Keeper of Newgate prison
Andrew prohibited John Rogers from giving food to fellow prisoners. 1563, p. 1063; 1570, p. 1664; 1576, p. 1419; 1583, p. 1492.
He brought John Rogers and John Hooper to be degraded. He was characterised by Foxe as a 'cruel enemy to Gods people'. 1563, p. 1058; 1570, p. 1681; 1576, pp. 1434-35; 1583, p. 1508.
[Referred to by Foxe as 'Alexander'.]
(d. 1555) [DNB]
Saunders' life and career are described. 1563; pp. 1037-38; 1570, pp. 1664-65; 1576, p. 1420; 1583, pp. 1493-94.
Laurence Saunders preached in Northampton, soon after Mary's accession, denouncing 'Antichrist's errors'. He was arrested and released. He came to London, despite warnings to the contrary. 1563, pp. 1038-39; 1570, p. 1665; 1576, pp. 1420-21; 1583, p. 1494.
On 15 October 1553, Saunders preached at Allhallows, Bread Street, denouncing the mass as an abomination. On the same day he was summoned by Bonner, interrogated, and committed to the Marshalsea. 1570, p. 1636; 1576, p. 1396; 1583, p. 1466; also 1563, p. 1039; 1570, p.1665; 1576, p. 1421; 1583, pp. 1494-95.[Back to Top]
He was interrogated by Gardiner and imprisoned. 1563, pp. 1041-42; 1570, pp. 1665-66; 1576, p. 1421; 1583; p. 1495.
It was rumoured in May 1554 that he, along with Bradford and John Rogers, would participate in a disputation to be held at Cambridge (1570, p. 1639; 1576, p. 1399; 1583, p. 1469).
Saunders was one of the signatories to a letter of 8 May 1554 protesting against the proposed disputation. The letter is printed in 1563, pp. 1001-3; 1570, pp. 1639-41; 1576, pp. 1399-1400; 1583, pp. 1469-71).
Saunders was one of the authors of a petition to Philip and Mary asking them for a chance to defend, in public debate, the Edwardian religious reforms (1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1483).
His letters and examinations: 1563, pp. 1040-47; 1570, pp. 1666-70; 1576, pp. 1421-25; 1583, pp. 1495-98.
Saunders was excommunicated at 6am on 23 January 1555. 1563, p. 1191, 1570, p. 1787, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1609.
Saunders was examined and condemned by Stephen Gardiner on 30 January 1555. 1570, p. 1655; 1576, p. 1412; 1583, p. 1483; also see 1570, p. 1699; 1576, p. 1450; 1583, pp. 1523-24.
He was degraded, conveyed to Coventry and executed there. 1563, pp. 1047-48; 1570, pp. 1665-66; 1576, p. 1421; 1583, p. 1495.
Saunders is contrasted with Henry Pendleton. 1563, p. 1049; 1570, p. 1671; 1576, p. 1426; 1583, pp. 1499-1500.
Additional letters: 1570, pp. 1671-74; 1576, pp. 1426-29; 1583, pp. 1500-2.
Lawrence Saunders was imprisoned in the Marshalsea at the same time as Bradford was imprisoned [in the King's Bench] and often met with Bradford at the back of the prison. 1563, p. 1174, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.
His martyrdom was referred to in Bradford's letter to the university town of Cambridge. 1563, pp. 1178-80, 1570, pp. 1808-09., 1576, p. 1545, 1583, p. 1627.
He received a letter from Bradford. 1563, p. 1194, 1570, p. 1815, 1576, pp. 1550-51, 1583, p. 1633.
He received another letter from Bradford. 1576, p. 1551, 1583, p. 1634.
Saunders was described as a faithful witness of Christ by Robert Glover in a letter to his wife. 1563, pp. 1273-80, 1570, pp. 1886-89, 1576, pp. 1615-19, 1583, pp. 1710-12.
Grindal wrote to Ridley from his exile in Frankfort, to which letter Ridley replied. Ridley mentioned that he knew that Ferrar, Hooper, Rogers, Taylor of Hadleigh, Saunders and Tomkins had all been martyred, as had Cardmaker the day before he wrote the letter. 1570, pp. 1901-02, 1576, pp. 1628-30, 1583, pp. 1729-30.[Back to Top]
Letter to evangelicals in Lichfield [BL, Harley 416, fos.13v-16r. Printed in LM, pp. 182-88.]
(1509? - 1595?)
Draper. Lord mayor, alderman and merchant of London. (DNB)
Sheriff with David Woodruff in 1555.
Together with his fellow sheriff David Woodruff, Chester escorted John Rogers and John Hooper to and from various prisons during the process of their trials and condemnations. 1563, pp. 1030 and 1056-57; 1570, pp. 1662 and 1679-80; 1576, p. 1418 and 1433-34; 1583, pp. 1489 and 1507. After Hooper and Rogers were degraded they were delivered to the custody of Chester and Woodruff. 1563, p. 1058; 1570, p.1681; 1576, p. 1435; 1583, p. 1508. He and Woodruff also conveyed John Rogers to Smithfield. 1563, p. 1036; 1570, p. 1663; 1576, p. 1419; 1583, p. 1492.[Back to Top]
Chester escorted Rowland Taylor out of London on the first leg of Taylor's journey to Hadleigh for execution. Chester gave Taylor permission to speak with his wife and daughters and wept as Taylor said farewell to them. He 'gently' refused to let Taylor's wife speak further with her husband while Taylor was being detained in an inn, awaiting the arrival of the sheriff of Essex. Chester provided Margaret Taylor with an escort to her mother's house. 1563, p. 1076; 1570, p. 1700; 1576, pp. 1451-52; 1583, p. 1525.[Back to Top]
Together with David Woodruff, he took custody of Stephen Knight, John Laurence and William Pygot and delivered them to Newgate. 1563, p. 1112; 1570, p. 1721; 1576, p. 1469; 1583, p. 1543.
On 30 May 1555, John Cardmaker and John Warne were committed to Chester and Woodruff's custody for execution. At the stake, Chester and Woodruff called Cardmaker aside and talked with him secretly for a long time. 1563, p. 1142; 1570, p. 1751; 1576, pp. 1496-97; 1583, p. 1579.
Bradford was handed over to the sheriff of London [Chester or Woodruff] and taken to the Clink. He was then taken to the Counter in the Poultry, and it was intended that he be handed to the earl of Derby and burned in Manchester, but these original plans are altered and he was burned in London. 1563, p. 1199, 1570, pp. 1789-90, 1576, p. 1528,1583, p. 1611.[Back to Top]
Chester would weep at the death of the martyrs, whereas Woodruff would laugh. Chester was kind, whereas Woodruff would beat the condemned. 1563, p. 1215, 1570, p. 1804, 1576, p. 1540, 1583, p. 1624.
In a letter to Augustine Bernher, Bradford asked Bernher to ask Mrs Pierrpoint to ask Sheriff Chester what was planned for him. 1570, p. 1837, 1576, p. 1598, 1583, p. 1654.
Denley, Newman and Packingham were handed over to the sheriffs of London to be kept until commanded by writ to be sent to their places of execution. 1563, p. 1249, 1570, p. 1867, 1576, p. 1572, 1583, p. 1685.
William Chester was persecuted during Mary's reign for his protestant beliefs. 1563, p. 1737.
A parish in the hundred of Stoke, county of Buckingham. One mile north from Windsor, 23 miles west by south from London.
Chiefly distinguished for its public school. The site upon which the college stands is said to be extraparochial. The college was founded by Henry VI in 1440; the original foundation was for a provost, ten priests, six clerks, six choristers, 25 poor grammar scholars, a master and 25 almsmen.
The living is a rectory in the peculiar jurisdiction and incumbency of the Provost.
English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)
Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)
The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.[Back to Top]
MarginaliaAn.no 1554. February.would consent, he would agree to the other, otherwise he would not he sayd consent to the setting forth of the same, nor euer weare the cap, as in deede he neuer did.
To proceede now further in describing the doinges of this man, during the time while he remayned prysoner in Newgate, MarginaliaProuision by M. Rogers for the prisoners.he was to the prisoners beneficiall and liberall, for whome he had thus deuised, that he with his fellowes should haue but one meale a day, they paying notwythstanding, for the charges of the whole: the other meale should be geuen to them that lacked on the other side of the prison. But MarginaliaAlexander Andrew Gayler of Newgate compared to Alexander the Copersmith.Alexander their keeper, a strait man, and a right Alexander, a Copersmith in deede, of whose doings more shall be said God willing hereafter, would in no case suffer that. The Sonday before he suffered, he dronke to M. Hooper (beeing then vnderneath him) and bad them commende him vnto him, and tell him, there was neuer little fellow better would sticke to a man then hee woulde sticke to him, presupposing they should both be burned together, although it hapned otherwise, for M. Rogers was burnt alone. And thus much briefly concerning the life and such actes of M. Rogers, as I thought worthy noting.[Back to Top]
The account of Rogers's execution which was printed in the 1563 edition was replaced by a more detailed account in the 1570 edition.
doctrine, and his euill opinion of the Sacrament of the aulter. M. Rogers answered and sayd: that which I haue preached, I will seale with my bloud. Then quoth maister MarginaliaThe word of Master Woodrofe to M. Rogers.Woodrofe, thou art an hereticke. That shall be knowne, quoth Rogers, at the day of iudgement. Well, quoth mayster Woodrofe, I will neuer pray for thee.
See the case of Frith.
I.e., Psalm 51. This psalm was traditionally recited by the condemned at theirexecutions.
The 51st Psalm: this was repeated by Dr. Taylor, and by Hunter. Psalm 106 was used by Wolsey and Pygot, and Psalms 106, 107, 108, by Philpot.
Simon Renard, the imperial ambassador, reported in a letter written the day after Rogers's execution, that some of the spectators wept, while others prayed to God on the martyr's behalf (C.S.P. Spanish, XIII, p. 138).
Foxe is concerned to emphasize the stoicism of one of his martyrs. On the polemical importance of the stoicism of the martyrs, see Collinson (1983) and Freeman (1997). Foxe will tell a very similar anecdote about the martyr Rawlins White.
Much of the material for the life and martyrdom of Saunders had already appeared in the Rerum, including the narratives of Saunders' early life and background (although the details of Saunders' apprenticeship to Sir William Chester were only added in the second edition of the Acts and Monuments), Saunders' preaching in Northampton, his journey to London, his encounter with Sir John Mordaunt, Saunders' arrest, interrogations by Bishop Bonner and then Bishop Gardiner and his imprisonment in Newgate (Rerum, pp. 404-08). Unusually, most of the letters which Foxe mingles in with his narrative of the martyr's life also first appeared in the Rerum. The account of Saunders' visit from his wife in Newgate and his impassioned defence of the validity of his marriage and the legitimacy of his son are also in the Rerum (pp. 412-13). Saunders' examination, the anecdotes of his journey to Coventry to be executed and the details of his execution are also related in the Rerum, pp. 413-18). Most, if not all, of this material was probably gathered by Edmund Grindal's team and was almost certainly drawn, in whole or in part, from Laurence's widow Joan and the martyr's friend Lucy Harrington, who were both in living in Frankfurt (Garrett, Marian Exiles, pp. 144-7).[Back to Top]
In 1563, Foxe added details to the Rerum narrative: his description of themartyrs's diligent study and prayer, the names of Sanders' benefices, his friends and family trying to protect him in Mary's reign and his refusal to flee the country. He also added more letters of Saunders and the comparison of Saunders to Henry Pendleton. All of this indicates that on his return to England, Foxe did some further research on Saunders.[Back to Top]
In the 1570 edition, Foxe added the details of Saunders' apprenticeship to Sir William Chester (this story, which was very favourable to Chester, was probably supplied to Foxe by Chester) and the letters of Edward Saunders to his brother. Some verses and letters of Saunders were also deleted from the account of Saunders in this edition. The account of Saunders remained unaltered in the third and fourth editions of the Acts and Monuments.[Back to Top]
Some of the glosses in this section lead the reader towards an appreciation of the other-worldliness and strength of faith inherent in the act of martyrdom ('M. Saunders in prison, till he was in prison'; 'Saunders godly bequest to his wife'; 'Experience of the comfortes of Christ in prison'). The effect of this can be paradoxical, with prison being a genuine comfort to the spiritually minded. This pious, Christ-like turning the world upside-down finds its parodic twin in the characterisation of the papists and popery. Thus Bonner, in line with previous conduct, is so perverse as to see preaching the truth as treason ('Preaching of Gods word, made treason with Bishop Boner'). A nearby gloss reinforces Foxe's characterisation of him as intemperate by describing him as seeking Saunders' blood. Elsewhere, and again building on an established typology, a gloss ('He meaneth peraduenture when the Sanctus is singing for then the Organs pipe merely and that may giue some Comfort') bemoans the sensuality of the mass.[Back to Top]
The attacks on Gardiner focus on the contrast between his conduct under Mary and under her father ('A priuy nippe to Winchester'; 'Winchesters booke de vera obedientia'). This is behaviour implicitly contrasted with Saunders' constancy, which the marginal glosses emphasise ('The constant minde of a christian souldiour'; 'M, Saunders would haue no suite made for him'). There are examples of the cruelty and use of force by the catholic authorities ('Note how Winchester confuteth M. Saunders'; 'M. Saunders wife not suffered to speake with him in prison'). Saunders' constancy and his indifference to worldly pain or pleasure are ascribed to his humility and thus to his reliance on divine grace ('A notable example of the Lord comforting his seruauntes in their troubles'; 'Strength to stād in Christ, commeth not of our selues, but it is the gift of God'). The gloss 'M. Saunders put in the common gayle in Couentrye' gives a hint of a Christ-like or apostolic bearing on Saunders' part. There are also references emphasising conscience as a source of resolution and (religious) resistance ('Argument. Conscience ought neuer to stand vpon things vncertaine. Tyme and authoritye be thinges of themselues alwayes vncertayne: Ergo, conscience ought neuer to stand vpon tyme and authoritye'; 'To liue as the Scripture leadeth vs, is not to liue as we list').[Back to Top]
The shift from the previous book towards narrative and the reproduction of epistles led Foxe to increase the number of glosses referring to scriptural passages; many of these are erroneous either in terms of their variation across editions or their accuracy as scriptural references. Errors of positioning of notes also occur in this section, with the 1570 edition as usual being the most accurate.[Back to Top]
there profited in knowledge, and learning very much for that time: shortly after that, he did forsake the Vniuersitie, and went to his parents, vpon whose aduise he minded to become a Merchaunt, for that his mother was a Gentlewoman of good estimation, being left a widdow, and hauing a good portion for him among his other brethren, she thought to set him vp welthely, and so he comming vp to London, MarginaliaM. Saunders first bound prētise with M. Chester.was bound prentise with a Marchaunt, named Sir William Chester (who afterward chanced to be Sheriffe of London the same yeare that Saunders was burned at Couentry.) Thus by the minde of his frends Laurence should needes haue bene a Marchant, but almighty God which hath his secret working in all things, saw better for his seruant, as it fell out in the end, for although that Saunders was bound by fast indenture to play the Marchant, yet the Lord so wrought inwardly in his hart, that he could find no liking in that vocation: so that when hys other fellowes were busily occupied about that kinde of trade, he would secretly withdraw himselfe into some priuy corner, and there fall into his solitary lamentations, as[Back to Top]