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Henry VIII

(1491 - 1547) [ODNB]

Duke of York 1494; duke of Cornwall 1502; prince of Wales, earl of Chester 1503

King of England (1509 - 47)

After the death of Prince Arthur, his widow Catherine married his brother Henry. 1563, p. 456; 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

Henry issued a proclamation against the heresies of Luther. 1570, p. 1159; 1576, p. 991; 1583, p. 1019.

Through Thomas Wolsey, Henry received the title of defender of the faith from the pope. 1570, p. 1124; 1576, p. 962; 1583, p. 989.

After Clement VII had been taken prisoner by imperial forces, Wolsey urged Henry VIII to go to the pope's assistance. The king refused to send troops, but allowed Wolsey to take money out of the treasury to help. 1563, p. 439; 1570, pp. 1123; 1576, p. 961; 1583, p. 988.

Henry, encouraged by Cardinal Wolsey, began to question the validity of his marriage to Catherine of Aragon. He sought the advice of universities and learned men, but needed the assent of the pope and the emperor to a divorce. 1570, p. 1192; 1576, p. 1021; 1583, p. 1049.

Stephen Gardiner was sent as ambassador to Rome by Henry VIII during the time of Clement VII to deal with the matter of the king's divorce and to promote Thomas Wolsey as pope. Both the king and Wolsey wrote letters to him. Nicholas Harvey was sent as ambassador to Emperor Charles V. 1570, pp. 1125-29, 1192; 1576, pp. 963-67, 1021; 1583, pp. 990-93, 1049.

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Wolsey and Cardinal Campeggi had a legatine commission to consider the matter of the king's divorce. Henry began to suspect that Wolsey was not fully supportive. 1570, pp. 1129, 1193; 1576, pp. 967, 1021; 1583, pp. 994, 1049.

Henry gave an oration at Bridewell setting out his reasons for the divorce. 1563, pp. 456-57; 1570, p. 1193; 1576, pp. 1021-22; 1583, p. 1050.

Henry and Queen Catherine were summoned to appear before the papal legates, Cardinals Wolsey and Campeggi, who had a commission to judge the matter of the divorce. Henry sent two proxies; Catherine arrived in person, accompanied by ladies and counsellors, including four bishops. Finally the king himself appeared, delivering an oration to the legates. 1563, pp. 456-57; 1570, p. 1194; 1576, p. 1022; 1583, p. 1050.

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Anne Boleyn was sent a copy of Simon Fish's Supplication for the Beggars and showed it to the king. He offered his protection to Fish, allowing him to return to England. 1563, p. 448; 1570, p. 1153; 1576, p. 986; 1583, p. 1014.

After Wolsey had been deprived of most of his offices and the associated lands and goods returned to the king, Henry allowed Cardinal College, Oxford, to continue, endowing it and renaming it King's College. 1570, p. 1129; 1576, p. 967; 1583, p. 994.

When the king heard of the exhumation and burning of William Tracy's corpse, he angrily sent for Sir Thomas More. More blamed the now deceased archbishop of Canterbury, but was fined three hundred pounds to have his pardon. 1570, p. 1186; 1576, p. 1015; 1583, p. 1042.

Henry, failing to get a positive response from the pope on the question of his divorce, associated the clergy in Wolsey's praemunire and demanded over £100,000 for their pardon. 1570, p. 1195; 1576, p. 1023; 1583, p. 1052.

Henry had published the opinions of the universities against his marriage to Catherine. 1570, p. 1196; 1576, p. 1024; 1583, p. 1052.

Parliament approved Thomas Cranmer's separation of Henry and Catherine and his marriage to Anne Boleyn. 1570, p. 1197; 1576, p. 1025; 1583, p. 1053.

Thomas Temys asked parliament to urge the king to take Queen Catherine back as his wife. The king replied via the Speaker, Sir Thomas Audeley. The king also had the Speaker read in the Commons the two oaths taken by clergy, one to the pope and one to the king, to demonstrate that they were irreconcilable. 1570, p. 1197; 1576, p. 1025; 1583, p. 1053.

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Henry married Anne Boleyn. 1570, p. 1198; 1576, p. 1025; 1583, p. 1054.

The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), along with the bishops of London (Stokesley), Winchester (Gardiner), Bath and Wells (Clerk) and Lincoln (Longland) and other clergy went to see Queen Catherine. She failed to attend when summoned over 15 days, and they pronounced that she and the king were divorced. 1570, p. 1200; 1576, p. 1027; 1583, p. 1055.

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The king sent Edward Lee, under Cromwell, to visit the monasteries and nunneries to release all those in religious orders who wished to leave. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, p. 1043; 1583, p. 1070.

Henry VIII ordered a religious procession in London in 1535 because the French king was ill. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, p. 1043; 1583, p. 1070.

After the Act of Supremacy, Henry VIII attempted to improve relations with other monarchs by sending ambassadors. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, p. 1043; 1583, p. 1070.

Messages were sent between Henry and François I about the pope's refusal of Henry's divorce from Catherine and his supremacy over the English church. 1570, pp. 1218-22; 1576, pp. 1043-46; 1583, pp. 1070-73.

Henry VIII wrote to Bonner commanding that excess holy days be abolished. 1563, p. 682; 1570, p. 1441; 1576, p. 1229; 1583, p. 1259.

Henry had Queen Anne imprisoned in the Tower with her brother and others. She was then beheaded. 1563, p. 526; 1570, p. 1233; 1576, p. 1055; 1583, p. 1082.

Stephen Gardiner was suspected of involvement in the downfall of Anne Boleyn, and urged the king to disinherit Elizabeth. 1570, pp. 1233, 1243; 1576, p. 1056; 1583, pp. 1082, 1083.

Henry married Jane Seymour shortly after the execution of Anne Boleyn. 1570, p. 1234; 1576, p. 1056; 1583, p. 1083.

Cromwell urged King Henry to destroy the monastic houses and to grant the lands to the nobility and gentlemen. 1570, p. 1350; 1576, p. 1153; 1583, p. 1181.

The king answered the rebels in Lincolnshire and sent the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk, the marquess of Exeter and the earl of Shrewsbury into Yorkshire to put down the Pilgrimage of Grace. 1570, pp. 1237-38; 1576, pp. 1059-60; 1583, pp. 1086-87.

Along with the protestant German princes, Henry refused to send delegates to the council in Mantua called by Pope Paul III. 1570, p. 1234; 1576, p. 1056; 1583, p. 1083.

The emperor and other princes requested Henry to attend the council or to send delegates. He again refused, sending a protestation. 1570, pp. 1293-94; 1576, pp. 1106-08; 1583, pp. 1132-33.

François I of France and Emperor Charles V retained Robert Granceter, a condemned traitor, and refused to hand him over to Henry VIII. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1087.

Francis I had allied himself with Pope Clement VII in marrying his son to Clement's niece. He also married his daughter to James V of Scotland, breaking an agreement with Henry VIII. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1088.

Stephen Gardiner urged Henry to withdraw his defence of religious reform in order to ensure peace within the realm and to restore good relations with foreign rulers. 1570, p. 1296; 1576, p. 1109; 1583, p. 1135.

Stephen Gardiner urged Henry VIII to use the case against John Lambert as a means of displaying the king's willingness to deal harshly with heresy. The king himself would sit in judgement. 1563, pp. 533-34; 1570, p. 1281; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, pp. 1121-22.

At the end of Lambert's trial, the king had Cromwell read the sentence of condemnation. 1563, p. 537; 1570, p. 1283; 1576, p. 1097; 1583, p. 1123.

Cromwell was instrumental in getting Edmund Bonner's nomination to the bishopric of London. He procured letters from King Henry to François I that resulted in a licence being granted to print bibles in English at the University of Paris. 1570, p. 1362; 1576, p. 1162; 1583, p. 1191.

Although Edmund Bonner performed his ambassadorial duties well as far as Henry VIII was concerned, he displeased the king of France, who asked for him to be recalled. Henry recalled him, giving him the bishopric of London, and sent Sir John Wallop to replace him. 1570, p. 1245; 1576, p. 1066; 1583, p. 1093.

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The king sent Thomas Cromwell and the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to dine with Thomas Cranmer to reassure him after his opposition to the Six Articles. 1570, p. 1298; 1576, p. 1111; 1583, p. 1136.

Henry asked for a summary of Cranmer's objections to the Six Articles. 1570, p. 1355; 1576, p. 1157; 1583, p. 1185.

Philip Melancthon wrote a letter to Henry VIII against the Six Articles. 1570, pp. 1340-44; 1576, pp. 1144-47; 1583, pp. 1172-76.

Thomas Cromwell arranged the marriage between the king and Anne of Cleeves. 1570, p. 1295; 1576, p. 1109; 1583, p. 1134.

Henry had Thomas Cromwell arrested on charges of heresy and treason. Shortly after Cromwell's execution, the king lamented his death. 1563, p. 598; 1570, p. 1360; 1576, p. 1157; 1583, p. 1185.

Henry VIII repudiated Anne of Cleves, divorced her and married Katherine Howard at the time of the execution of Cromwell. 1570, pp. 1361, 1385; 1576, pp. 1161, 1181; 1583, pp. 1190, 1210.

After Cromwell's death, the king was persuaded against the Great Bible and had sales stopped. 1570, p. 1363; 1576, p. 1163; 1583, p. 1191.

King Henry commanded that Robert Barnes, Thomas Garrard and William Jerome recant the doctrine they had been preaching. 1570, p. 1371; 1576, p. 1170; 1583, p. 1198.

King Henry wrote to Archbishop Cranmer, ordering that idolatrous images be removed from churches. 1563, p. 625; 1570, p. 1385; 1576, p. 1181; 1583, p. 1210.

For a long period, Henry VIII denied his daughter Mary the title of princess. Thomas Cranmer urged a reconciliation. 1570, p. 1565; 1576, p. 1335; 1583, p. 1396.

Katherine Parr read and studied the scriptures and discussed them with her chaplains. The king was aware of this and approved, so she began to debate matters of religion with him. When the king became more ill-tempered because of his sore leg, her enemies, especially Stephen Gardiner and Thomas Wriothesley, took the opportunity to turn the king against her. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

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Henry gave a warrant for the gathering of articles against Katherine. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

Henry told one of his physicians of the charges against Katherine; the physician was then sent to treat her when she fell ill, and he divulged the charges to her. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

The king then visited Katherine, who explained that she was ill because she feared she had displeased him. She submitted humbly to him and was forgiven. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

When Thomas Wriothesley with 40 of the king's guard came to arrest the queen and her ladies-in-waiting, he found them walking happily in the garden with the king. The king sent him away. 1570, p. 1425; 1576, p. 1214; 1583, p. 1244.

Henry gave an oration to parliament in 1545. 1570, pp. 1412-13; 1576, pp. 1203-04; 1583, pp. 1233-34.

When Claude d'Annebault, the French ambassador, went to see Henry VIII at Hampton Court, lavish entertainment was laid on for him, but he was recalled before he had received half of it. During the course of the banquet, he had private conversation with the king and Archbishop Cranmer about the reform of religion in the two countries. 1570, p. 1426; 1576, p. 1215; 1583, p. 1245.

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As long as Henry had good advisers, like Anne Boleyn, Thomas Cromwell, Thomas Cranmer, Anthony Denny and William Buttes around him, he did much to foster religious reform. 1563, p. 682; 1570, p. 1441; 1576, p. 1229; 1583, p. 1259.

During Henry VIII's final illness, Sir Anthony Browne tried unsuccessfully to get Stephen Gardiner reinstated in the king's will. 1570, p. 1478; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1291.

When Henry was on his deathbed, Anthony Denny asked him if he wished a spiritual adviser, and he asked for Thomas Cranmer. Before Cranmer could arrive, however, the king had lost the power of speech. He clasped Cranmer's hand, and shortly after died. 1570, p. 1477; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1290.

 
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Katherine Parr

(1512 - 1548) [ODNB]

Queen of England, 6th consort of Henry VIII (1543 - 47)

Married (1) Edward Borough (1529 - 33); married (2) John Neville (1534 - 43); married (4) Thomas Seymour (1547 - 48)

Katherine Parr read and studied the scriptures and discussed them with her chaplains. The king was aware of this and approved, so she began to debate matters of religion with him. When the king became more ill-tempered because of his sore leg, her enemies, especially Stephen Gardiner and Thomas Wriothesley, took the opportunity to turn the king against her. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

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Stephen Gardiner and other enemies of Katherine Parr planned to accuse and arrest Lady Herbert, Lady Lane and Lady Tyrwhit and search their quarters for books and other evidence to use against the queen. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

Henry gave a warrant for the gathering of articles against Katherine. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

Henry told one of his physicians of the charges against Katherine. The list of charges fell from the clothing of the councillor carrying it and was found by a supporter of the queen, who carried it to her. She fell seriously ill when she saw it, and the king sent the same physician to treat her; he warned her of what the king had told him. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

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The king then visited Katherine, who explained that she was ill because she feared she had displeased him. She submitted humbly to him and was forgiven. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

When Thomas Wriothesley with 40 of the king's guard came to arrest the queen and her ladies-in-waiting, he found them walking happily in the garden with the king. The king sent him away. 1570, p. 1425; 1576, p. 1214; 1583, p. 1244.

Katherine Parr quarrelled with her sister-in-law, Anne Seymour, duchess of Somerset, encouraging a rift between their husbands. 1570, p. 1545; 1576, p. 1317; 1583, p. 1367.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Stephen Gardiner

(c. 1495x8 - 1555) [ODNB]

Theologian, administrator; BCnL Cambridge 1518; DCL 1521; DCnL 1522; chancellor of Cambridge

Principal secretary to the king 1529; ambassador to France

Bishop of Winchester (1531 - 51, 1553 - 55)

Thomas Cromwell, Thomas More and Stephen Gardiner served together in Thomas Wolsey's household. 1563, p. 592; 1570, p. 1347; 1576, p. 1150; 1583, p. 1178.

Gardiner and Edward Fox urged leniency on Cardinal Wolsey when dealing with Robert Barnes. They stood surety for him and convinced him to abjure. 1563, pp. 601-02; 1570, pp. 1364-65; 1576, pp. 1164-65; 1583, pp. 1192-93.

Stephen Gardiner was sent as ambassador to Rome by Henry VIII during the time of Clement VII to deal with the matter of the king's divorce and to promote Thomas Wolsey as pope. Both the king and Wolsey wrote letters to him. 1570, pp. 1125-28, 1193; 1576, pp. 963-66, 1021; 1583, pp. 990-92, 1049.

Shortly after Gardiner became secretary to King Henry, he and William Fitzwilliam were assigned by the king to ensure that Thomas Wolsey's goods were not stolen after his deprivation of his offices, but returned to the king. 1570, p. 1130; 1576, p. 967; 1583, p. 994.

Richard Bayfield was tried before John Stokesley, assisted by Stephen Gardiner and others. 1563, p. 484; 1570, p. 1161; 1576, p. 993; 1583, p. 1021.

John Frith was taken first to the archbishop of Canterbury at Lambeth, then to the bishop of Winchester at Croydon, and then to London to plead his case before the assembled bishops. He was examined there by the bishops of London, Winchester and Lincoln. 1563, pp. 501-03; 1570, pp. 1176-78; 1576, pp. 1006-08; 1583, pp. 1034-35.

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Andrew Hewett was examined by Stokesley, Gardiner and Longland. 1563, p. 506; 1570, p. 1180; 1576, p. 1009; 1583, p. 1036.

The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), along with the bishops of London (Stokesley), Winchester (Gardiner), Bath and Wells (Clerk) and Lincoln (Longland) and other clergy went to see Queen Catherine. She failed to attend when summoned over 15 days, and they pronounced that she and the king were divorced. 1570, p. 1200; 1576, p. 1027; 1583, p. 1055.

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Gardiner swore an oath of allegiance to Henry VIII as head of the church. 1570, p. 1203; 1576, p. 1030; 1583, p. 1057.

In his De vera obedientia, Gardiner challenged the authority of the pope and argued against the validity of the king's marriage to Catherine of Aragon. 1570, pp. 1204-06; 1576, pp. 1031-32; 1583, pp. 1058-59.

Gardiner was one of the subscribers to the Bishops' Book. 1570, p. 1211; 1576, p. 1037; 1583, p. 1064.

Gardiner was sent with a Henry VIII's answer to Francis I, king of France, regarding Henry's supremacy over the English church. 1570, p. 1221; 1576, p. 1045; 1583, p. 1072.

Gardiner was suspected of involvement in the downfall of Anne Boleyn, and urged the king to disinherit Elizabeth. 1570, pp. 1233, 1243; 1576, p. 1056; 1583, pp. 1082, 1083.

Gardiner was a resident ambassador to France in 1538, when Edmund Bonner, through the efforts of Thomas Cromwell, was brought in to replace him. There were great disagreements between the two, since Bonner at the time was in favour of reform. 1570, p. 1239; 1576, p. 1061; 1583, p. 1088.

The bearward who had a book belonging to Archbishop Cranmer's secretary intended giving it to Sir Anthony Browne or Stephen Gardiner. 1570, p. 1356; 1576, p. 1157; 1583, p. 1186.

In a letter to Henry VIII, Philip Melancthon called Gardiner wicked and impudent. 1570, p. 1341; 1576, p. 1145; 1583, p. 1173.

Bonner sent a declaration to Cromwell of Stephen Gardiner's evil behaviour. 1570, pp. 1241-44; 1576, pp. 1063-66; 1583, pp. 1090-92.

Gardiner urged Henry VIII to withdraw his defence of religious reform in order to ensure peace within the realm and to restore good relations with foreign rulers. 1570, pp. 1296; 1576, p. 1109; 1583, p. 1135.

Stephen Gardiner urged Henry VIII to use the case against John Lambert as a means of displaying the king's willingness to deal harshly with heresy. 1563, pp. 533-34; 1570, p. 1281; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, pp. 1121-22.

Cranmer had sent letters for Henry VIII to sign relating to reform in the church. Gardiner convinced the king that these reforms would jeopardise a league with the king of France and the emperor, so the letters were never signed. 1570, p. 1426; 1576, p. 1215; 1583, p. 1245.

Gardiner disputed with Lambert during his trial. 1563, pp. 535-36; 1570, pp. 1282-83; 1576, p. 1097; 1583, p. 1123.

Stephen Gardiner was Thomas Cromwell's chief opponent. 1563, p. 598; 1570, p. 1359; 1576, p. 1160; 1583, p. 1189.

Stephen Gardiner complained to the king about the sermon of Robert Barnes preached during Lent at Paul's Cross. He disputed with Barnes, and Richard Coxe and Thomas Robinson acted as arbiters. Gardiner then submitted articles against Barnes. 1570, p. 1371; 1576, pp. 1169-70; 1583, p. 1198.

Adam Damplip was brought before Thomas Cranmer, Stephen Gardiner, Richard Sampson and others and examined. 1563, p. 657; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1194; 1583, p. 1224.

Thomas Broke, Ralph Hare, James Cocke and James Barber were sent from Calais with their accusers to England to be examined by Cranmer, Gardiner, Sampson and other bishops. 1563, p. 661; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1195; 1583, p. 1224.

William Symonds and John London kept notes of Anthony Pearson's sermons at Windsor. They included the names of all those who frequented the sermons and reported all of these to Stephen Gardiner, who in turn reported to the king and received a commission for a search at Windsor. 1570, pp. 1389-90; 1576, p. 1185; 1583, pp. 1213-14.

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Gardiner had Simon Haynes and Philip Hoby committed to the Fleet, but their friends secured their release. 1570, p. 1390; 1576, p. 1186; 1583, p. 1214.

Gardiner conducted the third examination of John Marbeck himself. He ordered Marbeck to be placed in irons and kept in isolation. 1570, pp. 1391-92; 1576, pp. 1186-88; 1583, pp. 1215-16.

On the orders of Stephen Gardiner, John Massie took Adam Damplip to Calais. 1570, p. 1400; 1576, p. 1193; 1583, p. 1223.

John Capon and others of the judges in the trial of Marbeck, Testwood, Pearson and Filmer at Windsor sent a message to Stephen Gardiner in favour of John Marbeck. Gardiner went straight to the king and obtained a pardon. 1570, p. 1397; 1576, p. 1191; 1583, p. 1220.

After the burning of Filmer, Pearsons and Testwood, Capon sent Robert Ockham with a report to Stephen Gardiner. 1570, p. 1398; 1576, p. 1191; 1583, p. 1221.

Gardiner was one of the questioners at the second examination of Anne Askew in 1546. 1563, p. 683; 1570, p. 1417; 1576, p. 1208; 1583, p. 1237.

Katherine Parr read and studied the scriptures and discussed them with her chaplains. The king was aware of this and approved, so she began to debate matters of religion with him. When the king became more ill-tempered because of his sore leg, her enemies, especially Stephen Gardiner and Thomas Wriothesley, took the opportunity to turn the king against her. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

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Gardiner and other enemies of Katherine Parr planned to accuse and arrest Lady Herbert, Lady Lane and Lady Tyrwhit and search their quarters for books and other evidence to use against the queen. 1570, p. 1423; 1576, p. 1213; 1583, p. 1243.

During Henry VIII's final illness, Sir Anthony Browne tried unsuccessfully to get Stephen Gardiner reinstated in the king's will. 1570, p. 1478; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1291.

After the death of Henry VIII, the duke of Suffolk related to Thomas Cranmer how Stephen Gardiner had nearly been arrested at the time of the execution of Germaine Gardiner. He confessed his fault to the king and was pardoned. 1570, p. 1477; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1290.

Stephen Gardiner preached a sermon contrary to King Edward's injunctions. He was arrested and taken to the Tower by Sir Anthony Wingfield and Sir Ralph Sadler; Sadler and William Hunnings were instructed to seal off doors to his house. He was transferred to the Fleet. 1563, pp. 728, 760; 1570, pp. 1521, 1529; 1576, pp. 1297, 1304; 1583, pp. 1340, 1353-54.

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Gardiner wrote to Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, the Lord Protector and others while imprisoned in the Fleet. 1563, pp. 728-54; 1570, pp. 1522-25; 1576, pp. 1297-1300; 1583, pp. 1340-50.

Gardiner was released out of the Fleet by a general pardon, but was placed under house arrest for failure to conform. Nicholas Ridley, Thomas Smith and William Cecil were sent to him. He was called before the council. 1563, p. 755; 1570, pp. 1525-26; 1576, p. 1301; 1583, p. 1351.

Gardiner was imprisoned in the Tower with Cuthbert Tunstall under Edward VI and Edward Seymour. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1296.

After Gardiner had been in the Tower for nearly a year, Sir William Paulet and Sir William Petre visited and urged him to admit his fault. Paulet, Petre, the earl of Warwick and Sir William Herbert delivered the king's letters to him. 1563, pp. 761-62; 1570, pp. 1529-30; 1576, p. 1304; 1583, p. 1354.

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Edward Seymour, John Russell, John Dudley and Sir William Petre visited Stephen Gardiner in the Tower at various times to attempt to get him to accept the king's reforms. 1563, pp. 766; 1570, p. 1532; 1576, p. 1306; 1583, p. 1356.

Articles were put to him to answer. 1563, pp. 754-68; 1570, pp. 1525-34; 1576, pp. 1300-07; 1583, pp. 1350-57.

When Sir William Herbert and Sir William Petre went to Stephen Gardiner in the Tower with new articles, they took with them a canon and a civil lawyer: Nicholas Ridley and Richard Goodrich. 1563, p. 768; 1570, p. 1534; 1576, p. 1307; 1583, p. 1357.

After Gardiner's sequestration, Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Thomas Goodrich, Henry Holbeach, Sir William Petre, Sir James Hales, Griffith Leyson, John Oliver and John Gosnold were commissioned to examine him. 1563, p. 776; 1570, p. 1535; 1576, p. 1309; 1583, p. 1358.

William Paget, Andrew Baynton and Thomas Chaloner were deponents in the case of Gardiner. 1563, pp. 814-18; 1570, p. 1536; 1576, p. 1309; 1583, p. 1359.

Gardiner was examined and deprived of his bishopric. 1563, pp. 814-67; 1570, pp. 1536-37; 1576, pp. 1309-10; 1583, pp. 1359-60.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Thomas Wriothesley

(1505 - 1550) [ODNB]

Administrator; Cromwell's private secretary; engraver of the Tower mint 1536; MP Hampshire (1539, 1542); JP Hampshire (1538 - 46)

Principal secretary to the king (1540 - 44); clerk of the crown and king's attorney (1542 - 50); privy councillor (1540 - 47, 1548 - 50); lord chancellor (1544 - 47)

Baron Wriothesley 1544; 1st earl of Southampton (1547 - 50)

Stephen Gardiner had Wriothesley and other privy councillors on his side when he reported Windsor heretics to the king. 1570, p. 1390; 1576, p. 1185; 1583, p. 1214.

Wriothesley took part in the examination of John Marbeck. 1570, p. 1390; 1576, p. 1186; 1583, p. 1214.

Katherine Parr read and studied the scriptures and discussed them with her chaplains. The king was aware of this and approved, so she began to debate matters of religion with him. When the king became more ill-tempered because of his sore leg, her enemies, especially Stephen Gardiner and Thomas Wriothesley, took the opportunity to turn the king against her. 1570, pp. 1422-23; 1576, pp. 1212-13; 1583, pp. 1242-43.

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When Wriothesley with 40 of the king's guard came to arrest the queen and her ladies-in-waiting, he found them walking happily in the garden with the king. The king sent him away. 1570, p. 1425; 1576, p. 1214; 1583, p. 1244.

Wriothesley was one of the questioners at the second examination of Anne Askew in 1546. 1563, p. 683; 1570, p. 1417; 1576, p. 1208; 1583, p. 1237.

Sir Anthony Knyvet had his jailer rack Anne Askew. When Knyvet refused to have the racking continued, Richard Rich and Thomas Wriothesley racked her themselves. She refused to give any information, but was released by Knyvet. 1563, p. 676; 1570, p. 1418; 1576, p. 1209; 1583, p. 1239.

The Sunday before Anne Askew was executed, Thomas Wriothesley had George Blage sent to Newgate and then to the Guild Hall, where he was condemned to be burnt. 1570, p. 1427; 1576, p. 1216; 1583, p. 1245.

Wriothesley was present at Anne Askew's burning. He brought her letters offering the king's pardon if she recanted, but she refused. 1570, p. 1419; 1576, p. 1211; 1583, p. 1240.

Thomas Wriothesley was one of the signatories to the proclamation against Edward Seymour calling for his removal. 1570, p. 1547; 1576, p. 1318; 1583, p. 1368.

He was one of the signatories to the letter to the lord mayor and common council of London from the lords opposing Edward Seymour. 1570, p. 1547; 1576, p. 1319; 1583, p. 1369.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Boulogne-sur-Mer (Bonen: Flemish)

[Bullen; Boleyne; Bollayn; Bullenburgh]

Pas-de-Calais, France

Coordinates: 50° 43' 28" N, 1° 36' 43" E

1266 [1242]

K. Henry 8. The trouble and daunger that Queene Katherine Parre was in for the Gospell.
The storie of Queene Katherine Parre late Queene, and wife to King Henry 8. Wherein appeareth in what daunger she was for the Gospell, by the meanes of Steuen Gardiner and other of his conspiracy: and how graciously she was preserued by her kind and louing husband the king 
Commentary  *  Close
Katherine Parr and George Blage

The story of the 'danger' Catherine Parr faced 'for the Gospell' comes to us only from John Foxe, and it is told for the first time in the second edition (1570) of the Acts and Monuments. The addition of the story to the narrative of Henry's latter reign serves the same purpose as Foxe's reframing of the Askew Examinations: Catherine's brush with mortal danger is another example of the ruthlessness of forces for conservatism (Stephen Gardiner, bishop of Winchester, and Thomas Wriothesley, Lord Chancellor), and while Henry VIII saves his wife from their bloodlust in this case, his failure to complete reform and his gullibility to manipulation by members of the conservative faction are further spotlighted in the story following Catherine's, of Gardiner's successful effort to thwart reform in England (when acting as ambassador to France).

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No other evidence exists for the conspiracy against Catherine Parr described by Foxe, nor for the king's ultimate intervention on his queen's behalf, although it does seem likely that the attack on Anne Askew, and particularly her torture, took place against a context of some attempt to compromise Catherine and/or her ladies in a climate of anti-evangelicalism. However, it is just as likely that the attempt to use Askew to implicate the queen's ladies was intended to create vulnerability among their husbands - prominent male courtiers - as it is that Catherine herself was the target.

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It is very likely that Foxe invented the story of Parr's danger and her exchanges with her husband, Henry VIII, contained within the narrative, and one reason for this, beyond simply providing another example of conservative evil and royal reformist failure, might have been in order to elaborate on the suggestion of a plot against the queen contextualizing the story of Anne Askew, itself centralized as a keystone moment in the 1570 edition of the Acts and Monuments. However, the narrative is also a remarkable commentary on both Henry VIII and his queen. Parr is shown 'counseling' her husband, influencing him in matters of both theology and state and showing a boldness emphasized by Foxe in both text and marginal note. Henry, on the other hand, is seen growing increasingly frustrated by his wife's erudition and assertiveness - wrongly frustrated in Foxe's opinion, which is just one indication of the king's weak character. Henry is easily manipulated both by Gardiner and then again by his wife, who exploits to her purpose the submissive posturing required of women, but with obvious insincerity. She does this, significantly, in order to convince her husband that she is guided by him in matters of religion, when in reality, as Foxe has pointed out, the opposite is the case: it is in fact Parr who guides Henry. This phenomenon - of Henry, and through him England, benefiting from the counsel of women - does not originate either in Foxe's 1570 Acts and Monuments or with Parr in his history. Anne Boleyn is also described as having enjoyed significant influence over her husband, influence comparable to that of his male counselors, and while her story, like Parr's, grows substantially from edition to edition of the Acts and Monuments, from the first 1563 edition she is she is credited with both the destruction of papal power in England, and with planting in Henry the desire for reform.

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Nevertheless, Queen Catherine was sympathetic to evangelicalism as queen and was both patron and 'friend' to a number of important evangelicals including Matthew Parker (who will become Queen Elizabeth's first Archbishop of Canterbury) and Thomas Smith, who secured an important position as tutor to the young prince, Edward (Alec Ryrie, The Gospel and Henry VIII: Evangelicals in the Early English Reformation [Cambridge, 2003], pp. 166-67). It is uncertain when she became a supporter of evangelical ideas, but it was possibly a process both begun and completed following rather than preceding her marriage to Henry VIII, and Diarmaid MacCulloch has suggested that it might have been during 1544, when she served as regent in the king's absence (when Henry went to war in France) and was, in that role, in daily contact with Thomas Cranmer, the Archbishop of Canterbury (Diarmaid MacCulloch, Thomas Cranmer [Yale, 1996], pp. 326-27). Catherine's own book of 'evangelical devotions', Lamentacion of a Sinner, published in 1547 after Henry VIII's death, marks her as a reformer by the end of the reign, and there is little doubt that she was, by then, considered a significant threat to conservatives, particularly as the king's health declined. This was the case not least because of her influence over the heir to the throne (the future Edward VI), as well as over his education, and so it is not improbable that a plot against her could have taken place, as it had against Cranmer in 1543.

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One problem plaguing the plot described by Foxe when it comes to its veracity, however, is its actual similarity to the 'Prebendaries Plot' against Cranmer, especially its dénouement, which includes the humiliation of the same villains, Gardiner and Wriothesley. It is perhaps no coincidence that both stories (the plot against Catherine and the Prebendaries Plot against Cranmer) appear for the first time in the second edition (1570) of the Acts and Monuments, although had it actually occurred it is likely that Foxe would have heard about it well before the publication of his first English edition, as he lived with John Parkhurst, bishop of Norwich, from autumn 1560 to summer 1562, the two years preceding its publication in 1563. He had been chaplain to Catherine Parr when she was queen of England. Nevertheless, the strongest evidence against the veracity of the story is the complete lack of contemporary record of something this dramatic occurring among and between people as notable as the king, his queen, his Lord Chancellor, and the bishop of Winchester. It is very likely that Foxe invented the story of Parr's danger and her exchanges with her husband, Henry VIII, contained within the narrative. One reason for this, beyond simply providing another example of conservative evil and royal reformist failure, might have been in order to elaborate on the suggestion of a plot against the queen contextualizing the story of Anne Askew, itself centralised as a keystone moment in the 1570 edition of the Acts and Monuments. However, the narrative is also a remarkable commentary on both Henry VIII and his queen. Parr is shown 'counseling' her husband, influencing him in matters of both theology and state. Her boldness is emphasised by Foxe in both text and marginal note. Henry, on the other hand, is seen growing increasingly frustrated by his wife's erudition and assertiveness - wrongly frustrated in Foxe's opinion, which is just one indication of the king's weak character. Henry is easily manipulated both by Gardiner and then again by his wife, who exploits to her purpose the submissive posturing required of women, but with obvious insincerity. She does this, significantly, in order to convince her husband that she is guided by him in matters of religion, when in reality, as Foxe has pointed out, the opposite is the case: it is in fact Parr who guides Henry. This phenomenon - of Henry, and through him England, benefiting from the counsel of women - does not originate either in Foxe's 1570 Acts and Monuments or with Parr in his history. Anne Boleyn is also described as having enjoyed significant influence over her husband, influence comparable to that of his male counselors, and while her story, like Parr's, grows substantially from edition to edition of the Acts and Monuments, from the first 1563 edition she is she is credited with both the destruction of papal power in England, and with planting in Henry the desire for reform.

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Megan HickersonHenderson State University

.

MarginaliaAnno 1546.AFter these stormye stories aboue recited, the course and order, as well of the time, as the matter of storie doeth require nowe somewhat to intreate likewise touching the troubles and afflictions of the vertuous and excellent lady Queene Katherine Parre, MarginaliaQueene Katherine Parre. the laste wife to king Henrye. The storie wherof is thys.

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About the same time aboue noted, whych was about the yeare after the king returned from Bullein, he was informed that Queene Katherine Parre, at that time his wife, was very much giuen to the reading and study of the holy scriptures: & that she for that purpose had retained diuers well learned and godly persons, to instruct her throughly in the same, wt whom as at al times conuenient she vsed to haue priuate conference touching spiritual matters: MarginaliaThe religious zeale of Queene Katherine toward Gods word. so also of ordinarie, but especially in Lente euery day in the after noone for the space of an houre, one of her sayd Chaplains in her priuie Chamber made some collation to her and to her Ladies and Gentlewomen of her priuie Chamber, or other that were disposed to heare: in which sermons, they oft times touched suche abuses as in the churche then were rife. Which things as they were not secretely done, so neyther were their preachings vnknowen vnto the Kynge. Wherof at the first, and for a great time, he semed very wel to like. Which made her þe more bold (being in deed become very zealous toward the Gospell, and the professors therof) franckly to debate with the king, touching Religion, and therein flatly to discouer her selfe: MarginaliaThe exhortation of Queene Katherine to the king.oftetimes wishing, exhorting and perswading the king, that as hee had to the glorye of God and hys eternall fame, begonne a good and a godlye woorke in banishinge that monsterous Idolle of Rome, so he would throughly perfite and finish the same, cleansing and purging hys Churche of Englande, cleane from the dregges therof, wherin as yet remained great superstition.

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MarginaliaThe king toward his latter end waxed more impacient.And all be it the king grewe towardes hys latter ende, very sterne and opinionate, so that of fewe he could be content to be taught, but worst of all to be contended wyth all by argument: notwythstanding towardes her he refrained hys accustomed manner (vnto others in like case vsed) as appeared by great respectes, either for the reuerence of the cause, whereunto of hym selfe he seemed well inclined, if some others coulde haue ceased from seeking to peruert hym, or els for the singular affection which vntill a verye smal time before hys death, he alwayes bare vnto her. For neuer handmaide soughte wyth more carefull diligence to please her mistresse, then shee did with all painfull endeuor apply her selfe by all vertuous meanes, MarginaliaThe vertuous inclination of Q. Katherine toward the king. in all thynges to please hys humour.

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Moreouer, besides the vertues of the minde, shee was endued wyth very rare giftes of nature, as singular beautie, fauour, and comely personage, being thynges wherein the King was greatly delyghted: and so enjoyed shee the kings fauour, to the great likelihoode of the setting at large of the Gospell within this Realme at that time, hadde not the malicious practise of certain enemies professed against the truth (which at that time also were very great) preuented þe same, to the vtter alienating of the kings mind from Religion, and, almost to the extreme ruine of the Queene and certaine others with her, if God had not maruelously succoured her in that distresse. MarginaliaEnemyes & conspirers agaynst the Gospell.The conspirers and practisers of her death, were Gardiner B. of Winchester, Wrisley then Lord Chauncellor, and others more aswell of the kings priuie chamber, as of his priuie councell. These seeking (for the furtheraunce of theyr vngodly purpose) to reuiue, stirre vp and kindle euil and pernicious humours in their Prince and soueraigne Lord, to the intent to depryue her of thys great fauour, which then she stoode in wyth the king, (which they not a litle feared would turne to the vtter ruine, of their Antichristian secte, if it shoulde continue) and thereby to stoppe the passage of the Gospell: and consequently, hauing taken away her, who was the only MarginaliaQueene Katherine a patronesse of Gods truth.Patronesse of the professours of the trueth, openlye wythout feare of checke or controlment, wyth fire and sworde, after theyr accustomed maner, to inuade the small remainder (as they hoped) of that poore flocke, made theyr wicked entrie vnto this theyr mischieuous enterprise, after thys manner following.

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The kinges Maiestie (as you haue hearde) misliked to be contended with all in any kinde of argument. This humour of hys, although not in smaller matters, yet in cau-ses of Religion as occasion serued, the Queene would not sticke in reuerent termes and humble talke, entring wyth him into discourse with sound reasons of Scripture, now and then to contrary. The whych the Kyng was so well accustomed vnto in those matters, that at her handes he tooke all in good part, or at the least did neuer shew countenance of offence thereat: MarginaliaThe king sometyme contrary to the king in argument. which did not a litle appall her aduersaries, to heare and see. During which tyme, perceyuing her so throughly grounded in the kings fauour, they durst not for theyr liues once opē their lips vnto the king in any respect to touch her, either in her presence, or behind her backe: And so long shee continued this her accustomed vsage, not onely of hearing priuate sermons (as is sayde) but also of her free conference with the king in matters of Religion, without all perill, vntill at the last by reason of his sore leg (the anguish whereof began more and more to encrease) MarginaliaThe king waxed sickly and difficult to please.he waxed sickly, and therwithall, forward, and difficult to be pleased.

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In the tyme of this his sicknes, he had left his accustomed maner of comming and visiting the Queene, & therefore she, according as she vnderstoode him by such assured intelligence as shee had about him, to be disposed to haue her company, sometimes being sent for, other sometymes of her selfe would come to visite him, either at after dinner or after supper, as was most fit for her purpose. At whiche tymes shee woulde not fayle to vse all occasions to moue him, according to her maner, zelously to proceede in the reformation of the Church. The sharpenes of the disease had sharpened the kinges accustomed pacience, so that MarginaliaThe king beginneth to mislyke of the Queene.he began to shew some tokens of misliking: and contrary vnto his maner, vpon a day, breaking of that matter, hee tooke occasion to enter into other talke, which somewhat amazed the Queene. To whome notwithstanding in her presence, he gaue neither euill word nor countenance, but knit vp al arguments wt gentle wordes and louinge countenaunce: and after other pleasant talke, shee for that time tooke her leaue of his maiesty. Who after his maner, bidding her fare well sweete hearte (for that was his vsuall terme to the Queene) licenced her to depart.

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MarginaliaThe Bishop of Winchester taketh his occasiō to worke his mischiefe.At this visitation chaunced the Bishop of Winchester aforenamed to be present, as also at the Queenes takynge her leaue (who verye well had printed in his memorie the kings sodaine interrupting of the Queene in her tale, and falling into other matter) and thoughte þt if the yron were beaten whilest it was hotte, and that the kynges humoure were holpen, suche misliking might followe towardes the Queene, as might both ouerthrow her & all her endeuors: and only awaited some accasion to renewe into the kings memory, the former misliked argument. Hys expectatiō in that behalfe did nothing faile him. For the king at þt time shewed himselfe no lesse prompt and ready to receiue any information, then the bishop was maliciously bent to stir vp the kings indignation against her. The king immediately vpon her departure from him, vsed these or like wordes: A good hearing (quoth he) it is when women become such Clerkes, and a thing much to my comfort, to come in mine olde dayes to be taught by my wife.

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MarginaliaThe Bishop of Winchesters wordes to the king.The Bishop hearing this, seemed to mislike that the Queene shoulde so much forget her selfe, as to take vppon her to stand in any argument wyth his maiestie, whom he to his face extold for his rare vertues, and especially for his learned iudgement in matters of religion, aboue, not only Princes of that and other ages, but also aboue Doctours professed in Diuinitie, and sayde that it was an vnseemely thing for any of his maiesties subiects to reason and argue with him so malapartly, and greuous to him for hys parte and other of his Maiesties Councellours and seruauntes, to heare þe same: and that they all by proofe knew his wisedome to be such, that it was not nedeful for any to put him in mind of any such matters: inferring moreouer how dāgerous and perillous a matter it is, and euer hath bene for a Prince to suffer suche insolent woordes at hys subiectes hands: who as they take boldnesse to contrary their soueraigne in wordes, so want they no will, but onely power and strength to ouerthwart them in deedes.

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MarginaliaWinchesters accusation against the Queene.Besides thys, that the Religion by the Queene so stifly maintained, did not onely disallow and dissolue the pollicie and politicke gouernment of Princes, but also taught the people that all thynges oughte to be in cōmon, so that what colour so euer they pretended, theyr opinions were in deede so odious, and for the Princes estate so perillous, that (sauing the reuerence they bare vnto her for hys Maiesties sake) they durst be bolde to affirme that the greatest subiect in this lande, speaking those woordes that shee dyd speake, and defending those argumēts that she did defend, had with indifferent iustice, by law deserued death.

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Howbeit for his part he would not nor durst not, without good warrante from his Maiestie, speake hys know-

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