300) at Elliberis, or Illiberis, in Spain, and included idolatry in its agenda]

That is to say, Wee decree that pictures ought not to be in churches, least that be painted vpon the walles which is worshipped or adored.

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But this notwithstandyng experience hath declared, that neither assembling in Councels, neither writinges, preachings, decrees, makyng of lawes, prescribing of punishments, hath holpen against Images, to the which Idolatry hath bene committed, nor against Idolatry whilest Images stoode. For these blynde bokes and dumme schoolemaisters (which they call lay mens bookes) haue more preuailed by their carued and painted preachyng of Idolatry, then all other written bookes and preachynges in teaching the truth, and that horror of that vice.

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Hauyng thus declared vnto your highnes a few causes of many which do mooue our consciences in this matter, we beseech your highnes most humbly not to strayne vs any further, but to consider that Gods worde doth threaten a terrible iudgement vnto vs, if we being pastors and ministers in his Church, should assent vnto the thing which in our learnyng and conscience wee are perswaded doth tend to the confirmation of errour, superstition and Idolatry, and finally, to the ruine of the soules committed to our charge, for the which we must geue an account to the prince of pastors at the last day, Heb. 13. 1. Pet. 5. Wee pray your maiestie also not to bee offended with this our plainnesse and libertie, which all good and christian princes haue euer taken in good parte at the handes of godly Bishops.

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S. Ambrose writing to Theodosius the Emperour vseth these wordes: Sed neque imperiale est libertatem dicendi negare, 

Latin/Greek Translations  *  Close
Nicholas Ridley in a treatise, citing St. Ambrose. Epist. lib. 5. 29. [acc. Foxe, but see Migne reference below]
Foxe text Latin

Sed neque imperiale est libertatem dicendi negare, neque sacerdotale quod sentiat non dicere. Item in causa vero Dei quem audies, si sacerdotem non audies cuius maiore peccatur periculo, quis tibi verum audebit dicere, si sacerdos non audeat?

Foxe text translation

But neither is it the part of an Emperour to deny free libertie of speaking, not yet the duety of a priest not to speake what hee thinketh. And agayne, In gods cause whome wilte thou heare, if thou wilt not heare the priest to whose great peril the fault should be committed? Who dare say the truth vnto thee, if the priest dare not?

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Actual text of Ambrose, Litterae. Prima Classis. XL. 2 and 4. Migne, P.L. Vol. 016. Colls. 1101D and 1103A

Sed neque imperiale est libertatem dicendi denegare, neque sacerdotale in causa vero Dei quem audies, si sacerdotem non audias, cujus majore peccatur periculo? Quis tibi verum audebit dicere, si sacerdos non audeat?

[Accurate citations, except that Foxe has a futureaudiesfor the subjunctiveaudiasin line 3]

neque sacerdotale quod sentiat non dicere. Item in causa verò Dei quem audies, si sacerdotem non audies cuius maiore peccatur periculo, quis tibi verum audebit dicere, si sacerdos non audeat? Epist. lib. 5. Epist. 29. That is to say, But neither is it the part of an Emperour to deny free libertie of speaking, not yet the duety of a priest not to speake what hee thinketh. And agayne, In gods cause whome wilte thou heare, if thou wilt not heare the priest to whose great peril the fault should be committed? Who dare say the truth vnto thee, if the priest dare not? These and such like speaches of S. Ambrose, Theodosius and Valentinianus the Emperours did alwayes take in good part, and we doubt not but your grace will do the lyke, of whose not onely clemēcie but also beneficense, we haue largely tasted.

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We beseech your Maiestie also, in these and such lyke controuersies of religion, to referre the discussement and deciding of them to a Synode of your bishops and other godly learned men, accordyng to the example of Constantinus Maximus, and other christian Emperours, that the reasons of both parts beyng examined by them, the iudgement may be geuen vprightly in all doubtfull matters.

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And to returne to this present matter, we most humbly beseech your maiestie to consider, that besides waightie causes in pollicie which wee leaue to the wisedome of your honourable counsailors the stablishment of Images by your authoritie, shall not onely vtterly disceredite our ministers as builders vp of the thinges which wee haue destroyed, but also blemishe the fame of your most godly father, and such notable fathers as haue geuen their lyfe for the testimony of Gods truth, who by publike lawe remooued all Images.

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The almighty and euerliuyng God plentifully endue your maiestie with his spirite and heauenly wisedom, and long preserue your most gracious raigne and prosperous gouernment ouer vs to the aduauncement of his glory, to the ouerthrow of superstition, and to the beneift & comfort all your highnes louyng subiectes.

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¶ A note of M. Ridley.

MarginaliaReferre this to the page. 1717.MAister D. Ridley sometyme B. of London, of whom mention is made, pag. 1717. was a man so reuerenced for his learning and knowledge in the scriptures, that euen his very enemies hath reported him to haue bene an excellent clarke, whose lyfe if it might haue bene redeemed with the summe of 10000. markes, yea, 10000. pounds, the Lorde Dacres of the North beyng his kinsman, woulde haue geuen to Queene Mary, rather then he should haue burned. And yet was she so vnmercifull, for all hys gentlenes in king Edwards dayes, that it would not be grāted for no suite that could be made. Oh, that she had remēbred his labour for her to king Edward the 6. with Cranmer before mentioned, 1205. MarginaliaReade before page. 1295. col. 2. in such sort that euen shee had yelded but the reward of a Publicane, Math. 5. then had the earth not so bene berefted of him as it was: but the Lord forgeue vs our sinnes which was the cause thereof, and graunt that we neuer so prouoke his anger agayne, if it be his blessed will. Amen.

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¶ Another note of M. Ridley.

MarginaliaReferre this to the page. 1717.MAister Ridley late B. of London beyng prisoner in the tower, had there geuen the libertie of the same, to prooue belike whether he would go to Masse or no, which once he dyd.  

Cattley Pratt  *  Close
Cattley/Pratt, VIII, Appendix: ref page 708, line 12

Foxe's accuracy in stating that Ridley once went to mass in the Tower, seems to be very questionable. Ridley meant not to allude to any such thing in his conference with Latimer, but to his former practice in his unenlightened state. See the passage in the second Conference, and Second Objection of Antonian, supra, vol. vii. p. 411. Ridley denies that he ever allowed the mass with his presence, vol. vii. pp. 424, 434. In fact Foxe has confounded this with the case of Bishop Ferrar.

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And M. Bradford beyng there prisoner also the same tyme, and hearing thereof, taketh his penne and inke, and writeth to hym an effectuall letter to perswade hym from the same, and sheweth the occasion that thereby should ensue, which (God bee honoured) did M. Ridley no little good, for he repented his fact therein, as he hymselfe maketh mention, writyng agayne in the latter end of

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