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1605 [1543]

Queene Mary. The comming in of Queene Mary.
 
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Mary's First Moves

Political events predominate here. Foxe has to decide what titles to give the competing queens at crucial moments. The glosses 'Queene Iane proclamed at London' and 'Comparisō betweene young king Edward & young Lady Iane' may be examined: the first notes the proclaiming of 'Queene Iane' while the second, by pointing to a passage concerned with her upbringing and therefore using 'Lady Iane', allows the transition back to Lady Jane for the rest of the section (except for 'Bishop Ridley preacheth in Queene Maryes time' which recalls Ridley preaching in Queen Jane's time) without having to say anything explicit about legitimacy.

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Another interesting titular contrast comes at the gloss 'Breach of promise in Queene Mary': immediately before this is a gloss in all editions, 'The Lady Mary promiseth faithfully that she would not alter religion'. The contrast between 'Lady' and 'Queen' appears to suggest a willingness to promise anything to gain power followed by indifference to promises.

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Another contrast between Jane and Mary can be found in the glosses: while 'Two things feared in Queene Mary' points to two things feared from Mary, 'Comparisō betweene young king Edward & young Lady Iane' points to a favourable comparison between Jane and King Edward. Two glosses do not appear after 1563. Perhaps the reference to the king's will in the gloss 'Lady Iane made heire by þe kings will' was too sensitive a point with Elizabeth to risk retaining the gloss. Another to be removed was 'Tokēs that quene Mary wold not kepe touch with the Suffolke menne' which considers the executions of various protestant nobles as 'tokens' that Mary would not 'kepe touch with the Suffolke men': perhaps this was later removed as ceding too much to the popular will (the Northern Uprising of 1569 may have heightened Foxe's awareness of the sensitivity of rebellion). Foxe's glosses report but do not comment upon Northumberland's recantation ('The Duke of Northumberlād condemned to dye', 'The Duke of Northumberland reuoketh his religion' and 'The Duke of Northūberland beheaded',) although the juxtaposition of the confessions and deaths of two protestant gentlemen, 'Syr Iohn Gates and Sir Thomas Palmer confessing their fayth were beheaded', was perhaps designed to offer contrast.

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Marginalia1553.¶ The fyrst entring of Queene Mary to the crowne, with the alteration of Religion, and other perturbations happening the same tyme in thys Realme of England.
 
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Block 3: Mary's first moves

This is the first example of what will be a recurring pattern throughout Book 10 (and not typical of any other section of the Actes and Monuments) - extended theological discussion followed by bald political narrative. This section of narrative had a purpose: it emphasises Mary's 'perjury' to the protestants who supported her and it is as close as Foxe ever came to directly criticising her.

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The section of Book 10, from Edward VI's illness and Jane Grey's marriage to Mary's arrival in London, is based on Foxe's Rerum, pp. 232-34 (translated with varying degrees of fidelity). Essentially the sources for this section were reports from protestants in England during Mary's reign to English protestants in exile and continental reformers, which Foxe gathered while he was overseas. Some new material was added in later editions (notably Mary's letter to the Privy Council and the Council's response), but on the whole, there was little new information added to this section. Many of the remaining changes to the substance of this section (e.g., the accounts of Northumberland's death) reflect the changing circumstances in which Foxe's work was written.

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Marginalia1553. The reigne of Queene Mary.WHAT tyme Kyng EDWARD by long sicknes began to appeare more feable and weake, in the meane while durīg the tyme of this his sicknes, a certayne maryage was prouided, cōcluded, and shortly also vpon the same solemnised in the moneth of May, MarginaliaMariage betwene the Lord Gilforde and the Lady Iane. betwene the Lord Gilford, sonne to the Duke of Northumberland, and the lady Iane the Duke of Suffolkes daughter, whose mother being thē alyue, was daughter to Mary king Henries second syster, who fyrst was maryed to the French king, and after to Charles Duke of Suffolke. But to make no long tariaunce hereupon, the mariage being ended, and the king waxing euery day more sicke then other, where as in deede there seemed in hym no hope of recouery, it was brought to passe by the consent not onely of the Nobilitie, but also of all the chiefe Lawyers of the Realme, that the king by hys testament dyd appoynte the aforesayd Lady Iane, daughter to the Duke of Suffolke, to be Inheretrice vnto the crowne of England, passing ouer hys two systers Mary & Elizabeth.

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To this order subscribed all the kinges Counsayle, and chiefe of the Nobility, the Maior and City of London, and almost all the Iudges and chiefe Lawyers of the Realme, sauing onely Iustice Hales of Kent, MarginaliaSyr Iames Hales standeth with Q. Mary. a mā both fauoring true religion, and also an vpright Iudge as any hath ben noted in this Realme, who geuing his consent vnto Lady Mary, would in no case subscribe to Lady Iane. Of this man (God willing) you shall perceiue more in þe sequele of this story. The causes laid agaynst Lady Mary, were as well for that it was feared she woulde marry wyth a Straunger, and thereby entangle the crowne: as also that she would cleane alter religion, vsed both in king Henrie her father, and also in king Edward her brothers dayes, and so bryng in the Pope, to the vtter destruction of the realme, which in deede afterward came to passe, as by the course and sequele of this story may well appeare.

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Much probable matter they had thus to coniecture of her, by reason of MarginaliaTwo thinges feared in Queene Mary.her great stubbernes shewed and declared in her brothers dayes, as in the letters before mencioned passing betwene her & king Edward, and the Counsayle, may appeare. The matter being thus concluded, and after confirmed by euery mans hand, king Edward an Impe of so great hope, not long after thys departed by the vehemencie of hys sicknes, when he was. xvj. yeares of age: wyth whom also decayed in maner the whole flourishing estate and honour of the English nation.When king Edward was dead, MarginaliaQ. Jane proclaimed in London.this Iane was established in the kingdome by the Nobles consent, & was foorthwith published Queene by proclamation at London, and in other Cities where was any great resort, and was there so taken and named. MarginaliaCōparison betwene young K. Edward and younge lady Iane.Betwene thys young Damosel and king Edward, there was litle difference in age, though in learning and knowledge of

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the tounges she was not onely equall, but also superior vnto him, being instructed of MarginaliaThys instructer of the Lady Jane was Maister Ælmar.a Maister right notably learned. If her fortune had bene as good, as was her bringing vp, ioyned with fynenes of wytte: vndoubtedly she might haue seemed comparable, not onely to the house of the Aspasians, Sempronians, or mother of the Grachies, yea to any other women beside, that deserued high prayse for theyr singuler learning: but also to the Vniuersitie men, which haue taken many degrees of the Schooles.

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In the meane time while these thinges were a working at London, Mary which had knowledge of her brothers death, writeth to the Lordes of the Coūsell in forme as followeth.

¶ A Letter of the Lady Mary, sent to the Lordes of the Counsell, wherin she claymeth the crowne after the deceasse of Kyng Edward. 
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Mary's letter to the Privy Council and the Council's response first appear in the 1570 edition (see textual variant 2); clearly Foxe had access to some Privy Council records between the publication of the 1563 and 1570 editions. As will become clear, he also had further access between the publication of the 1576 and 1583 editions.

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MarginaliaLady Maryes letter sent vnto the Counsaile, wherin she claimeth the crowne.MY Lordes, we greete you well, & haue receaued sure aduertisement that our dearest brother the kyng our late soueraigne Lord is departed to Gods mercy: which newes how they be wofull to our hart, he only knoweth to whose wil and pleasure we must and do humbly submit vs & our willes. But in this so lamētable a case, that is to witte, now after his maiesties departure and death concernyng the crowne and gouernaunce of this realme of England with the title of Fraunce & all thynges therto belongyng, what hath bene prouided by act of Parlament and þe Testament & last will of our dearest father, besides other circumstaunces aduauncing our right, you know, the Realme and the whole world knoweth, the roles and recordes appeare by the authoritie of the kyng our sayd father, and the kyng our sayd brother, and the subiectes of this Realme, so that we verely trust that there is no good true subiect, that is, can, or would pretende to be ignoraūt therof, and of our part we haue our selues caused, and as God shall ayde & strength vs, shall cause our right and title in this behalfe to bee published and proclaymed accordyngly. And albeit this so weightie a matter seemeth straunge, that the dying of our sayd brother vppon Thursday at night last past, we hetherto had no knowledge from you therof, yet we cōsider your wisedomes and prudence to be such, that hauing eftsones amongest you debated, pondered, & well wayed this present case with our estate, with your own estate, the common wealth, and all our honours, we shall and may cōceiue great hope and trust with much assuraunce in your loyaltie and seruice, and therfore for the tyme interprete & take thinges not to the worst, & that ye yet wil like noble men worke the best. Neuerthelesse we are not ignoraūt of your consultations, to vndoe the prouisiōs made for our preferment, nor of the great bandes and prouisions forcible, wherewith ye be assembled & prepared, by whom, and to what end, God & you know, and nature can but feare some euill. But be it that some cōsideration politicke, or what soeuer thyng els hath moued you therto, yet doubt you not my Lordes, but we cā take all these your doings in gracious part, being also right ready to remit & fully pardon the same, with that frely to eschue bloudshed and vengeaunce agaynst all those that cā or will intende the same: trusting also assuredly you will take and accept this grace & vertue in good part as apperteineth, and that we shall not bee inforced to vse the seruice of other our true subiectes and frendes which in this our iust and rightful case, God in whom our whole affiaunce is, shall send vs. Wherefore my Lordes we require you and charge you, and euery of you, that euery of you, of your allegeance which you owe to God and vs and to none other, for our honour and the suretie of our pardon, onely employ your selues, and forthwith vpon recept hereof, cause our right and title to the crown and gouernement of this Realme to bee proclaymed in our Citie of London, and such other places as to your wisdomes shal seeme good, and as to this case appartei-

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