This account is almost entirely based on Conrad Hubert's volume on the exhumation, burning and reinterment of the bodies of Martin Bucer and Paul Fagius in Cambridge and of Catherine Martyr in Oxford, the Historia vera de vita, obitu, sepultra condemnatione, exhumatione D. Martin Buceri et Pauli Fagii (Strasburg: 1562). This book was almost instantly translated into English: A briefe treatise concerning the burnynge of Bucer and Phagius, trans. Arthur Golding (London: 1562), STC 3966.
In the 1563 edition, Golding's translation was simply reprinted. (Interestingly, although a manuscript copy of sections of the the Historia vera survives among Foxe's papers - BL, MS Lansdowne 388, fos. 251r-319v - and although Foxe unquestionably consulted the Historia vera - the 1563 account is not a fresh translation of the Historia vera but a very faithful reprinting of Golding's translation). Foxe also included a poem on Bucer by John Redman and an account of the exhumation of Catherine Martyr's body which he translated from the Historia vera. (Golding had not included this in his translation).
In the 1570 edition, Foxe once again reprinted Golding's translation but deleted substantial portions of it. Some of this material was removed because it was inflamatory or offended powerful people, and some it was probably judged superflous and too concerned with the parochial affairs of Cambridge University. A large section dealing with the reinterment of Bucer and Fagius was dropped, probably because it took up too much paper, especially in view of the material added to this edition . This material seems to have been drawn from official records of the exhumation, which were probably kept at Lambeth Palace and sent to Foxe by Matthew Parker.
No changes were made to this account in the 1576 edition. In the 1583 edition, Foxe reprinted the material on the reinterment of Bucer and Fagius which had last appeared in the 1563 edition.
See 1570, pp. 1084-86; 1576, pp. 924-26 and 1583, pp. 951-53. The massacre of the Waldensians had already been described in several works, Sleidan's Commentaries being the most popular.
Numerous Latin verses in honour of Bucer were published in the Historia vera (fos. 167v-194), yet Foxe chose to print one poem which was not published in this collection. The reason was that Redman, who was Cuthbert Tunstall's nephew, was highly admired in Cambridge both for his scholarship and the holiness of his life. He was also highly regarded byboth protestants and catholics, each of whom regarded Redman as essentially of their persuasion. (See Ashley Null, 'John Redman, the Gentle Ambler' in Westminster Abbey Reformed, 1540-1640, ed. C. S. Knighton and Richard Mortimer [Aldershot: 2003], pp. 38-74).
The following denunciation of those Cambridge scholars who co-operated in the posthumous attack on Bucer and Fagius was dropped from the 1570 edition. The reason for this deletion was that reminders of the extent of this 'collaboration' had become politically quite sensitive.
The account of the exhumation of Catherine Martyr is in the Historia vera (pp. 197-203) but it was not included in Golding's translation. Foxe made his own translation of this account from the Historia vera.
This description of the establishment of the royal commissioners in Cambridge and their commission to investigate heresy in Cambridge was added in the 1570 edition and must have been drawn from official records of the visitation.
Surviving records reveal that the unnamed commissioner was Thomas Yale, who, at the time of the 1570 edition, was vicar-general of Canterbury and dean of the Arches [see the Oxford DNB]. It was undoubtedly Yale's prominence, and his close ties with Matthew Parker and Edmund Grindal, which induced Foxe to conceal his activities in Cambridge in 1557.
Foxe added this description of the scholars refusing to wear their surplices in the 1570 edition; it must have been drawn from official records of the visitation. It served to discredit the vestments, including the surplice, which Foxe and other Elizabethan ministers refused to wear.
This denunciation of Stokes's 'popish superstition' was dropped from the 1570 edition because of Stokes's prominence in Elizabethan Cambridge.
This oration is given in the Historia vera and Golding's translation of it (A briefe treatise, fos. 188r-122v). Interestingly, Foxe only paraphrased this oration in the 1563 edition. The version of the oration which Foxe printed in 1570 differs slightly from the earlier versions and was probably drawn from official records of the visitation.
In the 1563 edition, Foxe, following Golding, refers to the bishop of Chester as the bishop of 'West Chester'. (This is because the bishop of the older see of Chichester had traditionally been referred to as the bishop of Chester). In the 1570 edition, Foxe changed 'West Chester' to Chester.
Technically, this is incorrect; the head of King's College is the provost, not the master.
This favourable description of Brassey comes from the Historia vera, but hewas also favourably described by the Marian martyr George Marsh.
This hostile description of Andrew Perne comes from the Historia vera andfrom Golding's Briefe treatise (sig. D4r); Foxe was merely repeating it. However, it is interesting that while Foxe concealed the identities of other prominent peopleinvolved in the exhumation of Bucer and Phagius's bodies, he made few attempts to protect Perne's reputation. One reason for this may have been Perne's continuing and barely disquised loyalty to catholicism. It also true that Edmund Grindal - and possibly Foxe himself - bitterly resented Perne's role in the posthumous degradation of Bucer. (See Patrick Collinson, 'Perne the Turncoat: An Elizabethan Reputation' in Elizabethan Essays [London: 1994], pp. 190-91).
This account of the celebrations at King's College on 14 January was added in 1570 and probably came from official accounts of the visitation. Foxe may havedecided to include this material in an effort to highlight the ceremonial of the catholics and implicitly criticise those who sought to retain 'popish' ceremonies and vestments in the Elizabethan church.
This description of Ormanetto and the relic, and of other events at King's College on 15 January 1557, was dropped from the 1570 edition, probably because Foxe felt that they were digressive.
The account of the commissioners' dinner was dropped from the 1570 edition, probably because it was too parochial and focused on Cambridge to interest Foxe.
This account of the commissioners' investigations of Clare and other colleges was dropped from the 1570 edition, probably because it was too parochial and focused on Cambridge.
The sentence condemning Bucer and Fagius was added in the 1570 edition; it was taken from the official records of the visitation.
The following tirade was dropped from the 1570 edition; it is an interesting example of Foxe removing some of the inflammatory passages in the Historia vera andin Golding's translation of it.
This is a unique example of Foxe removing a passage critical of Andrew Perne.
This denunciation of Perne comes from the Historia vera and from Golding's Briefe treatise (sigs. G5r-G6v); Foxe was merely repeating. However, it is significant that while Foxe protected the identities of some prominent people involved in the exhumation and burning of the bodies of Bucer and Fagius, he did little to protect Perne's reputation.
I.e., Christopherson fainted in the crowd.
Clerics were not allowed to carry out corporal punishments for heresy themselves; that had to be delegated to the secular authorities, even if the punishments were being inflicted on dead bodies.
This praise of Elizabeth, in the Historia vera and in Golding's Briefe treatise (sig. I2r-v), was dropped from the 1570 and 1576 editions, and replaced by very qualified praise of Elizabeth in the 1583 edition. On Foxe's changing, and progressively more critical, attitudes to Elizabeth see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Providence and Prescription: The Account of Elizabeth in Foxe's "Book of Martyrs"' in The Myth of Elizabeth, eds. Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman (Basingstoke: 2003), pp. 27-55.
The orations of Acworth and Pilkington were dropped from the 1570 and 1576 editions but restored in the 1583 edition.
The incident is described in 1563, pp. 104-06; 1570, pp. 551-52; 1576, p. 445 and 1583, p. 464. Pilkington could have found the episode described inFoxe's Latin martyrologies.
For this episode see 1563, pp. 510-11; 1570, p. 1186; 1576, p. 1015 and 1583, pp. 1042-43. Tracy's exhumation was well known and recounted in The treatment of master Wylliam Tracie (Antwerp: 1535), RSTC 24167.
This passage, added in 1570, is a powerful, because grudging, tribute tothe worth of Pole's articles.
The records of Cardinal Pole's visitation of the diocese of Canterbury survives as Lambeth Palace Library SR/78/2. John Strype also printed a copy of Pole's visitation articles for the diocese of Lincoln copied, Strype claimed, from a manuscript in Foxe's papers (Strype, EM III, 2, pp. 2389-413). This manuscript does not survive.
This entire account first appeared in the 1563 edition and was reprinted in every edition, without change, except that the contents were re-arranged in the 1570 edition. The account is based on official records, now lost, from the diocese of Canterbury.
Was Nicholas Final a relative of Barbara Final of Tenterden who was burned at Canterbury on 19 June 1557? (See 1563, p. 1571; 1570, p. 2154; 1576, p. 1861 and 1583, p. 1970). Or was he a relative of Adriana Vynall of Tenterden whose confession of heretical beliefs survives among Foxe's papers as BL, Harley MS 421, fo. 100r? Were Barbara Final and Adriana Vynall the same person?
Foxe is disguising the, by his standards, unorthodox replies of John Philpot and William Prowting, which survive among his papers. Philpot did not know how many sacraments there were, held that saints were to be prayed to and declared that faith did not justify without works (BL, Harley MS 421, fo. 93r). Prowting denied the Trinity (BL, Harley MS 421, fo. 94r).
Foxe printed the entire commission in the 1563 edition. Numerous copies of this commission exist; Foxe probably used the copy in Bonner's register (GL, MS 9531/12, fo. 425r-v). In the 1570 edition, Foxe added a preface comparing the Marian persecution to the persecution of the early Christians. In the same edition, he also deleted the end of the commission which dealt with the fining of offenders.
At this point Foxe's reprinting of the document concludes in the 1570, 1576 and 1583 editions. Foxe retained the portion of the document dealing with the execution and imprisonment of religious offenders, but he dropped the section dealing with fines.
Much of this account - Kingston's letter to Bonner, the indenture on the delivery of the prisoners and the formal confession of the prisoners - was printed in the 1563 edition. In the 1570 edition, Foxe added Bonner's letter to Pole, an informal confession of some of the prisoners and the petition of the prisoners. Foxe's sources for the 1563 edition are clearly London diocesan records; for the 1570 edition, he has apparently drawn from the Canterbury records.
Foxe credits Pole with saving the prisoners, but there are other possible readings of these documents. What is clear is that the Colchester magistrates and Bonner's commissioners had arrested these prisoners and sent them to Bonner in London. Their arrival in the capital created a commotion which greatly worried Bonner. His solution was to have the prisoners taken to Fulham and tried there, but he sought to obtain Pole's permission for this. In the event, the prisoners were released upon making a deliberately vague submission of belief in the eucharist.
This is Robert Brown, a Colchester alderman and not Sir Anthony Browne, the Essex magistrate who frequently appears in Foxe's pages.
Robert Smith was an alias of John Pullain, the ex-rector of St Peter Cornhill in London (see 1563, p. 1605). Pullain had gone into hiding in Colchester with his pregnant wife. Although under Marian law Pullain's marriage had no validity as he was a cleric, he had not abandoned his wife. Pullain had been active in preaching heresy in London and the privy council sent orders to Colchester for his arrest. But Kingston is having to report to Bonner that Pullain had eluded capture. Pullain's wife would deliver a daughter, named Faith, and the Pullains would flee into exile, reaching Geneva (Garrett, Marian Exiles).
William Mount, his wife Alice, and her daughter Rose Allen, along with William Bongeor and Ellen Ewring, would be re-arrested in Colchester and burned there on 2 August 1557 (see 1563, pp. 1604-11; 1570, pp. 2198-202;1576, pp. 1898-1900 and 1583, pp. 2003-09).
Thomas Feerefanne was the son of Joan Dybney, who had fled from Colchester after she narrowly eluded arrest and joined the English protestant congregation at Aarau, just outside Geneva (Laquita M. Higgs, Godliness and Governance in Tudor Colchester [Ann Arbor, MI: 1998], p. 224). Joan's father-in-law, Thomas Dybney, was a Colchester alderman summoned before the privy council because of his evangelical beliefs.
Foxe had his own copies of these letters: BL, Harley MS 417, fos. 49r-68v and 69r-78v.
Petyt MS 538/46, fos. 391r-426v.
A copy of this confession is among Foxe's papers: BL, Harley MS 425, fo. 3r.
Alan Sympson and Helen Ewring had been indicted in 1556 for attending a conventicle outside of Colchester (Essex Record Office, Court Rolls, 122/4).
This complete account first appeared in the 1563 edition and was based on the records of the London diocese. The opening passages of this account were deleted from the 1570 edition, otherwise this account was unchanged.
Foxe probably deleted these passages from the 1570 edition because they conceded a point alleged by Nicholas Harpsfield. and other catholic critics of Foxe - that some of the Marian martyrs confessed to beliefs that protestants would have regarded as unorthodox.
What follows is a good statement of Foxe's distrust of official records as a source.
There is only a note about these martyrs in the 1563 edition; this complete account first appears in the 1570 edition. The entire account is based on Gratwick's account of his examinations.
The mentions of King in this account - and it is significant that Foxe does not know his first name - is all that we know of King.
As a resident of the diocese of Chichester, Gratwick's ordinary - who alone had jurisdiction over him for spiritual offences - was the bishop of Chichester. The problem for the Marian authorities was that George Day, the bishop of Chichester, died on 2 August 1555, while the proceedings against Gratwick were underway. Day's successer, John Christopherson, would not be installed until 25 November 1557. The attempt to trick Gratwick by pretending that a servant was the bishop wasshabby, but in defence of those responsible, the effort was made in an attempt to intimidate Gratwick into recanting and thus saving his life.
St Mary Overy's in Southwark.
Once the sentence had been read, it was final unless the condemned secured a royal pardon. By pausing, Bishop White is giving Gratwick a last chance to recant and save his life.
In the 1563 edition, Foxe simply had the names of the martyrs, the date of their executions and he had apparently seen the records of their trial in the consistory court of Canterbury. (Their condemnation remains among Foxe's papers as BL, Harley MS 590, fos. 78v-79r). In 1570, Foxe added an account of Allin's return from exile in Calais, his execution and then, in a flashback, Foxe described Allin's earlier arrest. (As Foxe notes, his informants for this were Richard Fletcher and John Webbe). Foxe also had copy of Allin's informal examination by Sir John Baker, which he printed in this edition. And, in the same edition, he printed an account which he obtained from Roger Hall, the brother of the martyr Alice Benden, of Edmund Allin's escape from Baker and his flight overseas (see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Notes on a Source for John Foxe's Account of the Marian Persecution in Kent and Sussex' Historical Journal 67 (1994), pp. 203-11). This last account was deleted, probably accidentally, from the 1583 edition; otherwise the narrative of these martyrs remained unchanged.
I.e., the month following the execution of Gratwick - June, 1557.
'Bradbridge's widow', also of Staplehurst, was burned at Canterbury the day after Joan Bradbridge was burned at Maidstone; presumably they were relatives. For an account of Bradbridge's death which Foxe did not print see Freeman, 'Notes on a Source', pp. 203-11).
For the background on Fletcher and a discussion of his reasons for providing Foxe with this account see Patrick Collinson, 'Cranbrook and the Fletchers: Popular and Unpopular Religion in the Kentish Weald' in Godly People: Essays on English Protestantism and Puritanism (London: 1983), pp. 399-428.
In the 1570 and 1576 editions, an account follows here of Allin's escape from Sir John Baker's custody - see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Notes on a Source for John Foxe's Account of the Marian Persecution in Kent and Sussex' Historical Research67 (1994), pp. 203-11.
In the 1563 edition, Foxe had an account of these martyrs which was based on trial documents. (In one case Foxe clearly had the confession of one of these martyrs but did not print it because the martyr admitted that he was unsure of his beliefs about the eucharist). In the 1570 edition, Foxe added a narrative of Alice Benden's imprisonment and martyrdom, which was contributed, as Foxe states, by her brothers John and Roger Hall. (On the Hall brothers and Foxe, see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Notes on a Source for John Foxe's Account of the Marian Persecution in Kent and Sussex' Historical Research 67 (1994), pp. 203-11). This account remained unchanged in subsequent editions.
In the 1563 edition, this phrase is 'cruel papists'. This is another example of Foxe moderating his language in the second edition of the Acts and Monuments.
John Fishcock's examinations survive among Foxe's papers (BL, Harley MS 421, fos 101r-103v. Foxe never revealed that Fishcock confessed that he was uncertain what he believed about the eucharist and that he was ready to accept what Pole believed as the truth.
Among Foxe's papers is the confession of one Adriana Vynall of Tenterden (BL, Harley MS 421, fo. 100r). Very likely this is the same person as 'Barbara Final'.
Joan Bradbridge was burned at Maidstone the day before widow Bradbridge was burned at Canterbury. Presumably they were relatives.
These were Alice Benden's brothers John and Roger Hall; see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Notes on a Source for John Foxe's Account of the Marian Persecution in Kent and Sussex' Historical Research 67 (1994), pp. 203-11.
This is Alice Potkin who died of starvation in Canterbury castle.
Presumably this bishop was Richard Thornden, suffragan bishop of Dover.
Plaise is not mentioned in the 1563 edition. The only information which Foxe ever had about him was a copy of his account of his examinations which Foxe first printed in the 1570 edition.
Almost all of Foxe's narrative of the seven martyrs burned on 22 June 1557 is devoted to Woodman and almost all of the account of Woodman is based on the martyr's own writings. In the 1563 edition, Foxe printed Woodman's accounts of his six exaninations (apparently written for the benefit of Woodman's fellow believers). He also printed Woodman's letter to Mrs Roberts. In the 1570 edition, Foxe rearranged the material he had printed in his first edition. He also added Woodman's account of his capture and second arrest on 15 March 1556. There were no changes made to this account in subsequent editions.
Foxe's account of Woodman does not make sense unless one understands the legal context of Woodman's two imprisonments. At the beginning of 1554, Woodman publicly 'admonished' the rector of Warbleton for backsliding from the protestant teachings he had professed during Edward VI's reign. Woodman was then arrested for violating a statute (1 Mary 2 c. 3) forbidding the harassment ofclergy while they were performing their duties (see 1563, p. 1599; 1570, pp. 2189-90, 1576, p. 1875 and 1583, pp. 1948-49). Woodman was brought before two quarter sessions and, in June 1554, sent to Bishop Bonner. This was a move of dubious legality, as Bonner had no conceivable jurisdiction over Woodman; nevertheless Woodman was imprisoned in the King's Bench until November 1555. Woodman was then imprisoned in Bonner's palace while the Bishop interrogated him. Woodman had been studying the law and he pointed out that the rector of Warbleton had been married and thus, under Marian law, he was not a legitimate clergyman when Woodman had publicly denounced him.
This technicality secured Woodman's release on 18 December 1555. Woodman then returned to his native Sussex where he became an itinerant lay preacher. Woodman's activities created a local uproar and warrants were issued for his arrest. Woodman went into hiding and then fled overseas. After his second arrest, described in Foxe, Woodman insisted that he be tried by his ordinary, the bishop of Chichester. Unfortunately for the authorities, the bishop-designate of Chichester, John Christopherson, had not been consecrated and thus could not preside over Woodman's trial. Finally, the authorities found a way around this by having the cardinal use his legatine authority to appoint Nicholas Harpsfield, the archdeacon of Canterbury, as Woodman's ordinary. Woodman was then duly tried and executed.
See 1563, pp. 1702-03; 1570, pp. 2254-56; 1576, pp. 1947-48 and 1583, pp. 2054-55.
This is the total number of examinations for both of Woodman's imprisonments.
See 1563, pp. 1672-73; 1570, pp. 2253-54; 1576, pp. 1905-06 and 1583, pp. 2013-14.
I.e., in the coalhouse of Bonner's palace, which was used as an ad hoc prison for those being examined by Bonner.
See 1563, 1541-45; 1570, pp. 2127-34; 1576, p. 1849-55 and 1583, pp. 1943-47.
Woodman is concerned here to emphasize that he was released on a technicality and that he did not recant.
At this point, Christopherson had been appointed bishop of Chichester but his appointment had not been confirmed by the pope and he had not been consecrated. This created legal problems for the prosecution of Woodman.
Woodman is concerned here to maintain that, even though he was an active preacher, despite being a layman, he did not administer the sacraments.
A manuscript copy of the first two-thirds of this examination survives among Foxe's papers: BL, Harley MS 425, fos. 102r-103v.
This was incorrect, as Woodman will point out, he was arrested for interrupting a priest giving a sermon.
Bishop White mistakenly assumed that because Woodman was released, he must have recanted. Actually Woodman was released because of a technicality.
Woodman is saying - accurately - that he was not initially arrested for heresy.
I.e., the bishop of the diocese in which an accused heretic lived. The ordinary had sole jurisdiction to try someone for heresy.
Woodman is anxious to deny rumours that he had denounced clerical marriage. These rumours arose because Woodman's defense against the charge that he had interrupted a priest during the preaching of the sermon was that the priest was not legitimate because he was married. This, by the way, is another indication that Woodman's accounts of his examinations were directed to fellowprotestants.
The King's Bench prison was in Southwark which was part of the diocese of Winchester. Langdale is trying to argue that if Woodman wrote a heretical document in the diocese of Winchester, that he could be tried by the bishop of Winchester.
Note that Foxe was apparently working from copies of Woodman's examinations, written in the martyr's own hand.
This is a mistake; the correct date is 16 June.
The anabaptists held that swearing oaths was forbidden by scripture.
Part of this letter survives in manuscript in Foxe's papers as BL, Harley MS 425, fo. 104r-v.
Quite possibly this is the William Maynard whose arrest for unlicensed preaching had been ordered by the privy council in April 1555 (APC V, p. 110).
Margery Morris and James Morris and John Ashdon are all mentioned in a later list of those persecuted in the diocese of Chichester: see 1563, pp. 1633-34; 1570, p. 2220, 1576, p. 1917 and 1583, p. 2024.
It was illegal to execute a person for heresy without a writ from the lord chancellor authorizing the execution.
This brief note is that all that Foxe ever printed on Ambrose; it appeared without change in all four editions.
Richard Lush is not mentioned in the 1563 edition; this account first appeared in the 1570 edition and remained unchanged in subsequent editions. It was based on a copy of a section of the diocesan registers of Bath and Wells which remains in Foxe's papers (BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 111r-114r).
This account first appeared in the 1570 edition and it appeared while the edition was being printed, as can be seen in its being printed in the edition about a hundred pages after Hullier's letters were printed. It is based entirely on an eye-witness account (or the accounts of multiple eyewitness) of Hullier's execution.
How and why Hullier was initially arrested is a subject on which Foxe is silent, either through ignorance or circumspection. But Hullier had appeared before the sessions in August 1555 (Narratives of the Days of the Reformation, ed. J. G. Nichols, Camden Society, original series 77 , p. 206). We do not know the outcome of this hearing but apparently Hullier was remanded into the custody of the bishop of Ely.
This anecdote first appeared in the 1570 edition. It was sent to Foxe by Roger Hall (see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Notes on a Source for John Foxe's Account of the Marian Persecution in Kent and Sussex' Historical Research 67 , pp. 203-11.
This account first appeared in the 1563 edition and remained fundamentally unchanged in subsequent editions. It was based on the account of an individual informant, apparently Thomas Sutterton, the sheriff of Norwich, or someone sympathetic to him. Interestingly, although Foxe had a copy of the condemnation of Miller (BL, Harley MS 425, fos. 155r-156r), he didn't use it.
In the 1563 edition, Foxe records that Cooper was denounced by one 'Master Marsham' as well as Bacon. 'Marsham' was almost certainly Thomas Marsham, a catholic alderman of Norwich. This reference to Marsham was dropped in the 1570 edition, probably because of pressure from Marsham or his family or friends.
In the 1563 edition this phrase reads 'which I am suer he now greatly repententh'. These different phrases not only suggest that Foxe's informant was in touch with the martyrologist after this account was first printed in the 1563 edition, but that he was concerned with presenting Sutterton in a favourable light.
The entire account of these martyrs, apart from a disgression added in 1570, first appeared in the 1563 edition. It was drawn from London diocesan records and from individual informants. Cuts were made to this material in the 1570 edition, but apart from the disgression just mentioned, nothing was added to the 1570 edition.
In the 1563 edition, this passage went on to criticise the nobility for aiding the clergy in persecuting God's faithfull. For reasons of prudence this passage was deleted in the 1570 edition.
This letter was dropped from the 1570 edition, undoubtedly because it was not terribly relevant and because paper was in short supply.
This letter, full of fascinating information on the Marian protestants, was deleted in the 1570 edition. The reason was that it described the activities of dissident protestant leaders - Henry Hart, John Kemp, John Laurence and John Barry - whom Foxe wished forgotten. It even identified some of them as opponents of predestination, indicating the existence of a schism which Foxe also wished forgotten. (On these leaders, and on Foxe's censorship of the disputes over predestination among Marian protestants, see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Dissenters from a Dissenting Church: the Challenge of the Freewillers, 1550-1558' in The Beginnings of English Protestantism, eds. Peter Marshall and Alec Ryrie [Cambridge, 2002], pp. 129-56.
A letter from John Careless mentions Curle as a freewiller (ECL MS 260, fo. 132r).
See 1563, p. 1605.
Harlstone was Matthew Parker's brother-in-law and an active protestant in Suffolk and in London (also see 1563, p. 1522).
This is probably William Whitehead, the former rector of St Katherine Coleman Street.
See 1563, pp. 1563-67; 1570, pp. 2156-59; 1576, pp. 1864-65 and 1583, pp. 1971-74.
These are clearly Foxe's informants for this story.
This disgression into the story of Valentine Dingley was added in the 1570 edition.
This sentence, added in 1570, replaces Kingston's letter describing the martyrs and their depositions which were deleted in the 1570 edition.
Bongeor had been one of the Colchester protestants taken to London who made a qualified submission to Bishop Bonner. The privy council ordered Bonner to proceed against him as a relapsed heretic (APC VI, pp. 18-19).
Ewring had been been indicted in 1556 for attending a protestant conventicle (Essex Record Office, Court Rolls, 122/4). Ewring had also been one of the Colchester protestants taken to London who made a qualified submission to Bishop Bonner. The privy council ordered Bonner to proceed against her as a relapsed heretic (APC VI, pp. 18-19).
These documents were deleted from the 1570 edition and replaced with a brief description of the martyrs.
Agnes Silverside was the widow of Thomas Silverside, a priest. Her first husband was probably William Downes, who had died by 1557 (see Laquita M. Higgs, Godliness and Governance in Tudor Colchester [Ann Arbor, MI: 1998], p. 181). The Marian martyr would write to Silverside when she was in prison (1563, pp. 1527-28; 1570, pp. 2212-13; 1576, pp. 1909-10, and 1583, pp. 2017-18).
This is a reference to the itinerant preacher and martyr George Eagles; it is based on his nickname of 'Trudgeover the World' (see 1563, pp. 1613-15; 1570, pp. 2202-04; 1576, pp. 1901-02, and 1583, pp. 2009-10.
Richard Cosin was the owner of the White Hart tavern in Colchester. Cosin was an outspoken catholic who would be fined £10 for 'blasphemy' in 1560 and who would be arrested in 1562 for praising the duc de Guise and hoping for the restoration of catholicism in England. (Mark Byford, 'The Price of Protestantism: Assessing the Impact of Religious Change in Elizabethan Essex: the Cases of Heydon and Colchester, 1538-1594' [Unpublished D. Phil. thesis, Oxford University, 1988], pp. 158-62).
I.e., the writ from the lord chancellor authorizing the execution.
John Thurston is the husband of Margaret Thurston who was burned in Colchester in September 1557 (see 1563, pp. 1631-33; 1570, pp. 2215-16; 1576, p. 1912, and 1583, pp. 2020-21). This account was printed in the 1563 edition and unchanged in subsequent editions.
Foxe's first account of George Eagles appeared in the Rerum on pp. 726-28. (This was the last narrative of a Marian martyr which would appear in the Rerum. Because of Foxe's having to complete the Latin martyrology in haste, the work concluded with a list of those executed from March 1556 until the end of Mary's reign).
The Rerum account of Eagles was faithfully translated in the 1563 edition. This account was based entirely on information from individual informants. More material from individual informants was added in the 1570 edition. These accounts were on two themes: more detailed and graphic accounts of the physical torments which Eagles had to endure (which demonstrated his constancy and stoicism) and equally detailed and graphic accounts of the divine punishments inflicted on those responsible for Eagles' death (demonstrating that he died a martyr and not a traitor). The account of Eagles was unchanged after the 1570 edition.
Another protestant fugitive, Thomas Mountain, described the intense search made for Eagles in Essex as early as the summer of 1555 (Narratives of Days of the Reformation, ed., J. G. Nichols, Camden Society, original series 77 , pp.210-11).
See APC V, pp. 310 and 312 for orders to arrest Eagles issued in July 1556.
I.e., 22 July 1557.
Compare the accounts of the treatment of Eagles' corpse in the 1563 and 1570 editions and note Foxe's concern to be as detailed as possible in describing the degradation, which increased the comparison of Eagles to that of Christ.
Tales of the providential punishment of Ralph Larden varied greatly in the different editions of the Acts and Monuments as they were affected by the politics of Elizabethan Colchester (see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Fate, Faction and Fiction in Foxe's Book of Martyrs', Historical Journal 43 , pp. 601-23).
The account of Crashfield was based almost entirely on Crashfield's account of his examinations. This account appeared in the 1563 edition and remained unchanged in subsequent editions.
See 1563, p. 1655; 1570, p. 2232; 1576, p. 1927 and 1583, p. 2037 for Carman's martyrdom.
Foxe's accounts of martyrs condemned in the diocese of Rochester earlier in Mary's reign were based on extracts from the diocesan registers. The accounts of Frier and of Eagles' sister, however, were not based on official records, and are in fact, quite vague. The identity of one of these martyrs is clear and verifiable: a notice of the excommunication and condemnation of Robert Frier of Tunbridge, dated 11 June 1557, survives (PRO C/85/144/36). But the notice also states that Robert Stevenson of Stowe was excommunicated and condemned at the same time and place; yet Foxe never mentions Stevenson. It is possible that Stevenson died in prison or escaped or (less likely) was pardoned before execution, yet the accounts of two other English martyrologists leave room for doubt. Robert Crowley, writing in 1559, stated that Robert Frier was burned at Rochester on 20 August 1557 along with another man and two other women (Robert Crowley, An epitome of chronicles[London, 1559], STC 15217.5, unpaginated). Thomas Brice, also writing in 1559, declared that Frier was burned, along with two women, on 20 July - this date is clearly an error - 1557 (A compendious regester in metre? [London, 1559], STC 3726, sig. D2v). It is impossible to be sure how many martyrs died in Rochester in August 1557, but it is likely that Stevenson was one of them and certain that Robert Frier was.
Foxe's account of these martyrs was unchanged in subsequent editions of the Acts and Monuments.
We know from official documents that Frier's name was Robert and that he was from Tunbridge, Kent.
The entire account of Lewes' martyrdom appears in the 1563 edition. It is based on the testimony of an informant or informants; perhaps one of the Glovers, perhaps Augustine Bernher or perhaps someone else. It was unchanged in subsequent editions. It is worth noting that although Foxe had copies of some of the official documents of Lewes' case, he made no use of them.
BL, Harley MS 421, fo. 78r-v is a copy of the sentence condemning Lewes.
De heretico comburendo was the act which made heresy a crime punishable by death. The name was also given to the writs from the chancery authorizing executions for heresy.
Only Reniger is mentioned by name in the 1563 edition; later editions also name Bernher. Augustine Bernher was a friend of the Glovers (Mary Glover was the niece of Hugh Latimer, Bernher's friend and employer) and they were, as this account shows, spiritual mentors of Lewes. His presence at her execution is not surprising. Reniger's presence is interesting, as he had gone into exile in Germany and Switzerland (Garrett, Marian Exiles). Although Garrett does not comment on it, Reniger had obviously returned from exile before the end of Mary's reign.
See 1563, p. 1683; 1570, p. 2220; 1576, p. 1815 and 1583, pp. 2023-24.
Apart from a brief section, added in 1570, describing alleged attempts to intimidate Margery Austoo, this entire account first appeared in the 1563 edition. It is based partly on official documents - the articles and answers of Ralph Allerton - partly on the testimony of informants and largely on the writings of Allerton and Roth. Apart from the anecdotes added in 1570, this account remained unchanged in subsequent editions.
The privy council's letter of 17 November 1557, sending Allerton to Bonner is APC VI, pp. 18-19. There is a copy of this letter in Foxe's papers: BL, MS Harley 419, fo. 134r.
A notorious dungeon in the Tower of London, so called because it was too small for the prisoner to stand, or to lie full length.
Foxe was clearly consulting the document denouncing Allerton.
On Agnes Smith (or Silverside), see 1563, pp. 1607-08.
These rather dubious anecdotes of alleged attempte to intimidate Margery Austoo were added in the 1570 edition.
This letter was printed in all editions of the Acts and Monuments and also in Letters of the Martyrs, pp. 680-81.
Margaret Thurston was the wife of John Thurston, who died in prison (see 1563, p. 1611; 1570, p. 2202; 1576, p. 1900 and 1583, p. 2009.
In 1563, Foxe printed an account of the martyrdoms of Bongeor and Thurston which was based on a letter to Bonner from the baliffs of Colchester and on testimony from individuals about Bongeor's readiness to die and about Thurston's temporary backsliding. In the 1570 edition, Foxe added Joan Cook's testimony about the postponement of Thurston's martyrdom. But in the same edition, Foxe deleted the letter to Bonner, which explained why Bongeor's execution was postponed; instead Foxe merely replaced it with a short explanation of Bongeor's temporary reprieve. The account remained unchanged in subsequent editions.
Foxe is referring to the writ from chancery authorizing the execution of a particular heretic. In Agnes Bongeor's case the writ was defective and her execution had to be postponed until the mistake in the writ was corrected. The privy council fined the sheriff of Essex £10 for this error (APC VI, p. 144).
Word of this reprieve may have reached Foxe in exile. In the Rerum, Foxementioned an unnamed Essex woman who was providentially saved from burning because a court official was unable to pronounce her last name (Rerum, p. 636). If this is a garbled account of Agnes Bongeor, then, in 1559, Foxe does not seem to have realized that her reprieve was temporary.
This account, based entirely on information sent to Foxe by individual informants, came to light while the 1563 edition was being printed. Foxe realized that it referred to an unnamed shoemaker whose death had already been recounted in the Acts and Monuments and inserted cross-references to the earlier narrative. But he never integrated the two accounts into one narrative. After the first edition, no changes were made to the narrative of this martyr.
This account first appeared in the 1570 edition and is based on Noyes's writings and on the testimony of individual informants. But John Noyes is very probably the 'Moyse' whose escape from capture is described in 1563, p. 1698. (This is supported by the fact that the sentence condemning John Moyse of Lichfield, Suffolk, survives among Foxe's papers as BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 159r-160r).
This entire account first appears in the 1563 edition and it was based entirely on testimony from an individual informant or informants. It was unchanged in subsequent editions.
The sentence condemning Ormes, dated 23 July 1557, survives among Foxe's papers (BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 152r-153r).
This account first appeared in the 1563 edition. It is based on material taken from the Coventry diocesan registers which now survives in Foxe's papers as BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 69r-71v and 73r-74r.
Agnes was the wife of John Glover, the spiritual mentor of Joyce Lewes.
This brief narrative first appeared in the 1563 edition. It is based on material sent to Foxe from the Chichester diocesan archives.
Foxe is correct; the persecution started late in the diocese of Chichester, but in the final years of Mary's reign it raged with great intensity.
This may well be the 'Grove's wife' mentioned in 1563, p. 1646; 1570, pp. 2139-40; 1576, p. 1861 and 1583, p. 1953.
There is no other mention in Foxe of the martyrdom of Thomas Athoth but the sentence condemning him is BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 107r-108v. This is probably Foxe's source for proclaiming him a martyr but he may have died in prison, escaped or - less likely - been pardoned.
The sentence condemning John Mills is BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 105r-106r.
This is the 'Mother Tree' whose execution is mentioned by Foxe in 1563, p. 1546; 1570, pp. 2139-40; 1576, p. 1861 and 1583, p. 1953. The sentence against her is among Foxe's papers (BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 109r-110v).
There is no other mention of John Ashedon or his martyrdom in Foxe. Foxe does, however state that 'Ashdon's wife' was burned at Lewes on 27 June 1557 (1563, p. 1602; 1570, p. 2195; 1576, p. 1895 and 1583, p. 2003).
This account first appeared in the 1563 edition and it was re-printed without change in subsequent editions. It is based on Spurdance's own account of his examinations. On Spurdance's being driven from his home see 1563, pp. 1677-78. BL, Harley 421, fos. 177r-178v is the sentence against him.
His name is given as George Lawson in 1563, pp. 1677-78. ElizabethLawson, wife of William Lawson, also of Coddenham, was sentenced along with Spurdance (BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 177r-178v). On Elizabeth Lawson see 1563, p. 1677; 1570, pp. 2274-75; 1576, pp. 1953-54 and 1583, pp. 2270-71.
The entire account of these three martyrs was first printed in the 1563 edition. In the 1570 edition Foxe pruned this account back, apparently to save paper rather than from religious or political motives. It was reprinted without change in subsequent editions.
Richard Gibson had an unusual history, which Foxe only hints at. He was, at least by birth, a member of London's elite. His grandfather, Sir William Bayly, had been lord mayor of London in 1534-5, while his father was a royal sergeant at arms, bailiff of Southwark and a master of the Merchant Taylors. Gibson was, as Foxe relates, imprisoned for debt and while imprisoned he was denounced to Bonner as a heretic. What Foxe does not relate is that Gibson was a freewillerwho was converted to what Foxe regarded as 'orthodox' (i.e., predestinarian) convictions (On Gibson's background and religious convictions see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Dissenters from a Dissenting Church: The Challenge of the Freewillers, 1550-58' in The Beginnings of English Protestantism, ed. Peter Marshall and Alec Ryrie [Cambridge, 2002], pp. 140-41 and 149).
Foxe edited non-essential details from this article in the 1570 edition.
Notice Foxe's disingenuous phrasing here; Gibson did not seem to recant; he recanted. The last page of another recantation by Gibson survives among Foxe's papers (BL, Harley 425, fo. 122r). Its relation to the recantation mentioned by Foxe is unclear; but it is dated 27 October 1556, which means that it is not the same document which Foxe described.
A copy of this confession is among Foxe's papers: BL, Harley MS 425, fo. 3r.
It is not in Bonner's register; it must have been recorded in a court book, which is now lost.
Foxe eliminated non-essential verbiage from this article in the 1570 edition.
This article was dropped in the 1570 edition, perhaps because Foxe was concerned that Gibson's refusal to swear might be used to argue that Gibson was an anabaptist.
The interrogatories of the witnesses against Gibson were dropped in the 1570 edition, undoubtedly to save paper.
The elimination in later editions of a 1563 introduction to the articles shows that many of the cuts of material made in this edition were made to save paper (even small amounts of paper) and not for purposes of censorship.
Most of the account of John Rough first appeared in the 1563 edition; it was based partly on official documents (the articles against Rough) but mostly on Rough's writings and on material from individual informants. In 1570, an anecdote about Rough and Thomas Watson was added and in the 1583 edition, a letter from Rough to the underground London congregation was added. The account of Margaret Mearing was printed in its entirety in the 1563 edition; it was unchanged in subsequent editions. This account consisted of her answers to the articles against her, drawn from official records, and of information sent to Foxe by individual informants.
A copy of this letter survives in Foxe's papers among other items copied from the privy council register (BL, Harley 419, fo. 134r; cf. APC VI, p. 216). But Foxe had probably already copied this letter from a court book, now lost, containing the documents of Rough's trial.
Note that a typographical error appeared here in the 1570 edition. The 1563 edition reads 'xxii' articles; all subsequent editions read 'xii' articles.
This anecdote was added to the 1570 edition.
Actually James and Margaret Austoo were burned at Islington, not Smithfield.
This letter was printed in every edition of the Acts and Monuments and also in Letters of the Martyrs, pp. 658-59.
This letter first appeared in the 1583 edition.
In other words, Foxe obtained this story as the 1563 edition was nearing completion. This is a reminder of the steady influx of new information into Foxe's hands as his first two editions were being printed.
This denunciation of Bonner and his commission were dropped from the 1570 edition. The reason for this deletion is implied by Foxe himself: both were of secondary importance and both took up a fair amount of space (and paper). The commission does not appear in Bonner's register.
The entire account of Simpson first appeared in the 1563 edition but it was very disorganised. Foxe's sources for this account were the official records of Simpson's trial (for the articles against him as well as the depositions of witnesses against the underground London congregation). Foxe also printed two letters by Simpson and drew heavily on the testimony of individual informants. (This is probably one reason for the disorder of this account in the first edition). In the 1570 edition, this material was re-arranged and the depositions dropped. Also dropped was an anecdote about a dream which John Rough had. There were no further changes to this account in subsequent editions.
This account first appeared in the 1563 edition and remained basically unchanged in subsequent editions. It was based on their answers to the articles alleged against them and these were taken from the records of their trial.
A letter from Foxe and Devenish to other protestant prisoners is BL, Additional Ms 19400, fos. 84r-86v.
As a deacon for the underground congregation, Simpson was in charge of collecting the offerings from its members. Although Rough wanted Simpson to part with the membership lists, he did not want Simpson to lose track of those delinquent in their payments. This passage was a little bit too mundane and unheroic for Foxe's purposes and it was dropped from the 1570 edition.
This account of Rough's dream dropped from the 1570 edition was almost certainly because his most important contemporary critic, Nicholas Harpsfield, had attacked Foxe's stories of dreams of the Marian martyrs Robert Samuel, John Rough, Cuthbert Simpson and their families, as demonically inspired (Nicholas Harpsfield, Dialogi sex contra Summi Pontificatus, monastica vitae, sanctorum sacrarum imaginum oppugnatores et pseudomartyres [Antwerp, 1566], pp. 933,949-50 and 965). Harpsfield's criticisms were made all the more potent because Foxe seems to have been uneasy about the validity of these stories himself. As was often the case, Foxe appears to have compromised in the face of criticism - he included the stories of dreams the martyrs had, but eliminated the story of the dream a martyr's wife had had. (And the dream of Rough's wife was not verified by such reliable witnesses as Augustine Bernher and Thomas Simpson).
Note Foxe's insistence on the authenticity of his information. The phrase was added in the 1570 edition, perhaps to fend off attacks on the accuracy of his account of the torturing of Simpson.
This letter was printed in all editions of the Acts and Monuments and in Letters of the Martyrs, pp. 686-87 as well. Note that the gloss accompanying the letter in the 1563 edition indicates that this letter was sent to English protestants on the Continent.
'Master Austen' is the ubiquitous Augustine Bernher, who, among other things, was de facto head of the underground London congregation. Thomas Simpson - apparently no relation to Cuthbert Simpson - was another of the congregation's deacons. On the important roles of Bernher and Thomas Simpson in the underground London congregation see Brett Usher, '"In a Time of Persecution": New Light on the Protestant Congregation in Marian London' in John Foxe and the English Reformation, ed., David Loades (Aldershot, 1997), pp. 233-51.
Note Foxe's unease about the reliability of the story about Cuthbert Simpson's dream and Foxe's anticipating criticism of it (anticipations which proved correct). Foxe probably decided to include the account because it was verified by Augustine Bernher and Thomas Simpson.
These depositions were deleted from the 1570 edition.
James Mearing, the husband of the martyr Margaret Mearing.
The house of John Churchman; see Elizabeth Churchman's deposition.
Alice Warner's house; see her deposition.
John Osborne; see Roger Sergeant's depositions.
By strangers Foxe means foreigners; the apparently large number of foreigners in the Marian protestant congregation of London is noteworthy.
This letter is printed in all editions of Acts and Monuments and in Letters of the Martyrs, pp. 659-60.
The entire account of William Nichol first appeared in the 1563 edition; an informant must have supplied Foxe with the sparse details he had on Nichols.
This account first appeared in the 1563 edition and was essentially unchanged in subsequent editions. It is based on detailed information supplied by a local informant or informants.
Foxe gives Carman's first name as Thomas, but his papers contain the sentence condemning William Carman to death (BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 157r-158r) and there is a copy of a writ sent to the lord chancellor stating that William Carman had been excommunicated (PRO C/185/141/27).
See 1563, p. 1617; 1570, p. 2206; 1576, p. 1904 and 1583, p. 2012.
At this point in the 1563 edition, passages occur describing the persecution of a schoolmaster named William Harrison by Berry. These passages were deleted from the 1570 edition.
Note that a misprint in the 1583 edition changed this from xx November to xix November.
See 1563, p. 1522.
The entire account of these martyrs appeared in the 1563 edition and remained unchanged.
See 1563, pp. 1523-27; 1570, pp. 2095-97; 1576, pp. 1807-09 and 1583, pp. 1914-16. Richard George was the husband of Christian George.
This proclamation was printed in every edition of the Acts and Monuments. The signature of John Cawood, the queen's printer, at the bottom, indicates that the proclamation was printed from a printed copy, not a copy in one of the episcopal registers. [Hughes, P. L. and Larkin, J. F. (eds.), Tudor Royal Proclamations, II (New Haven: 1969), p. 90].
This account of the Islington congregation and the seven members of it who were martyred first appeared in the 1563 edition, except for the short but detailed biography of Roger Holland which first appeared in the 1570 edition. This material was unchanged in subsequent editions.
See 1563, pp. 1690-92; 1570, pp. 2243-44; 1576, pp. 1937-38 and 1583, pp. 2044-45.
See 1563, pp. 1691-92; 1570, pp. 2242-43; 1576, pp. 1937-38 and 1583, pp.2043-44.
Notice that in the 1570 edition, Foxe straightened out the complicated syntax of this article.
This short biography of Holland first appeared in the 1570 edition and it is based on Holland's account of his examinations and the testimony of someone who knew him. Elizabeth Holland, Roger's wife, is likely to have had a copy of Holland's examinations and she certainly knew him. But the uncertainty as to the identity of the kinsman who left her an important legacy rules her out as Foxe'ssource. But the source was clearly close to Elizabeth as well as Roger Holland.
Thomas Rose; see 1576, pp. 1977-79 and 1583, pp. 2083-85.
The reference is to Pope Alexander III's putative humiliation of the Holy Roman Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. Later, this incident would be widely known to English people through the writings of Foxe and Jewel. How Holland knew of it is less clear; although his ultimate source was probably Robert Barnes's edition of Platina's papal biographies. Whether Holland read this for himself or was repeating what someone told him must remain unknown.
Bonner is offering Holland money to buy necessities - bedding, better food, freedom from chains, etc. - in prison.
An anabaptist who denied the Incarnation; she was executed by Edward VI's government on 2 May 1550.
See 1563, p. 1701; 1570, p. 2278; 1576, p. 1931 and 1583, pp. 2042-43. Thomas Bentham, at the time the leader of the underground London congregation, described leading the crowd in shouting encouragement to the martyrs (BL, Harley MS 416, fo. 63r-v.
This account first appeared in the 1563 edition and it was based on the trial records (for the answers of the martyrs) and on the testimony of individual informants. This account remained unchanged in subsequent editions, except that an anecdote of a miracle which took supposedly place at the execution of these martyrs was cut from the 1570 edition.
The location is significant. Clearly worried about popular unrest in the capital, Bishop Bonner wrote to Cardinal Pole in July 1558, urging that these six martyrs be burned quietly in Hammersmith, rather than in London (Petyt MS 538/47, fo. 3r). Apart from changing the site of the execution, Bonner's advice was followed.
See Stephen Cotton's letter to his brother (1563, p. 1688; 1570, p. 2264; 1576, pp. 1954-55 and 1583, p. 2061).
Pikes, or Pickess, had been forced to flee Ipswich before May 1556: see 1576, p. 1981 and 1583, p. 2089.
This story was dropped because of a devastating attack on its credibility by Nicholas Harpsfield (Dialogi sex contra Summi Pontificatus, monastica vitae, sanctorum sacrarum imaginum oppugnatores et pseudomartyrs [Antwerp: 1566], p. 962). Rather than defend the untenable, Foxe quietly dropped the story.
These verses were dropped in the 1570 edition.
This epigram was added in the 1583 edition.
This is an allusion to the widespread story that Bonner was the illegitimate child of a priest named Savage.
Note that this translation does not translate the final three lines of the Latin version, which denounced Bonner's alleged illegitimate birth.
This account first appeared in the 1563 edition and was unchanged in subsequent editions. The account came from an individual informant, possibly Hinshaw himself.
Passages here describing the arrest of other apprentices along with Hinshaw were deleted from the 1570 edition.
This account first apppeared in the 1563 edition and it remained fundamentally unchanged in subsequent editions. This account is based on testimony from an individual informant or informants.
This passage identifying Mills as a capper was added in the 1570 edition.
See 1563, pp. 1669-70; 1570, pp. .
The words 'makyng a crosse and knocking his breast' were eliminated here in the 1570 edition, probably because Foxe disapproved of such gestures.
This account first appeared in the 1563 edition and remained unchanged in subsequent editions. It was based on the testimony of an individual informant, probably one close to Yeoman, since it describes his experiences in both Kent and Suffolk.
A rare portrayal in Foxe of Sir Henry Doyle as a reluctant persecutor; usually Doyle was described as a zealous persecutor of the godly.
In the 1563 edition Foxe printed a confused account of John Alcock's life, which clearly came from different sources which Foxe, probably due to haste, imperfectly reconciled. The account included Alcock's letters (1563, pp. 1663-67). In the 1570 edition, Foxe removed the inconcistencies in this account, but he also removed the letters. This account remained unchanged in subsequent editions, but the letters were added in an appendix to the 1583 edition (pp. 2146-49). This entire account rests on the testimony of individual informants; interestingly, Foxe had access to official documents on Alcock (a copy of Alcock's examination by the privy council is among Foxe's papers -see BL, Lansdowne 389, fo. 212v), but Foxe did not use them.
In the 1563 edition, Foxe correctly identified John Alcock with the 'John Awcock' whom he had mentioned earlier as dying in Newgate (1563, p. 1117; 1570, p. 1731; 1576, p. 1478 and 1583, p. 1651). But on this same page, he also states that Alcock was burned at Smithfield. Foxe corrected this error in subsequent editions.
This account first appeared in the 1563 edition and it was unchanged in subsequent editions. This account was based on the articles alleged against Benbridge and his answers to them, which were probably copied from the Winchester diocesan records, and also on the testimony of individual informants.
Note that a passage here, which only appears in the 1563 edition, states that Benbridge was 'half sure' (i.e., betrothed). On the gentry status of Benbridge and his family, see R. H. Fritze, '"A Rare Example of Godlyness Amongst Gentleman": The Role of the Kingsmill and Gifford Families in Promoting the Reformation in Hampshire' in Protestantism and the National Church, ed. Peter Lake and Maria Dowling (London, 1987), pp. 154-55.
In the 1563 edition, Foxe records that Benbridge was asked at this point why he did not marry one Mary Newton and Benbridge said that there was good reason why, but he would not declare it. It is obvious that Mary Newton was Benbridge's betrothed and it is also obvious why this passage was never reprinted.
Sir Richard Pexall, the sheriff of Hampshire, was also summoned before the privy council to answer for his failure to carry out the execution (see APC VI, pp. 371-72).
Whatever the sincerity of Benbridge's recantation, it was not enough in any case to save his life. A letter from the privy council to Sir Richard Pexall ordered that Benbridge be executed even if his recantation was sincere (APC VI, p. 361).
This account first appeared in the 1570 edition and was reprinted without change in subsequent editions. Although Foxe had copies of the trial records (see BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 169r-170v), he was clearly working from a sympathetic witness's account of the trial of John Cook.
The backgrounds of Gouch and Driver, as well as their examinations, first appeared in the 1563 edition. Foxe was drawing on individual informants for their arrest and background and on official records for Gouch's examinations. (The processes against Gouch and Driver, and the sentence against Driver, are among Foxe's papers - see BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 140r-v and 142r-143r). The account ofDriver's examinations was compiled by a sympathetic observer of her trial. In the 1570 edition an account of their executions, supplied by an eyewitness, was added to this account. No further changes were made to the narrative of their martyrdoms.
In the 1563 edition (p. 1698) Foxe has a further account of how Francis Nunn, the JP, who hunted Gouch and Driver so relentlessly, also nearly captured John Noyes (or 'Moyse'). This account was probably dropped because of Nunn's influence (he remained a JP well into Elizabeth's reign), but it is interesting that Foxe retained the account of his hunt for Gouch and Driver.
This passage, identifying Miles Spencer, who became the archdeacon of Sudbury, was added in the 1570 edition. Spencer died that year and Foxe probably felt that it was now safe to reveal this powerful cleric's controversial past.
In 1563 there are details on their being silenced at the stake which were lost in 1570, when a more detailed account of their execution was added.
Contrast this account of Sir Henry Doyle's behaviour at an execution with that described at the execution of Richard Yeoman.
Earlier Foxe had printed an account of Richard Smart's repentence of his persecution of the godly in Mary's reign.
This entire account first appeared in the 1563 edition. The processes against these martyrs and the sentences condemning them survive in Foxe's papers (BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 140r and 142r-143r).
An initial account of Mrs Prest's martyrdom reached Foxe while the 1563 edition was nearing completion and it was placed in the appendix to the first edition (1563, p. 1737). That account was clearly contributed by an individual informant, and in the 1570 edition it was replaced by a more detailed account, based on the testimony of eyewitnesses to at least some of the events. This account was unchanged in subsequent editions.
This would seem to indicate that this account was drawn from eyewitnesses to this exchange.
This was the mother of Sir Walter Raleigh, the Elizabethan courtier.
In the 1563 edition, Foxe did not know Mrs Prest's name and, in fact, he never learned her first name.
This account reached Foxe as the 1563 edition was nearing completion and it was printed in an appendix to the first edition (1563, p. 1737). The account was integrated into the main text in the 1570 edition, but beyond that, it remained unchanged in subsequent editions. Whoever Foxe's sources were for these martyrs, they appear to have been reliable. The charges against Richard Sharpe survive ina Cause Book in the Bristol Archive (K. G. Powell, The Marian Martyrs and theReformation in Bristol [Bristol: 1972], pp. 13-14).
A short version of this account, based on the trial documents from a now lost Canterbury court book, first appeared in the 1563 edition. An anecdote about the burning of Alice Snoth or Agnes Snoth was added to the 1563 edition as it was nearing completion and it was placed in an appendix at the rear of the volume (1563, p. 1735). In the 1570 edition, this anecdote was incorporated into the account of these martyrs. Another anecdote, about Katherine Tynley, was added to this account in the 1570 edition. There were no further changes to this account in subsequent editions.
For Agnes Snoth see 1563, p. 1469; 1570, p. 2031; 1576, p. 1751 and 1583, pp. 1858-59.
An account of White and Hunt, based on testimony from an individual informant, or informants, appeared in 1563. In the 1570 edition, an account of Richard White's examination from a sympathetic eyewitness was added to this account. Beyond the correction of a few factual errors, no other changes were made to this account.
In the 1563 edition, the sheriff is identified as Clifford, who was actually Hungerford's successor.
The 1563 edition states that both Hunt and White were alive; later editions state that only White was still alive.
The sheriff, Sir Anthony Hungerford, is identified as Sir 'Walter Hungerford' in 1563.
This account first appeared in the 1563 edition and was based on the personal testimony of an individual informant or informants. No substantive change was made to this account in subsequent editions.
The preceding sentence was added to this account in 1570 edition. It was intended as a rebuttal to Nicholas Harpsfield and other catholic critics of the Acts and Monuments,who charged that Foxe glorified as martyrs those who did not suffer a violent death.
The accounts of Burton, the unnamed Englishman burned on 22 December 1560, Baker, Burgate, Burges and Hoker first appeared in the 1563 edition. In the 1570 edition an account of John Fronton's ordeals was added. This was taken from a translation of Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus's account of the Inquisition which was printed by John Day in 1568. ['Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus' was a pseudonym. B. A. Vermaseren has persuasively argued that 'Gonsalvius' was really Antonio del Corro, a Spanish theologian who converted to Calvinism and lived in exile in Antwerp and later taught theology at Oxford ('Who was Reginaldus Gonsalvius Montanus?' Bibliotheque d'Hiumanisme et Renaissance 47 , pp. 47-77)].
The Trajana is a district of Seville, not a prison.
The entire account of Fronton is taken from Reginaldus Gonsalvus Montanus, A discovery and playne declaration of of sundry subtill practices of the holy Inquisition of Spayne, trans. Victor Skinner (London: 1568), STC 11996, fos. 59r-60v. A copy of this account appears in Foxe's papers as BL, Lansdowne MS 389, fos. 327r-332v.
The accounts of this Englishman, Baker, Burgate, Burges and Hoker first appeared in the 1563 edition and were unchanged in subsequent editions.
All of these accounts first appeared in the 1563 edition although they were scattered throughout the end of the volume. In the 1570 edition, Foxe brought these accounts together, and rearranged them. He made no substantive change to their contents, however, and they remained unchanged in subsequent editions. Some of these accounts, such as Thomas Greene's and Stephen Cotton's, are autobiographical; others were sent to Foxe by sympathetic informants.
The preceding passages were added in the 1570 edition and are a response to the criticisms of Nicholas Harpsfield and other catholic polemicists that Foxe glorified as martyrs those who had not suffered a violent death.
The book is almost certainly John Olde's translation of Rudolph Gualter's Antichrist (STC 25009), printed in Emden in 1556.
Lion a Coise (or Lyon Cawch): see 1563, pp. 1523-25; 1570, pp. 2095-97; 1576, pp. 1807-09 and 1583, pp. 1914-16. As Coise was burned at Stratford-le-Bow on 27 June 1556, this helps date Greene's imprisonment.
See 1570, p. 2268; 1576, p. 1958 and 1583, p. 2065.
This is probably the reason for Greene's giving Foxe this account: Greene wanted to deny that he had informed on the people who had supplied the books to him.
For discussions of the importance of the providential judgements to Foxe and his contemporaries, and of the importance of these tales of divine protection of the faithful to Foxe's work see Alexandra Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford: 1999), pp. 65-115 especially pages 108-09, and Thomas S. Freeman, 'Fate, Faction and Fiction in Foxe's Book of Martyrs', Historical Journal 43 (2000), pp. 601-23.
Tales of the providential rescue of Alexander Wimshurst and of the protestant congregation at Stoke Nayland in Suffolk had already been printed in the Rerum (pp. 636-38) and were simply translated and reprinted in 1563 and all subsequent editions.
In the 1563 edition there was an important list of protestants who were non-lethally persecuted in Mary's reign (1563, pp. 1677-79). Most of this list was never reprinted because it contained the names of a number of protestant radicals - including freewillers and anabaptists - whom Foxe wished forgotten. Nevertheless a number of individual stories mixed in with these lists (the accounts of Edward Grew and William Browne) would be saved and reprinted in all editions.
Beyond these cases, the stories of Simon Gryneaus, Thomas Christenmass and William Watts, John Glover, Dabney, Bosom's wife, John 'Moyse' (almost certainly John Noyse), the London congregation, the English at Calais, Thomas Horton, Robert Harrington, Nicholas Throgmorton and Thomas Musgrave all first appeared in the 1563 edition.
In the next edition, some of these accounts were deleted for various reasons: the account of 'Moyse' was dropped almost certrainly because of the continuing influence of Francis Nunn, the Suffolk JP, whose persecution of 'Moyse' was graphically described, while Robert Cole's providential rescue was probably deleted because of Foxe's anger at Cole's prominent support of Archbishop Parker's vestments policy. The account of Throgmorton's successful defiance of the Marian government may have been politically sensitive by 1570. The accounts of Robert Harrington and Thomas Musgrave were also deleted for less clear reasons.
On the other hand, numerous stories were added in the 1570 edition: the rescues of William and Julian Living, as well as that of John Lithall, and the deliverances of Elizabeth Young, John Davis, Anne Lacey, Edward Benet, Jeffrey Hurst, William Wood, Katherine Brandon (the dowager duchess of Suffolk), Thomas Sprat and William Porrege, John Cornet, Thomas Brice, Gertrude Crockhay, William Maldon, Robert Horneby and Elizabeth Sands. The account of Simon Grineaus was moved from the main body of the Acts and Monuments, where it had been in 1563 (pp. 441-42), and material was added to the story of Thomas Horton.
In the 1576 edition, the story of Mrs Roberts was added and the account of John Davis deleted. This deletion was probably inadvertant and the account of Davis was re-inserted in the 1583 edition.
Dorothy Griffin had also refused to attend church in Mary's reign because her conscience forbade her (Susan Brigden, London and the Reformation [Oxford, 1989], p. 564).
The flight of the dowager duchess of Suffolk into exile was mentioned in the 1563 edition, although it confusingly described her as 'Lady Francis', who was Katherine Brandon's stepdaughter (p. 1680).
John Avales was an extremely zealous heresy hunter in London during the final years of Mary's reign. For other descriptions of his activities see 1563, p. 1696; 1570, p. 2275; 1576, p. 1964; 1583, p. 2071 and 1570, p. 2278; 1576, p. 1967 and 1583, p. 2074.
Accounts of Robert Harrington, Lady Elizabeth Fane, Sir Nicholas Throgmorton and Thomas Musgrave were printed here on p. 1703 in the 1563 edition. The account of Elizabeth Fane was updated and appended to the account of Lady Anne Knevet. The account of Throgmorton was probablydropped because the refusal of a jury to convict him of treason provided a dangerous precedent for the Elizabethan authorities; it is unclear why the accounts Harrington and Musgrave were omitted.
A list of people troubled, harrassed and driven from their homes appears here in the 1563 edition (pp. 1677-79). This list was not reprinted in subsequent editions, almost certainly because it contained the names of a number of radical protestants, especially freewillers. By including these names Foxe legitimated them as confessors and even martyrs. Of course many of the names in the list were of people who were perfectly orthodox by Foxe's standards. But it was easier to discard both the wheat and the tares rather then to sort them out.
Brice would write a doggerel poem on the Marian martyrs which was an important source for Foxe. (See the article on Brice in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography).
Simon Harlstone, whose name appears several times in Foxe's book, was Archbishop Matthew Parker's brother-in-law. Although he prudently does not labour the point, Foxe must have enjoyed recording Harlstone's opposition to wearing the surplice which the archbishop insisted all clerics had to wear.
See 1583, pp. 2145-46.
See 1563, p. 1687; 1570, p. 2263; 1576, p. 1954; 1583, p. 2067.
This is an abriged account of Maldon's description of the episode which survives in Foxe's papers: BL, Harley MS 590, fo. 77r-v.
This account reprints a note in Foxe's handwriting (BL, Harley MS 419, fo. 137r). On Horneby and this account see Thomas S. Freeman, '"As True a Subiect being Prysoner": John Foxe's Notes on the Imprisonment of Princess Elizabeth', English Historical Review 117 (2002), pp. 106-07.
Copies of the sentence condemning Elizabeth Lawson survive in Foxe's papers as BL, Harley MS 421, fos. 164r-165r and 177r-178v.
This account reprints a note in Foxe's handwriting (BL, Harley MS 419, fo. 137r). On Sandes and this account see Thomas S. Freeman, "'As True a Subiect being Prysoner": John Foxe's Notes on the Imprisonment of Princess Elizabeth', English Historical Review 117 (2002), pp. 107-08 and 110.
I.e., Sir Maurice Berkely of Bruton, Somerset. Elizabeth Sandes married him in 1562.
John Avales was an extremely zealous heresy hunter in London during the final years of Mary's reign. For other descriptions of his activities see 1563, p. 1696; 1570, p. 2275; 1576, p. 1964; 1583, p. 2071 and 1570, p. 2278; 1576, p. 1967 and 1583, p. 2074.
This account first appeared in the Rerum (pp. 637-38). In it, Foxe described Wimshurst as an old friend of his.
Bosome's wife also related a story to Foxe about the martyr Elizabeth Pepper (see 1563, p. 1734 and 1583, p. 2145). This would suggest that she was also Foxe's source for this anecdote.
In the 1563 edition (p. 1698) there was an anecdote here about the escape of John 'Moyse' (almost certainly John Noyes, see 1570, pp. 2217-19; 1576, pp. 1913-15 and 1583, pp. 2021-22) from the persecution of 'Master Nownd' (i.e., the Suffolk JP Francis Nunn). It was not reprinted, probably because Nunn, who was still alive, and very influential, objected to this account of his Marian past.
Lady Anne Knevet was an important sustainer and correspondent of several Marian martyrs, notably John Careless (see ECL MS 260, fos. 49r-50r and 227r-228r and ECL MS 262, fos. 105r-106v; also see Thomas S. Freeman, '"The Good Ministrye of Godlye and Vertuouse Women"', Journal of British Studies 39 , p. 21 n. 60 and p. 29).
This account is taken from Davis's own, much longer account of this episode, which he sent to Foxe and which survives among Foxe's papers (BL, Harley MS 425, fos. 69v-70r).
The Sussex martyr Richard Woodman wrote a letter to Mrs Roberts.
This account was first printed in Rerum, pp. 636-37.
On Thomas Simpson's importance in the London congregation, see Brett Usher, '"In a Time of Persecution": New Light on the Secret Protestant Congregation in Marian London' in John Foxe and the English Reformation (Aldershot: 1997), pp. 233-51.
In the 1563 edition, Foxe states that Bentham led the London congregation, along with Robert Cole. The mention of Cole was dropped from the 1570 edition.
See 1563, pp. 1658-61; 1570, pp. 2235-40; 1576, pp. 1930-33 and 1583, pp. 2037-42.
Foxe is drawing this account from a letter Bentham sent to Thomas Lever describing the incident. The letter is in Foxe's papers: BL, Harley MS 416, fo. 63r-v.
An account of Robert Cole's near arrest by Cyriac Petit appeared here in the 1563 edition. It was dropped from the 1570 edition as were other mentions of Cole's heroic resistance in Mary's reign. The reason for this purge was Robert Cole's public support for Matthew Parker's campaign to force clergy to wear the vestments, a campaign which Foxe vigorously opposed. (Cole's actions are described in John Strype, The Life and Acts of the Most Reverend Father in God, Edmund Grindal [Oxford, 1821], pp. 144-45).
This is a good example of a relative of a victim relating an incident of the Marian persecution to Foxe.
This account of the examinations of William Wood was apparently sent to Foxe by Wood himself (see 1583, p. 2146).
This account was first printed in the main body of the 1563 edition (pp. 441-42) and moved to this section on providential rescues in the 1570 edition.
The next three accounts of 'miraculous' preservations of godly people from danger have three things in common. In the first place, they are each invaluable detailed records of the activities of protestants during Mary's reign. Secondly they each came into the Acts and Monuments at a late date; the accounts of Rose and Kemp were introduced in the 1576 edition and the account of Sandys in the 1583 edition. Finally, and most importantly, all three accounts were written by their protagonists and sent to Foxe for purposes of self-justification and self-exculpation. Rose was clearly anxious to explain away the recantations which saved his life and Sandys was concerned to demonstrate that he had been released from prison without ever recanting. Kemp's motives for his account were even more interesting. One of the leaders of the freewillers, merely mentioned by Foxe, was named John Kemp. (Foxe's casual references to the freewiller, both deleted in the 1570 edition, are 1563, pp. 1530 and 1605). The John Kemp who wrote a detailed account of his activities in Mary's reign, which only appeared in the 1576 edition (pp. 1975-77), wanted to demonstrate that he was not the freewiller of the same name. (See Thomas S.Freeman, 'Dissenters from a Dissenting Church: The Challenge of the Freewillers1550-1558' in The Beginnings of English Protestantism, ed. Peter Marshall andAlec Ryrie [Cambridge, 2002], p. 147). Kemp's account was deleted from the 1583 edition and, in many ways, it is a wonder that it was printed at all, since it mentioned the schisms among Marian protestants which Foxe was determined to cover up. One possible reason was that Kemp may have been a friend of Foxe's friend Alexander Wimshurst (see Freeman, 'Dissenters,' p. 147 n. 99).
The Clarke brothers were zealous catholic residents of Hadleigh (Suffolk) who had been largely responsible for Rowland Taylor's arrest. (See John Craig, 'Reformers, Conflict and Revisionism: The Reformation in Sixteenth-century Hadleigh', Historical Journal 42 , pp. 17 and 19-20).
Despite his indignant denials, Rose had submitted to the bishop of Norwich and confessed his belief in the Real Presence in the eucharist on 13 June 1555 (Norfolk and Norwich Record Office, Act 7/8/unfoliated).
This document was introduced in the 1576 edition. Notice the predominance of St Christopher's parish in this list. And notice the frequency with which members and servants of certain families - particularly the Nottinghams - appear on this list.
Rose Nottingham had earlier got into trouble for her public support of the Marian martyr Robert Samuel (1570, p. 1879; 1576, p. 1609 and 1583, p. 1704).
Andrew Ingforby and his family fled to Geneva, where his daughter Joan married Laurence Humphrey, one of Foxe's closest friends (see the article on Humphrey in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography).
Agnes Wardall had barely eluded arrest for heresy (1570, p. 2124; 1576, p. 1846 and 1583, pp. 1940-41).
Ramsey was in prison for his repeated involvement in plots against Mary (see APC V, pp. 65, 70, 87-88 and 105). Ramsey was also the author of A Protestant polemics, A plaister for a galled horse (London, 1548), STC 20662 and a didactic work, A corosyfe to be layde harde unto the hartes of all faythfull professours of Christes gospels (London, 1548?), STC 20661.
The irregular pagination of this account of Elizabeth in the 1563 edition suggests that it was a late addition to the volume. The 1563 narrative of Elizabeth began with a pæan to Elizabeth's virtues, much of which was drawn from John Aylmer's Harborow for faithfull and trewe subiectes (London: 1559). Foxe then proceeded with a detailed account of Elizabeth's arrest, imprisonment in the Tower and confinement at Woodstock. This narrative was based on material from a variety of individual informants (for these informants see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Providence and Presecription: The Account of Elizabeth in Foxe's "Book of Martyrs"' in The Myth of Elizabeth, ed. Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman [Basingstoke, 2003], pp. 33-35). In the 1570 edition, Foxe eliminated the praise of Elizabeth's virtues but added anecdotes about Elizabeth's imprisonment drawn from witnesses to these events (see Freeman, 'Providence and Prescription,' pp. 36-37 and Thomas S. Freeman, '"As True a Subiect being Prysoner": John Foxe's Notes on the Imprisonment of Princess Elizabeth, 1554-55', English Historical Review 117 (2002), pp. 104-16). One anecdote was added in 1576; apart from this there were no further changes made to the 1570 account in subsequent editions.
The comparison of Mary and Elizabeth which follows is largely drawn from John Aylmer, An harborow for faithfull and trew subiectes (London: 1559), STC 1005, sig. O1r.
The following panegyric of Elizabeth's virtues is largely drawn from John Aylmer, An harborow for faithfull and trew subiectes (London: 1559), STC 1005,sigs. N1r-N3v. This panegyric was deleted from the 1570 edition; see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Providence and Prescription: The Account of Elizabeth in Foxe's "Book of Martyrs"' in The Myth of Elizabeth, ed. Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman (Basingstoke: 2003), pp. 35-44.
I.e., what Roger Ascham, Elizabeth's tutor, reported to John Aylmer, whom Foxe was quoting without acvknowledgement.
Much of the next few passages is an unacknowledged quotation from John Aylmer, An harborow for faithfull and trewe subiectes (London: 1559), STC 1005,sig. N3v.
This anecdote appears as a note in Foxe's handwriting in Foxe's papers: BL, Harley MS 419, fo. 137v. This anecdote first appeared in the 1570 edition.
This was William Paulet, the Marquis of Winchester (see J. G. Nichols (ed.), The Chronicle of Queen Jane and of Queeen Mary, Camden Society, Original Series 48 , p. 70). William Paulet was still alive when Foxe printed this narrative.
This anecdote appears as a note in Foxe's handwriting in Foxe's papers: BL, Harley MS 419, fo. 137v. This anecdote was first printed in the 1570 edition.
This anecdote appears as a note in Foxe's handwriting in Foxe's papers: BL, Harley MS 419, fo. 137v. This anecdote first appeared in the 1570 edition.
This passage is reprinted from John Aylmer, An harborow for faithfull and trewe subiectes (London: 1559), STC 1005, sigs. N3v-N4r, except that Foxe added the phrase blaming Stephen Gardiner.
The entire account of Elizabeth's imprisonment which follows, down to her release from the Tower on 5 May 1554, is based on a narrative surviving in Foxe's papers (BL, Harley MS 419, fos. 135r-136r).
This anecedote appears as a note in Foxe's handwriting in Foxe's papers: BL, Harley MS 419, fo. 137r.
If the providential rescue of the godly was of great importance to Foxe and his contemporaries, then the providential punishment of persecutors was of at least equal importance. (On the importance of providential punishments in early modern England, see Alexandra Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England [Oxford: 1999], pp. 65-115; on the importance of the topic to Foxe see Thomas S. Freeman, 'Fate, Faction and Fiction in Foxe's "Book of Martyrs"', Historical Journal 43 , pp. 601-23).
This section contrasting the putative success of Elizabeth with the putative failure of Mary was effectively the introduction to this section, by showing the providential punishment of England as a whole for Mary's policies. It was added in 1570 and replaced, and intensified, passages on a similar theme, drawn from Aylmer's Harborow for Faithfull and trew subiects, which were printed in the 1563 edition.
An early version of this section appeared in the 1563 edition; it was more fully developed in the 1570 edition. A few anecdotes were added in the 1576 edition, and additional material was added which was sent to Foxe by John Louth, the archdeacon of Nottingham. This material was supplied to Foxe by individual informants, often acting from self-interested motives of their own.
Note that while Foxe blames Mary for her adherance to catholicism and her general policies, he blames the persecution on the clergy.
The conclusion of this story may be fanciful, but Griffith Leyson's seizure of Ferrar's cattle actually occurred (see Andrew J. Brown, Robert Ferrar [London: 1997], pp. 346-47).
This account, and the background to it, are described in Thomas S. Freeman, 'Fate, Faction and Fiction in Foxe's "Book of Martyrs"', Historical Journal 43 (2000), pp. 601-23. Note that there are additions to this account in every edition, arising from the conflicts that this account generated.
This account, and the background to it, are described in Thomas S. Freeman, 'Fate, Faction and Fiction in Foxe's "Book of Martyrs"', Historical Journal 43 (2000), pp. 601-23.
The syntax of this passage is confusing: Foxe is saying that it was Angel's wife who was arrested.
There was considerable dispute as to whether Henry Pendleton renounced catholicism on his deathbed or not (see Emden).
This letter survives among Foxe's papers as BL, Harley MS 416, fo. 74r-v.
Maldon's account of his beating survives among Foxe's papers as BL, Harley MS 425, fo. 77r. Obviously Foxe believed that he had printed it, but it was inadvertantly omitted and is not in the Acts and Monuments.
This account was sent to Foxe by John Louth, the archdeacon of Nottingham, in 1579. It survives among Foxe's papers as BL, Harley MS 425, fo. 136r-v.
In contrast to the tales of divine punishment in England which Foxe related, which came from individual informants, the tales of instances of divine punishment in foreign countries were either allusions to instances previously recounted in the Acts and Monuments or were taken from Continental works which Foxe had read.
This anecdote is reprinted from Claudio Senarclaeus, Historia vera de mortesancti viri Joannis Diazii Hispani... (Basle: 1546), pp. 8-9. [NB 'Senarclaeus' was the nom de plume of the Spanish protestant Francisco Enzinas].
This anecdote is reprinted from Senarclaeus, Historia vera, pp. 9-12.
This anecdote is reprinted from Senarclaeus, Historia vera, pp. 12-13.
This letter is reprinted from Pierre de la Place, Commentaires de l'estatde la Religion et Republique sous Rois Henry et François seconds et Charles neusieme [Paris: 1565], fos. 6r-10r.
This anecdote was added in the 1576 edition.
This anecdote was added in the 1576 edition.
After a short prayer for the swift return of Christ to establish his kingdom on earth, the 1570 edition ends here.
This oration was first written on Elizabeth's accession to the throne but it was not published by Foxe until the 1576 edition. The oration threatens Elizabeth with divine displeasure if she does not thoroughly purge the church of all 'Romish' abuses. Printed in 1576, after the vestments controversy and the admonition to parliament, this became a caustic indictment of Elizabeth. (See Thomas S. Freeman, 'Providence and Prescription: The Account of Elizabeth in Foxe's "Book of Martyrs"' in The Myth of Elizabeth, ed. Susan Doran and Thomas S. Freeman [Basingstoke: 2003], pp. 42-44).
A copy of this oration is in Foxe's papers: BL, Harley MS 419, fos. 143r-148v.
For background to Foxe's account of the Westminster cisputation see Norman Jones, Faith by Statute: Parliament and the Settlement of Religion, 1559 [London: 1982]. This account was printed in the 1563 edition, deleted from the 1570 and 1576 editions and reprinted in 1583.
The main text of the 1583 edition ends here. It is followed by an appendix of unprinted documents.
This appendix, as a whole, first appeared in the 1583 edition and it appeared because John Day had something for the 1583 edition which he had for no other edition of the Acts and Monuments: a surplus of paper. This surplus enabled Day to print a number of documents and other material which might not otherwise have been printed. These include a treatise attributed to Nicholas Ridley and John Hooper's letter to convocation. The surplus also enabled Day to reprint the entire appendix to the 1563 edition - thereby creating a great deal of repetition as many of these items had been incorporated into the main narrative of the 1570 edition, and were already reprinted in the main narrative of the 1583 edition.
This appendix includes letters of various martyrs (William Tyms, Julins Palmer, William Hunter and John Melvyn) which had only come into Foxe's hands at a late date. Also included are oral accounts of various individuals (John Frith, William Wood and Gertrude Crockhay) which must have reached Foxe at a late date. And finally there is material from recently printed books which Foxe wished to include.
This account was reprinted from the appendix to the 1563 edition.
The attribution of this treatise to Ridley rests entirely on Foxe. Several scholars have suggested that it is instead the work of Edmund Grindal and that this treatise was actually composed in 1559 or 1560. (See Patrick Collinson, Archbishop Grindal, 1519-1583: The Struggle for a Reformed Church [Berkeley and Los Angeles: 1979], pp. 97-98 and Stephen Buick, '"Little Children Beware of Images": "An Homily against Peril of Idolatry" and the Quest for "Pure Religion" in the Elizabethan Church", Reformation 2 , pp. 312-13). If so, it may even be that Foxe perpetrated a pious forgery, tendentiously ascribing the treatise to a veneratedbishop and martyr.
This anecdote which first appeared in the 1583 edition was given to Foxe by William Holcot and it is an interesting example of an informant supplying information to Foxe in order to purge his own conscience.
This letter is reprinted from Rerum, pp. 306-08.
It is true that Griffith Leyson died on 24 June 1555; whether the rest of Foxe's story is true or not is unknown. This story was reprinted from the appendix to the 1563 edition.
These verses survive among Foxe's papers as BL, Harley MS 424, fo. 58r-v.
This brief account, and two letters of John Alcock, were reprinted from the 1563 edition (1563, pp. 1663-67).
BL, Lansdowne MS 389, fos. 301v-302v is a copy of this epistle.
BL, Lansdowne MS 389, fos. 302v-303v is a copy of this epistle.
These corrections (essentially a list of errata) appeared before the title page of the 1570 edition and were transferred to the end of the 1576 edition. They were then reprinted in the appendix to the 1583 edition.
The stories of Snel and Laremouth must have reached Foxe just as the 1570 edition was being published. They were inserted before the title page of the 1570 edition and then transferred to the end of the 1576 edition. These stories were then reprinted in the appendix to the 1583 edition.
A casual reading of the account of Atkins would suggest that Foxe obtained this account from John Young. Actually the entire account, including the citation of Young as a source, was reprinted from Anthony Munday, The English Romayne Life (London, 1582), STC 18272, pp. 72-75.
This account, and the background to it, are described in Thomas S. Freeman, 'Fate, Faction and Fiction in Foxe's "Book of Martyrs"', Historical Journal 43 (2000), pp. 601-23.