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1419 [1394]

Q. Mary. A letter of D. Cranmer, Thinges done in the first yeare of Q. Mary.

Marginalia1554. Aprill. these few lynes here I write vnto you: and that I did make this request vnto you by this my writing, knowe ye that I dyd take witnes of thē by whō I dyd sende you this writyng, & also of those which were thē with thē present, videlicet, the two Bayliffes of Oxford, and of master Irishe Alderman, then there called to be a witnes.

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By me Nicholas Ridley. 23. of April,
Ann. 1554.

¶ The copie of the Archb. of Canter. letters to the Counsaile, sent by Doctour Weston, who refused to deliuer them.  
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Foxe inserted the letter which Cranmer wrote and which Weston failed to deliver, together with a letter from Ridley to Cranmer (See textual variant 73). Cranmer's letter was first printed by Henry Bull in LM, pp. 16-17 and was presumably uncovered by Bull's research. (This would suggest that copies of the letter circulated among the Marian protestants, as Bull had no access to Privy Council records. A copy of the letter, made by Bull, is ECL MS 260, fol. 15r).

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MarginaliaThe Archb writeth to the Counsell. I N right humble wise sheweth vnto your honourable Lordshippes Thomas Cranmer late Archbishop of Canterburye, beseechyng the same to be a meanes for me vnto the Queenes highnes for her mercy and pardon. Some of you know by what meanes I was brought and trayned vnto the wyll of our late soueraigne Lorde kyng Edwarde the sixt, and what I spake against the same: wherein I referre me to the reportes of your honours & woorshyps. Furthermore this is to signifie vnto your Lordshippes, that vppon Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday last paste, were open disputations here in Oxford agaynst me, maister Ridley, and master Latimer, in three matters concernyng the Sacrament: First of the reall presence, secondly of transubstantiation, and thyrdly of the sacrifice of the Masse: vppon Monday against me, vpon Tuesday against Doctour Ridley, and vpon Wednesday against maister Latimer. Howe the other two were ordered, I knowe not, for we were separated, so that none of vs knoweth what the other saide, nor how they were ordered. But as concernyng my selfe I can report. Doct. Chadsey was appoynted to dispute against me, but the disputation was so confused, that I neuer knewe the like, euery man bringing foorth what hym liked, without order, and such haste was made, MarginaliaThe Archb. not suffered to aunswere fully to any argument. that no answeare could be suffered to be taken fully to any argument, before an other brought a newe argument: and in such weightye matters the disputation must needes be ended in one day, which can scantly well be ended in three monethes. And when we had answeared them, they would not appoint vs one day to bryng forth our proufes, that they might answeare vs, being required by me therunto, wheras I my selfe haue more to say then can be well discussed, as I suppose in twenty dayes. The meanes to resolue the truth, had bene to haue suffered vs to answeare fully to all that they coulde say, and then they againe to answeare vs fully to all that we can say. But why they woulde not answeare vs, what other cause can there be, but that eyther they feared their matter, that they were not able to answeare vs, or els for some consideration they made such hast, not to seeke the truth, but to condemne vs, that it must be done in post haste before the matters could be throughly heard: for in all haste we were al three condemned of heresie. MarginaliaHast made in condemning the Archb. and his fellowes. Thus much I thought good to signifie vnto your lordships, that you may knowe the indifferent handling of matters, leauyng the iudgement thereof vnto your wisedomes. And I beseeche your Lordships to remember me a poore prisoner vnto the Queenes maiestie, and I shal pray, as I do dayly, vnto God for the long preseruation of your good Lordships in all godlynes and felicitie. Aprill. 23.

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¶ Doctour Ridley to the Archbishop of Canterbury,  
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The source for the letter from Ridley to Cranmer is problematic; this letter is not in the Rerum, 1563 or in LM. A possible source was Cranmer's family; Thomas Norton, Cranmer's son-in-law, was Foxe's friend.

MarginaliaB. Ridley wryteth to the Archbyshop. I Wishe ye might haue sene these myne answeares before I had deliuered them, that ye might haue corrected them. But I trust in the substaunce of the matter we doo agree fully, both lead by one spirite of truth, and both walking after one rule of Gods woorde. It is reported that Sergeant Morgan MarginaliaThis Iustice Morgan gaue sentence agaynst Lady Iane. the chief Iustice of the common place is gon madde. It is said also that Iustice Hales hath recanted, peruerted by D. Moreman. Item, that M. Rogers, Doct. Crōe, & M. Bradford shal be had to Cābridge, MarginaliaDisputation in Cambridge intēded.& there be disputed with as we were here, & þt the doctors of Oxford shall go likewise thyther, as Cambridge men came hyther. When ye haue read myne answeares, sende them againe to Austen, except ye wyl put any thing to thē. I trust the day of our deliuery out of al miseries, & of our entrance into perpetual rest, and vnto perpetuall ioye and felicitie draweth nie: the Lord strength vs with his mighty spirite of grace. If you haue not to write with, you must make your man your frende. And this bearer deserueth to be rewarded, so he may & wyl do you pleasure. My man is trusty, but it greeueth both hym and me, that when I send him with any thing to you, your man wyl not let hym come vp to see you, as he may to M. Latimer, & yours to me. I haue a promise to see

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how my answeres were written in the schooles, but as yet I can not come by it. Pray for me, I pray you, and so shall I for you. The Lord haue mercy of his church, and lightē the eyes of the Magistrates, that Gods extreme plagues light not of this Realme of England.

Turne, or burne.

These disputations being thus discoursed and ended, which were at Oxford in the moneth of April, as is aforesaid: now let vs returne againe to þe prosecuting of our story, touchyng other thinges likewise that happened in other parties of the Realme, in this tumultuous tyme of queene Mary. And because thynges that happened in that tyme, were so many & diuers, that it is hard to keepe a perfect order in recityng thē al: to the entent therfore to insert things leaft out before, or els to prosecute the same more at full, we haue thought here a litle to interrupt the order of tyme (albeit not much) returnyng againe to the moneth of Iuly the yeare before, videlicet. 1553.  

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Block 24: Political events up to Suffolk's death

The Oxford disputations were the last section of Book 10 that had any basis in the Rerum. All of the remaining narrative in this book was researched and composed in the period 1559 - 1570 from a medley of sources, mostly oral informants, chronicles and official documents. The very nature of these sources meant that Foxe's acquisition of them was relatively unplanned and somewhat chaotic.

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The section on events in the first year of Mary's reign provides a classic example of how the later editions (to say nothing of the Victorian editions) conceal the sources and development of the Acts and Monuments. In every edition there are a few introductory sentences in which Foxe apologises for breaking the chronological order of his narrative to include further material on the first year of Mary's reign (1563, p. 1000; 1570, p. 1634; 1576, p. 1394; 1583, p. 1465). This was because new material reached him during the printing of the 1563 edition which he inserted into the text as he acquired it.

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In the which moneth of Iuly I shewed before how the Duke of Northumberland was apprehended by the Garde, and brought to London by the Earle of Arundel and other Lords & Gentlemen appoynted for that purpose on S. Iames day, being the. xxv. day of Iuly, and so to the Tower, where they remained. 
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This material was a list of events about the reimposition of catholicism in Cambridge and London (1563, pp. 1000-01). The source for this was a journal or chronicle, now lost, by a source who was well informed about events in Cambridge. The London material either came from him or was added by Foxe from other sources. (The evidence suggests, however, that there was a single source for the London material; it is noticeable that all the London events take place in the area of Cheapside).

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Almost all of this material was retained in later editions - the exception being which was very probably dropped because it depicted protestants as coming very close to sedition in their opposition to Mary - but this material was broken up and scattered (in chronological order) among new information which was added in the 1570 edition. This information was drawn largely from a London chronicle (or chronicles) now lost. Foxe printed this source en bloc, resulting in a great deal of repetition of events already discussed, irrelevancies (it was simpler to reprint than select and edit this material), inconsistencies (especially in dates) and inaccuracies. Foxe never reworked this material or tried to integrate it with the earlier political narrative in Book 10. This relative neglect, contrasted with the laborious editorial care devoted to the Oxford disputations, clearly demonstrates Foxe's editorial priorities.

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Among the many repetitions is a notice of Gilbert Bourne's Paul's Cross sermon of 13 August 1553 (1570, p. 1634; 1576, p. 1394; 1583, p. 1465). (Incidentally, the date of the sermon is given as 13 August earlier in Foxe - 1570, p. 1570; 1576, p. 1339; 1583, p. 1397 - and as 11 August here. This is one of a number of cases where Foxe reprinted differing dates for events by different sources and never bothered to correct, or apparently even to check, them).

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It is also worth observing that notes in the different editions direct the reader to the account of Bourne's sermon given earlier in Foxe. But in 1583, the note directs the reader to page 1339, which is the correct page in the 1576, not the 1583, edition. (The correct page in the 1583 edition is page 1397). This failure to revise the cross-references is a recurring problem in the 1583 edition.

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Among other repetitions in this section of Book 10 are a description of Mary's proclamation against heretical books (1570, p. 1634; 1576, p. 1395; 1583, p. 1465) already printed in 1563, pp. 903-04; 1570, p. 1570; 1576, p. 1338; 1583, pp. 1408-09, and a new account of the executions of Northumberland, Gates and Palmer (1570, 1634; 1576, p. 1395; 1583, p. 1465) already described in 1563, p. 902; 1570, p. 1569; 1576, p. 1338; 1583, p. 1408. One cause of numerous repetitions was Foxe's introduction of material from the Privy Council Register into the 1583 edition. In many cases, Foxe had already related the incident, drawing it from other sources. Thus, for example, Foxe had a notice of John Bradford, Thomas Becon and Jean Veron being sent to the Tower in 1570, p. 1634; 1576, p. 1394; 1583, p. 1465) when he added another notice of this to 1583, p. 1497 [recte 1409], based on APC IV, p. 321.

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These be the names of them which were committed to the Tower with the Duke.

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Commentary on the Glosses  *  Close
Political Events up to Suffolk's Death

The glosses here are less directly adversarial than they were during the disputations. Many of them describe political events, others deal with arraignments, imprisonments and pardons. The move from the debating chamber has not stopped Foxe's willingness to criticise procedure, though now it is illegality rather than indecorum that he attacks; it is perhaps significant that shortly after the account of the repeal of Edward VI's laws, Foxe reports and highlights the case of a Canterbury priest who repented saying Mass: the implication is perhaps that beyond the law, conscience must be heard. The shift to narrative also encourages Foxe to emphasize some providential signs in the glosses, as with the strange sights preceding Phillip's arrival and the satisfactorily horrible death of the 'murtherer' Thornton. This may be contrasted with the noble and godly death of Suffolk, whose virtuous deportment is cued by a series of glosses. It is worth noting that the last gloss contains further and more accurate information than the text, yet it was not edited into the main text after 1570. Other glosses provide examples of errors.

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MarginaliaThe names of them that were committed to the Tower with the Duke of Northumberland.First, the Earle of Warwike, the Earle of Hūtington, Lord Ambrose, & Lord Henry Dudley, Lord Hastinges, who was deliuered againe the same night, sir Ioh. Gates, sir Henry Gates, sir Andrew Dudley, sir Tho. Palmer, and D. Sandes Chauncelour of Cambridge.

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The. xxvi. day the Lord Marques of Northamptō, the bish. of Lōdon, Lord Robert Dudley, & sir Richard Corbet were brought and committed to the Tower.

The. xxvij. day the Lord chiefe Iustice of England, & the Lord Mountacute chiefe Iustice of the common place, were committed to the Tower.

Vpon the Fryday being the. xxviij. of Iuly, the Duke of Suffolke, and sir Iohn Cheeke were committed to the Tower.

The. xxx. of Iuly, the Lord Russel was committed to the Sheriffe of Londons custody.

The. xxxi. day the Earle of Rutland was committed to the Fleete.

MarginaliaThe Duke of Suffolke deliuered out of the Tower.Vpon the monday the last of Iuly, the Duke of Suffolke was deliuered out of the Tower againe.

Vpon thursday the third of August, the queene entred into the citie of London at Algate, & so to the Tower, wher she remayned seuen dayes, and then remoued to Richmond.

Vpon friday the fourth day, doct. Day was deliuered out of the Fleete.

Vpon saterday the v. day, the Lord Feries was committed to the Tower, and the same day D. Boner was deliuered out of the Marshalsey. MarginaliaBoner set at libertie. The same day at night D. Cockes was cōmitted to the Marshalsey, and one master Edward Vnderhyl to Newgate. Also the same day doctor Tonstall & Ste. Gardiner were deliuered out of the Tower, and Gardiner receiued into the queenes priuie Counsaile, and made Lord Chancelor.

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Vpon Sonday the. vij. day, Henry Dudley captaine of the Garde at Guines, which before had ben sent to the French kyng by his cosin the Duke of Northumberland, after the dispatche of his ambassage wyth the French king, returned to Guines, and so was taken, and this day brought to the Tower.

Vppon Monday the. seuēth day of August, Dirige in Latine was song within the Tower by all the Kynges Chappel, and the bishop of Winchester was chiefe minister, wherat was present the Queene, and the most part of the Counsaile.

MarginaliaKyng Edwardes body buryed.Vppon Tuesday the. viij. day of August, the kinges body was brought to Westminster, and there buryed, where D. Day Bishop of Chichester preached. The same day a Masse of Requiem was song within the Tower, by the bishop of Winchester, who had on his Miter, & did al thinges as in tymes past was done, at whiche Masse the Queene was present.

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Vpon thursday the Duke of Northfolke came forth of the Tower, with whom the Duches of Somerset was also deliuered this thursday.

Vpon sonday the. xi. of August, Doctor Bourne preached at Paules Crosse, of the whiche sermon reade before, pag. 1339.

In the weeke folowing, commaundement was geuen throughout the citie, that no Prentises should come to the sermon, nor weare any knife or dagger.

Vpon the wednesday, being the. xvi. daye of August,

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