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1524 [1524]

K. Edward. 6. Reformation of the Church by King Edward.

MarginaliaAn. 1547.Realme. He was liberall and bountifull in hart, and therein he imitated hys father. &c.

MarginaliaCarmen Epitaphicū Cardani, in Obitū Reg. Edouardi.
Flete nefas magnum, sed toto flebitis orbe
Mortales: vester corruit omnis honor.
Nam Regum decus, & inuenum flos spesq; bonorum,
Delitia secli, & gloria gentis erat.
Dignus Apollieneis lachrimis doctaq́; Minerua
Flosculus neu miserè concidit antè diem.
Te tumulo dabimus Musæ, supremaq́; flentes
Numera, Melpomena tristia fata canet.
Ex Hier. Cardano.

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Thus after the godly disposition and properties of this king briefly in thys wyse declared, now (God wyllyng) we wyll intermedle somthing to describe the order and proceedings which he followed in hys administration and gouernment of both the states, aswell politicke, as especially ecclesiasticke. Who 

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The material translated from the Rerum begins here and runs down to Foxe worrying that wealth and prosperity did more harm to the godly than persecution did.

after the deceasse of his father comming to the crowne, becuase he was of young and tender age, he was cōmitted to. xvj. Gouernours. MarginaliaThe Lorde Edw. Semer made Lorde Protector.Amongst whom especially the Lord Edward Semer Duke of Somerset his vncle, was assigned and adioyned to hym as Protector and ouerseer of him and of the common wealth, MarginaliaCommendation of the Lord Protector.a man not so highly aduaunced for hys cōsanguinie, as also for hys noble vertues and especially for hys fauour to Gods word, worthy of hys vocation & callyng. Through the endeuour and industrye of which mā, first that monstrous Hidra wyth sixe heades, the sixe Articles I meane (which deuoured vp so many mē before) was abolished and taken away. By reason whereof the counsels and proceedings of Winchester began to decay, who storming at the same matter, wrote to the Lord Protector in the cause therof, as by hys letters is to be sene.

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MarginaliaReformatiō by K. Edward.The holy scriptures he restored to the mother tong. Masses he extinguished & abolished. Furthermore, after softer beginnings, by litle & litle greater thinges followed in þe reformatiō of Churches. Thē such as before were in banishment for the daunger of the truth, were againe receaued to their countrey. To be short, a new face of thinges began nowe to appeare, as it were in a stage new Players cōming in, the old being thrust out. For the most part þe bishops of Churches & Diocesses were chaunged. Suche as had bene domme Prelates before, were compelled to geue place to other then that would preach and take paynes.

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MarginaliaPet. Martyr. Mart. Bucer. Paulus Phagius.Besides other also out of forreine countreyes, mē of learning and notable knowledge were sent for and receiued, among whom was Peter Martyr, Martine Bucer, & Paulus Phagius. Of whom the first taught at Oxford: the other two professed at Cambridge, and that with no small commendation of the whole vniuersitie. Of the old Bishops some were committed to one ward, some to an other. MarginaliaEdm. Boner Byshop of London committed to the Marshalsey.Boner bishop of London was committed to the Marshalsey, & eftsoones for hys contempt and misdemeanour deposed from hys bishopricke, as in further processe followeth to be seene. MarginaliaGardiner & Tonstall committed to the Tower.Gardiner bishop of Winchester, with Tonstall bishop of Duresme was cast into the Tower for hys disobedience, where hee kept his Christmas three yeares together 

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Stephen Gardiner was imprisoned in the Tower from 30 June 1548 until 3 August 1553.

, more worthye of some other place without the Tower, if it had pleased God otherwyse not to haue ment a further plage to this Realme by that man.

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But these meke and gentle times of king Edward, vnder the gouernment of this noble Protectour, haue this one commendation proper vnto them, for that among the whole nomber of the popish sorte, of whom some priuely did steale out of the realme, manye were craftye dissemblers, some were open and manifest aduersaries, yet of all that multitude, there was not one man that lost hys lyfe 

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Note that Foxe restricts this to 'papists'; two radical Protestants, Joan Bocher and George van Parris, were burned during Edward VI's reign.

. In summe, during the whole time of the. vj. yeares of this king, muche tranquilitye, and as it were a breathing time was graunted to the whole church of England: So that the rage of persecution ceasing, and the sworde taken out of the aduersaries hand, there was now no daunger to the godlye, vnlesse it were onely by wealth and prosperitie, whychmany times bringeth more domage in corrupting mēs mindes, than any time of persecution or affliction.

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Briefly, during all this time, neither in Smithfield, nor any other quarter of thys realme, any was hearde to suffer for anye matter of religion, either Papist or Protestant, either for one opinion or other 

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Thomas Dobbe

This is one of the rare times when the account Foxe started with in the Rerum ended up being larger than what was printed in any of the editions of the Acts and Monuments. In the Rerum (on p. 201), Foxe gave the account of Thomas Dobbes, which was translated and reprinted in each edition of the Acts and Monuments. But Foxe also printed (on p. 202) brief accounts of the executions of two religious radicals, Joan Bocher and George van Parris, who were executed in 1550 and 1551. He also printed two stories condemning these executions. In the first story, John Rogers, who would become the first Marian martyr, was approached by an unnamed friend (generally assumed by scholars to be Foxe himself) and urged to intercede on behalf of Joan. When Rogers not only refused to intervene, but also defended burning as merciful, given the heinousness of heresy, his friend bitterly (and prophetically) told him that one day he might receive such gentle treatment himself (Rerum, p. 202). Foxe also included an account of Humphrey Middleton, another future Marian martyr, being accused of heresy by Cranmer during Edward VI's reign, and grimly prophesying that Cranmer would one day find himself in a similar position (Rerum, p. 202).

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All of these stories are an indication of the strength of Foxe's aversion to punishing heretics with death. Yet only the account of Thomas Dobbes was reprinted in the Acts and Monuments. (The executions of Joan Bocher and George van Parris are merely mentioned in the Acts and Monuments, see later in Book 9). Foxe was unwilling the surrender the moral high ground by admitting that his martyrs were persecutors themselves. And an admission that Protestants persecuted each other, only served to support the validity of Catholic charges of Protestant disunity. However, Foxe did add one short account to this section, that of John Hume. This, however, did not end in an execution and was thus fairly innocuous.

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Most of Foxe's sources for these persecutions drew on his own experiences or on accounts from informants. However, Foxe's limited knowledge of the case of John Hume, was entirely based on the sparse entry on the case in Cranmer's register.

Thomas S. Freeman

, except onely two, one an English womā called Ione of Kent, and the other a Dutch man, named George, who died for certayne Articles not much necessarye here to bee rehearsed. 
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These articles included beliefs that Foxe himself regarded as heretical, such as denial of Christ's human nature and denial of the Trinity. Foxe was reluctant to even rehearse such deviant theology.

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MarginaliaThomas Dobbe imprisoned and in prison dyed.Besides these two, there was none els in all kyng Edwardes raygne, that dyed in any maner cause of religion, but that one Thomas Dobbe, who in the beginning of this kings raygne, was apprehended for speaking agaynst the idolatry of the Masse, and in the same prison dyed, as in story here ensueth to be seene. 

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Foxe first printed this account of Thomas Dobbe in the Rerum (p. 201), which means that he obtained this account during his exile. The account, which must have been received from a informant, is rather puzzling. Two of the individuals named (John Taylor and Roger Hutchinson) were prominent evangelicals and are very unlikely to have objected to Dobbe's wishing to marry. Perhaps there were other, more personal reasons, for Dobbe's bad relations with the other fellows. Perhaps Dobbe's religious beliefs were more radical than Foxe describes. In any case, it would seem there is more to this story.

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This Thomas Dobbe being a student and a maister of Arte in Cambridge, was brought vp in the Colledge, called S. Iohns Colledge, and fellowe of the same, where he increased in the study of good letters, among his equales very forward, of nature and disposition simple and modest, of zeale toward God feruēt , pacient in iniuries, iniurious to no man, of muche lyke sorte and condition, MarginaliaDoues Philosoph naturall do write, but no gall.as is in Doues, whych wythout al bitternes of gall, are more apt to receiue iniury, then the worke wrong to any. At length this godly man intending wyth hym selfe, and addicting hys mynde to the Christian state of matrimonye, resorted to a certayne mayden not farre of where he dwelt. For the whych cause hee was greatly molested, and wyckedly abused by iij. of that Colledge, whose names were Hutchinson, Pindare, and Tailer, who wyth theyr malicious handeling, scornfull dealing, obprobries, rebukes, and contumelies, so much vexed the vertuous simplicitie of the man, that they neuer left hym, tyll at length they weried hym out of the Colledge. Who there hauyng no rest nor quietnes by reason of the vnreasonable and virulent handling of hys aduersaries, was compelled to seeke some other place wherein to settle hym selfe. Vpon the occasion whereof, commyng vp to London, it chaunced hym to passe through Paules Church, wheras it happened that at þe Southside of þe Church, as the same time there was a Priest at Masse, more busy then well occupied, being at the eleuation as he passed by. The young man repleate wyth godly zeale, pitying þe ignorance & Idolatry of þe people, in honoring that so deuoutly which the Priest lifted vp, was not able to forebeare, but opening hys mouth and turning to the people, hee exhorted thē not to honor that visible bread as God, which neither was God, nor yet ordayned of God to be honored. &c. wyth such other wordes moe of Christian information. For which cause strayght way he was apprehended by the Maior, and after accused to the bishop of Canterbury, was committed to the Counter then in Breadstreete, where he not long continued, but falling into a sicknes, how, or whereupon I can not tell, shortly vpon the same chaūged thys mortall life. Whose pardon notwithstanding was obtayned of the Lorde Protector, and should haue bene brought him if he had continued. And thus much concerning Thomas Dobbe and other.

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Ouer and besides, I finde, that in the first yeare of the raynge of K. Edward, which was an. 1547. there was one Iohn Hume, seruaunt to Maister Lewnax of Wresell apprehended, accused, and sent vp to þe Archbishop of Canterbury,  

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Foxe probably obtained this brief account of John Hume from Archbishop Cranmer's register. It reads very much like an official account and Foxe makes it clear that his only source was some sort of document. Unfortunately, no such account survives in Cranmer's register. However, in the section of the register containing heresy trials (LPL, Cranmer Register, fos. 67r-79r), there are two missing folios (76r-77v). It is quite possible that the information on Hume was on one of these missing folios; in fact, the folios may have been sent to Foxe and never returned. No one (including Foxe), knows how this case turned out, but presumably no action was taken against Hume.

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by the sayde M. Lewnax hys Maister, and Margaret Lewnax hys mistres, for these Arctcles.

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1 First, for denying the Sacrament (as it was then called) of the altar, to be the reall flesh & bloud of Christ.

2 For saying that he would neuer vale hys bonet vnto it, to be burned therefore.

3 For saying, that if he should heare Masse, he should be damned.

For this was he sent vp by his maister and maistres

afore-