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Edward Vaughan

Captain of Portsmouth in 1547

Stephen Gardiner wrote to Edward Vaughan, asking him to help to dissuade people in the town from continuing to destroy images in the churches. 1563, pp. 728-29; 1570, p. 1522; 1576, pp. 1297-98; 1583, pp. 1340-41.

 
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Henry Bickley

(1502/3 - 1570) [Bindoff]

Mayor of Portsmouth (1539 - 40, 1546 - 47, 1551 - 52); MP Portsmouth 1553

Stephen Gardiner wrote to Edward Vaughan, Henry Bickley and the king's chief ministers asking for help to dissuade people in the town from continuing to destroy images in the churches. 1563, pp. 728-29; 1570, p. 1522; 1576, pp. 1297-98; 1583, pp. 1340-41.

 
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Sir Anthony Wingfield

(ante 1488 - 1552) [ODNB; Bindoff]

Soldier, administrator. MP Suffolk 1529, 1539, 1542, 1547; MP Horsham 1545; JP Suffolk (1510 - death); sheriff Norfolk and Suffolk (1515 - 16); privy councillor (1539 - death)

Vice-chamberlain (1539 - 50); captain of the guard 1539; comptroller of the royal household (1550 - 52)

Sir Anthony Wingfield attended the examination of John Marbeck. When Marbeck was returned to the Marshalsea, Wingfield ordered that he be treated kindly and that his money be protected. 1570, p. 1390; 1576, p. 1186; 1583, p. 1214.

Wingfield was one of the signatories of the letter of the council addressed to Thomas Cranmer ordering the abolishing of images in all churches in the archdiocese. 1563, p. 692; 1570, p. 1490; 1576, p. 1263; 1583, p. 1300.

He was a signatory to a letter from the council to the bishops, instructing them to administer communion in two kinds. 1570, p. 1491; 1576, p. 1264; 1583, p. 1301.

Stephen Gardiner preached a sermon contrary to the king's injunctions. He was arrested and taken to the Tower by Sir Anthony Wingfield and Sir Ralph Sadler; Sadler and William Hunnings were instructed to seal off doors to his house. He was transferred to the Fleet. 1563, pp. 728, 760; 1570, pp. 1521, 1529; 1576, pp. 1297, 1304; 1583, pp. 1340, 1353-54.

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Anthony Wingfield was a deponent in the case of Stephen Gardiner. 1563, pp. 804-5

After Edmund Bonner was sentenced to prison and deprived of his bishopric, the king appointed Lord Rich, Henry marquess of Dorset, Thomas Goodrich, Lord Wentworth, Sir Anthony Wingfield, Sir William Herbert, Nicholas Wotton, Edward Montague, Sir John Baker, Judge Hales, John Gosnold, John Oliver and Griffith Leyson to examine his documents. They confirmed the sentence against him. 1563, p. 725; 1570, p. 1519; 1576, pp. 1287-88; 1583, p. 1330.

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The king sent Richard Lord Rich, Sir Anthony Wingfield and Sir William Petre to his sister, Lady Mary, to ensure she and her household complied with the new laws on religion. 1576, pp. 1296-97; 1583, pp. 1338-39.

 
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Sir Ralph Sadler

(1507 - 87) [ODNB; Bindoff]

Diplomat, administrator; Cromwell's secretary; MP Hindon 1536 ; MP Middlesex 1539; MP Hertfordshire 1542, 1553, 1559, 1563, 1571, 1572, 1584, 1586; MP Preston 1545; JP Hertfordshire, Gloucestershire

Privy councillor (1540 - 53, 1566 - 87); principal secretary (1540 - 43); king's secretary to Henry VIII; treasurer (1544 - 53)

After the Act of Supremacy, Henry VIII attempted to improve relations with other monarchs by sending ambassadors. Sir Ralph Sadler was sent to James V, king of the Scots. Upon gaining an audience with the king, he delivered an oration. 1570, p. 1218; 1576, pp. 1043-44; 1583, pp. 1070-71.

When Thomas Cromwell was imprisoned in the Tower, Sir Ralph Sadler remained loyal to him and took a letter from him to the king. 1570, p. 1361; 1576, p. 1162; 1583, p. 1190.

Stephen Gardiner preached a sermon contrary to the king's injunctions. He was arrested and taken to the Tower by Sir Anthony Wingfield and Sir Ralph Sadler; Sadler and William Hunnings were instructed to seal off doors to his house. He was transferred to the Fleet. 1563, pp. 728, 760; 1570, pp. 1521, 1529; 1576, pp. 1297, 1304; 1583, pp. 1340, 1353-54.

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Ralph Sadler was a deponent in the case of Stephen Gardiner. 1563, p. 806

Ralph Sadler was one of the signatories to the proclamation against Edward Seymour calling for his removal. 1570, p. 1547; 1576, p. 1318; 1583, p. 1368.

 
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Thomas Cranmer

(1489 - 1556) [ODNB]

BA Cambridge 1511; MA 1515; archbishop of Canterbury (1533 - 56); burnt in 1556

Cranmer acknowledged the help he received from John Frith's book attacking the doctrine of Sir Thomas More. 1563, p. 500; 1570, p. 1176; 1576, p. 1006; 1583, p. 1033.

Thomas Cranmer, John Stokesley, Edward Carne, William Benet and the earl of Wiltshire were sent as ambassadors to the pope to dispute the matter of the king's marriage. 1570, p. 1280; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, p. 1121.

Cranmer's separation of the king and Queen Catherine was authorised by parliament. 1570, p. 1197; 1576, p. 1025; 1583, p. 1053.

Elizabeth Barton prophesied that if the king divorced Queen Catherine and married Anne Boleyn, he would not reign more than a month thereafter. Through the efforts of Cranmer, Cromwell and Latimer, she was condemned and executed with some of her supporters. 1570, p. 1199; 1576, p. 1026; 1583, pp. 1054-55.

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The archbishop of Canterbury (Cranmer), along with the bishops of London (Stokesley), Winchester (Gardiner), Bath and Wells (Clerk) and Lincoln (Longland) and other clergy went to see Queen Catherine. She failed to attend when summoned over 15 days, and they pronounced that she and the king were divorced. 1570, p. 1200; 1576, p. 1027; 1583, p. 1055.

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Cranmer was godfather to Princess Elizabeth. 1563, p. 510; 1570, p. 1199; 1576, p. 1026; 1583, p. 1054.

Cranmer was one of the subscribers to the Bishops' Book. 1570, p. 1211; 1576, p. 1037; 1583, p. 1064.

Cranmer attended a synod in 1537 with other bishops and learned men and with Thomas Cromwell as vicar-general. Cranmer opposed retaining the seven sacraments. He gave an oration to the bishops. 1563, p. 594; 1570, p. 1351; 1576, p. 1153; 1583, p. 1182.

On the second day of the synod, Thomas Cranmer sent his archdeacon to command Alexander Alesius to cease from disputation. 1570, p. 1353; 1576, p. 1155; 1583, p. 1184.

John Lambert attended a sermon preached by John Taylor at St Peter's in London in 1538. Lambert put ten articles to him questioning transubstantiation. Taylor conferred with Robert Barnes, who persuaded Taylor to put the matter to Archbishop Cranmer. Cranmer called Lambert into open court, where he was made to defend his cause. 1563, pp. 532-33; 1570, pp. 1280-81; 1576, p. 1095; 1583, p. 1121.

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Cranmer disputed with Lambert at his trial before the king. 1563, pp. 534-35; 1570, p. 1282; 1576, pp. 1096-97; 1583, p. 1122.

Thomas Cranmer alone disputed the Six Articles in parliament. 1570, p. 1298; 1576, p. 1110; 1583, p. 1136.

The king sent Thomas Cromwell and the dukes of Norfolk and Suffolk to dine with Cranmer to reassure him after his opposition to the Six Articles. 1570, p. 1298; 1576, p. 1111; 1583, p. 1136.

Henry asked for a summary of Cranmer's objections to the Six Articles. Cranmer asked his secretary to write up a copy of his arguments against the Six Articles to give to the king.1570, p. 1355; 1576, p. 1157; 1583, p. 1185.

Adam Damplip was brought before Thomas Cranmer, Stephen Gardiner, Richard Sampson and others and examined. The next day, warned by Cranmer that he was likely to be imprisoned and burnt, he fled to the West Country. 1563, p. 657; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1194; 1583, p. 1224.

Thomas Broke, Ralph Hare, James Cocke and James Barber were sent from Calais with their accusers to England to be examined by Cranmer, Gardiner, Sampson and other bishops. 1563, p. 661; 1570, p. 1401; 1576, p. 1195; 1583, p. 1224.

King Henry wrote to Archbishop Cranmer, ordering that idolatrous images be removed from churches. 1563, p. 625; 1570, p. 1385; 1576, p. 1181; 1583, p. 1210.

For a long period, Henry VIII denied his daughter Mary the title of princess. Thomas Cranmer urged a reconciliation. 1570, p. 1565; 1576, p. 1335; 1583, p. 1396.

When Claude d'Annebault, the French ambassador, went to see Henry VIII at Hampton Court, lavish entertainment was laid on for him, but he was recalled before he had received half of it. During the course of the banquet, he had private conversation with the king and Archbishop Cranmer about the reform of religion in the two countries. 1570, p. 1426; 1576, p. 1215; 1583, p. 1245.

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Cranmer had sent letters for Henry VIII to sign relating to reform in the church. Gardiner convinced the king that these reforms would jeopardise a league with the king of France and the emperor, so the letters were never signed. 1570, p. 1426; 1576, p. 1215; 1583, p. 1245.

The young Prince Edward wrote letters in Latin to Thomas Cranmer, his godfather. 1570, p. 1564; 1576, p. 1334; 1583, p. 1395.

Cranmer praised the learning and wisdom of Prince Edward to his tutor, Richard Coxe. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Richard Coxe wrote to Thomas Cranmer, praising the young Prince Edward. 1570, p. 1564; 1576, p. 1334; 1583, p. 1395.

When King Henry was on his deathbed, Anthony Denny asked him if he wished a spiritual adviser, and he asked for Thomas Cranmer. Before Cranmer could arrive, however, the king had lost the power of speech. He clasped Cranmer's hand, and shortly after died. 1570, p. 1477; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1290.

After the death of Henry VIII, the duke of Suffolk related to Thomas Cranmer how Stephen Gardiner had nearly been arrested at the time of the execution of Germaine Gardiner. 1570, p. 1477; 1576, p. 1253; 1583, p. 1290.

Cranmer had great difficulty in getting King Edward to sign Joan Bocher's death warrant. 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Charles V requested of Edward VI that his cousin Mary Tudor be allowed to have the mass said in her house. The request was denied, in spite of the strong urgings of Thomas Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley. 1563, p. 884; 1570, p. 1484; 1576, p. 1258; 1583, p. 1295.

Thomas Dobbe was brought before Cranmer, who committed him to the Counter, where he died. 1563, p. 685; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

Edward VI's councillors and Edward Seymour wrote to Thomas Cranmer, directing that candles no longer be carried on Candlemas, nor palms on Palm Sunday, nor should ashes be used on Ash Wednesday. Cranmer immediately wrote to all the other bishops to inform them of the new directive. 1563, pp. 685, 691; 1570, p. 1486; 1576, p. 1260; 1583, p. 1297.

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The council wrote further to Cranmer ordering the abolishing of images in all churches in the archdiocese. He wrote to Edmund Bonner, directing him to carry out the order in London. 1563, p. 692; 1570, p. 1490; 1576, p. 1263; 1583, p. 1300.

Cranmer, with other learned bishops and learned men, was appointed to draw up a uniform order of common prayer. 1570, p. 1491; 1576, p. 1264; 1583, p. 1301.

Stephen Gardiner wrote to Thomas Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley while imprisoned in the Fleet. 1563, pp. 732-54; 1570, p. 1522; 1576, p. 1297; 1583, p. 1340.

Thomas Cranmer, archbishop of Canterbury, Nicholas Ridley, bishop of Rochester, Sir William Petre, Sir Thomas Smith and William May, dean of St Paul's, were commissioned to examine Edmund Bonner. 1563, p. 697; 1570, p. 1504; 1576, p. 1275; 1583, p. 1312.

Bonner was summoned to appear before the commissioners. He behaved haughtily, ridiculing his accusers and the commissioners, and spoke in favour of the mass. He appeared first on 10 September 1549 before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir William Petre and William May. Sir Thomas Smith was absent. 1563, pp. 698-99; 1570, pp. 1504-06; 1576, pp. 1275-77; 1583, pp. 1312-14.

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Bonner appeared for the second time on 13 September before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir William Petre, Sir Thomas Smith and William May and was further examined. 1563, pp. 699-704; 1570, pp. 1506-08; 1576, pp. 1277-79; 1583, pp. 1314-17.

Bonner appeared for the third time on 16 September before Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Sir Thomas Smith and William May to answer the articles put to him at the previous session. John Hooper and William Latymer also appeared in order to purge themselves against the slanders of Bonner. 1563, pp. 704-709; 1570, pp. 1508-11; 1576, pp. 1279-80; 1583, pp. 1317-22.

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Bonner appeared before the commissioners for the fourth time on 18 September, at which session new articles were drawn up and new witnesses received. 1563, pp. 704-710; 1570, pp. 1508-12; 1576, pp. 1279-81; 1583, pp. 1317-22.

Bonner appeared for the fifth time before the commissioners on 20 September. During an interval, he instructed Gilbert Bourne, his chaplain, Robert Warnington, his commissary, and Robert Johnson, his registrar, to tell the mayor and aldermen of London to avoid reformed preachers. Bonner made his first appellation to the king. As a result of his behaviour during the proceedings, he was committed to the Marshalsea. 1563, pp. 713-717; 1570, pp. 1513-16; 1576, pp. 1282-85; 1583, pp. 1324-26.

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Bonner appeared for the sixth time before the commissioners on 23 September, when he presented a general recusation against all the commissioners and a second appellation to the king. A letter was read from Bonner to the mayor of London, Henry Amcottes, and aldermen. 1563, pp. 717-18; 1570, p. 1516; 1576, p. 1285; 1583, pp. 1326-27.

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Bonner' seventh appearance before the commissioners took place on 1 October. He presented a declaration, an appellation and a supplication to the king. The commissioners pronounced their sentence definitive. Bonner was imprisoned and deprived of his office. 1563, pp. 718-26; 1570, pp. 1516-19; 1576, pp. 1285-88; 1583, pp. 1327-30.

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Cranmer was a signatory to a letter from the king and privy council to Nicholas Ridley, directing him to remove and destroy all altars within the churches of his diocese and install communion tables. 1563, p. 727; 1570, pp. 1519-20; 1576, p. 1288; 1583, p. 1331.

After Stephen Gardiner's sequestration, Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley, Thomas Goodrich, Henry Holbeach, Sir William Petre, Sir James Hales, Griffith Leyson, John Oliver and John Gosnold were commissioned to examine him. 1563, p. 776; 1570, p. 1535; 1576, p. 1309; 1583, p. 1358.

 
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William Hunnings

Clerk to the king's council

Stephen Gardiner preached a sermon contrary to the king's injunctions. He was arrested and taken to the Tower by Sir Anthony Wingfield, and Sir Ralph Sadler and William Hunnings were instructed to seal off doors to his house. 1563, p. 728; 1570, p. 1521; 1576, p. 1297; 1583, p. 1340.

Edmund Bonner appeared before the king's commissioners for the fourth time on 18 September, at which session new articles were drawn up and new witnesses received: Sir John Mason, Sir Thomas Chaloner, William Cecil, Armagil Wade and William Hunnings. 1563, pp. 704-710; 1570, pp. 1508-12; 1576, pp. 1279-81; 1583, pp. 1317-22.

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Portsmouth
Portesmouth
NGR: SU 655 010

A seaport, borough, market town and parish, having separate jurisdiction. Locally in the hundred of Portsdown, Portsdown division of the county of Hampshire. 18 miles southeast by east from Southampton. A principal naval and military base. The living is a vicarage in the Archdeaconry and diocese of Winchester. There is also a garrison chapel

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English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)

Scottish information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Scotland (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1846)

Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)

The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.

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1364 [1340]

K. Edw 6. Winchester committed to the Tower. Winchesters letter to M. Vaughan in defence of Images.

MarginaliaAnno 1550.all his seruaunts to be secretly armed and harnessed: and moreouer when such preachers as being men of godly life and learning were sent into that Dioces by his grace and Lordship to preache the worde of God, had appoynted to preach, the Bishop to disapoint and disgrace them, and to hinder his Maiesties proceedings, did occupie the Pulpit himselfe, not fearing in his Sermon to warne the people to beware of such new Preachers, and to embrace none other doctrine then that which he had taught them (then the which words none could haue bene spoken more perilous and seditious:) MarginaliaWinchester sent for againe by the Counsayle.whereupon, being eftsoones sente for, and their grace and Lordships obiecting to him many particular matters wherewith they had iust cause to charge him, they did in the end vpon his second promise leaue him at libertie, MarginaliaWynchester commanded to keepe his house.onely willing him to remaine at his house at London, because they thought it most meete to sequester him from his Dioces for a time, and beeing come to hys house, MarginaliaWynchester againe breaketh promise with the Counsayle.he began afreshe to ruffle and meddle in matters wherein he had neither Commission nor authority, parte whereof touched the Kings Maiestie: whereof being yet once againe admonished by his grace and their Lordships, he did not only promise to conforme himselfe in all things like a good subiect, but also because he vnderstoode that he was diuersly reported of, & many were also offended with him, MarginaliaWynchester promiseth to shew his conformitie openly in preaching.he offered to declare to the world his conformitie, and promised in an open Sermon so to open his minde in sondry articles agreed vpon, þt such as had ben offended, shuld haue no more cause to be offended, but well satisfied in all things: declaring further that as his own conscience was well satisfied, and liked well the Kings procedings within this Realme, so would he vtter his cōscience abroade, to the satisfaction & good quiet of others, and yet all this notwithstanding, at the daye appoynted he did not only most arrogantly and disobediētly, and that in the presence of his Maiestie, their grace and Lordships, and of such an audience, as the like wherof hath not lightly ben sene, MarginaliaWynchester in his sermō swarueth from his owne promise & the kinges commandemēt.speake of certaine matters contrary to an expresse commandement geuen to him on his Maiesties behalfe both by mouth and by letters, but also in the rest of the articles, whereunto hee had agreed before, vsed such a maner of vtteraunce as was very like euen there presently to haue sturred a greate tumult, and in certaine great matters touching the policie of the Realme, handled himselfe so colourably as therein hee shewed himselfe an open great offender & a very sedicious mā: for as much as these his procedings were of such sort, as being suffred to escape vnpunished, might breede innumerable incōueniences, & that the clemency shewed to him afore by their grace & Lordships, did worke in him no good effect, but rather a pride and boldnes to demeane himselfe more and more disobediently against his Maiestie and his graces proceedings: it was determined by their grace and Lordships that he should be committed to the Tower MarginaliaWynchester for his seditious disobedience had to the tower. and be conueyed thether by Sir Anthony Wingfield, and that at the time of his Commission Sir Rafe Sadler and William Hunnings Clerke of the Counsaile, should seale vp the dores of such places in his house as they should thinke meete: all which was done accordingly.

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By this euidence aboue mentioned, first heere is of the reader to be noted, how lewdly and disobediently the sayd Ste. Gardiner misused himselfe in the Kings generall visitation, in denying to receiue such orders and iniunctiōs, as for the which he iustly deserued much more seueare punishment. Albeit the King with his Vncle the Lord Protectour, more gently proceding with him, were contented only to make him taste the Fleete. In the which house, as his durance was not long, so his entreating and ordering was very easie. Out of the whiche Fleete diuers and sondry letters he wrote to the Lord Protectour and other of the Counsaile, certayne also to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and some to M. Ridley Bishop of London: the particulars were too lōg here to rehearse, cōsidering how this booke is so ouercharged as ye see already: and especially seeing the same be notified in our first edition sufficiently, as is aforesayd. MarginaliaFor the letters of winchester read in the booke of Actes & Monuments of the first edition, pag. 732. Wherfore omitting the rehearsall of the said letters, and referring the reader to the booke aforesayde, I will onely repeate one letter of the said Byshop, with the aunsweres of the Lord Protectour vnto the same: the contents whereof be these as followeth.

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¶ A Letter of Winchester to Mayster Vaughan. 
Commentary  *  Close

Gardiner's letter to Edward Vaughan was printed by Foxe from a lost original, and reprinted by James Muller (Letters of Stephen Gardiner (Cambridge, 1933), pp.272-6). The letter to Somerset of 28 February [1547] is similarly printed by Muller, citing Foxe as his source (pp.264-7). The same is true of his letter of 21 May, although Muller notes (p.276) that 'a sixteenth century copy of the last twelve lines is in BL, Add.MS 28,571, f.21'. Muller identifies no MS source for the letter of 6 June (pp.286-295), again quoting Foxe as his source. The letters of 10 June and 'after 12 June' concerning the homilies, are similarly reprinted by Muller from Foxe (pp.296-7, 297-8). When Gardiner wrote again to Somerset from the Fleet in October 1547, Foxe edited the version which he had in front of him. About 40% of the original survives in BL Harley MS 417, fols 84-9 (one of Foxe's manuscripts) and most of the rest in a sixteenth century copy (BL Cotton MS Vespasian D.XVIII, ff.138-45). Foxe edited a good deal out of the original, but is the only source for the last paragraph, which does not appear in the other versions. The letter which follows, whish is not dated, but which Muller ascribes to the 27 October, is again known only from Foxe's version (pp.402-10). Muller's order of printing thereafter differs from Foxe's. That appearing on pages 746-7 is dated by Muller to the 20 November, and appears on pp.419-23, while that appearing on p.748, and tentatively dated 'shortly after 4th November' appears on p.410. In each case, Foxe is used as the source, although in respect of the letter appearing on pp.748-9, it is noted that the first twelve lines can also be found in BL Add.MS 28,571, f.14. The 'certaine additions' and the 'summe and conclusyon' appear to be Foxe's own composition. The letter to Nicholas Ridley, criticising a sermon which he had preached at court, which appear here on pp.751-4, is placed by Muller in its correct chronological place (February 1547), and appears on pp.255-63. Foxe is once again the only source. The originals of Somerset's side of the correspondence do not appear to have survived at all, and no scholar has so far collected the Protector's letters. John Strype in his Ecclesiastical Memorials (London, 1809 edition), 2, p.785, prints a version of Gardiner's letter to the Protector concerning the Book of Homilies, taken from BL Cotton MSS Vespasian D. XVIII, f.139, with the comment 'I remit the reader for the rest of this letter to Winchester's ninth letter in Foxe's Acts, the former part of the letter which is now exposed to view having been by him ommitted'. Partial drafts of the same letter are to be found in Harleian MS 417, ff.8 and 9, and these appear to have been Foxe's source.

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The 'copie of a writte or evidence' which appears in the 1570 edition (p.1521) may be an edited version of a Council letter, or it may be Foxe's own work.

MarginaliaA letter of Steuē Gardiner to Captaine Vaughan.MAister Vaughan, after my right hartye commendations: In my last letters to my Lord Protectour, signifying according to the generall commaundemet by letters geuen to all Iustices of peace the state of this Shire, I declared (as I supposed true) the Shire to be in good order, quiet, & conformity, for I had not then herd of any alteratiō in this Shire which the said letters of cōmā-dement did forbid. Now of late within these two dayes I haue heard of a great and detestable (if it be true that is tolde me) innouation in the towne of Portesmouth, MarginaliaImages plucked downe at Portesmouth. where the Images of Christ and his sayntes haue bene most contemptuously pulled downe, and spitefully handled. Herein I thought good both to write to you and the Mayor, the kinges maiesties chiefe ministers, as well to know the trueth, as to consult with you for the reformation of it, to the intent I may be seene to discharge my duety, and discharging it in deede both to God and the kinges maiesty, vnder whome I am here appoynted to haue cure, and care to relieue suche as be by any wayes fallen, and preserue the rest that stand, from like daunger.

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Ye are a Gentleman with whom I haue had acquayntance and whom I know to be wise, & esteeme to haue more knowledge wisedome, and discretion, then to allow any such enormities, and therefore do the more willingly consult with you herein, with request frēdly to know of you the very truth in the matter, who be the doers, and the circumstances of it, & whether ye thinke the matter so farre gone with the multitude & whether the reproofe and disprouing of the deed, might without a further daunger be enterprised in the Pulpit or not, minding if it may sobe, to send one thether for that purpose vpon Sonday next comming, I would vse preaching as it shoulde not be occasion of anye further folly, where a folly is begun, and to a multitude perswaded in that opinion of destruction of Images, I would neuer preach. For (as scripture willeth vs) we should cast no precious stones before Hogs. MarginaliaThen were the old fathers and bishops in the primitiue Church with Epiphanius and Carolus Magnus, and all the Councell of Franckford, hogs and dogs.Such as be infected with that opinion, they be Hogs and worse then Hogs, if there be any grosser beastes then hogs be, and haue bene euer so taken, and in England they are called Lollards, who denying images, thought therewithall the craftes of paynting & grauing to be generally superfluous and nought, and agaynst Gods lawes.

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In Germany suche as maintained that opinion of destroying of Images, were accompted the dregges cast out by Luther after he had tunned all his brewinges in Christes religion, and so taken as Hogges meate. For the reproufe of whom, Luther wrote a booke specially: and I haue with myne eyes seene the Images standing in all Churches where Luther was had in estimation. For the destruction of Images contayneth an enterprise to subuert religion and the state of the worlde with it, and especially the nobilitie, who by images set forth & spread abroad to be read of al people, their linage, parentage, with remembraunce of their state and actes: and the Pursiuaunt carieth not on his brest the kinges names written in such letters as a few can spell, but such as all can read, be they neuer so rude being great knowne letters in Images of three Lyons, and three floures deluce, and other beastes holding those armes. MarginaliaWinchesters reason: The pursiuant caryeth about Saint George on horsebacke and the kinges picture: Ergo Images must stand in Churches.And he that cānot read the Scripture written about the kings great Seale, yet he can read S. George on horsebacke on the one side, and the king sitting in his maiestie on the other side, and readeth so much written in those images as if he be an honest man, he will put of his cap, and although if the Seale were broken by chaunce, he woulde and might make a candell of it, yet he woulde not be noted to haue broken the seale for that purpose, or to call it a piece of waxe onely, whilest it continueth whole. And if by reuiling of stockes and stones, in whiche matter Images be grauen, the setting of the trueth to be read in them of all men, shall be contemned: how shall suche wryting continue in honour, as is comprised in cloutes, and pitch, whereof and whereupon our bookes be made, such as few can skill of, and not the hundreth parte of the realme? MarginaliaBookes serue onely to be read and not to be kneeled vnto & worshidped: for so are they no bookes but are made Idols and are to be brokē.And if we a few that can read, because we read in one sort of letters, so priuiledged as they haue many reliefes, shal pull away the books of the rest, and would haue our letters onely in estimation, and binde all thē, shall not they haue iust cause to mistrust what is ment? And if the crosse be a trueth, and if it be true that Christ suffered, why may we not haue a writing thereof, suche as all can read, that is to say an Image? If this opinion shoulde proceede, when the kings maiestie hereafter should shew his person, his liuely image, the honour due by Gods law among such might continue, but as for the kings Standardes, his banners, his armes, shoulde hardly continue in their due reuerence for feare of Lollardes Idolatry, whiche they gather vpon scripture beastly, not onely vntruely. The scripture reprooueth false Images made of stockes and stones, and so it doth false men made of flesh and bones.

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When the Emperours mony was shewed to Christ, wherin was the image of the Emperour, Christ contemned not that Image calling it an Idoll, nor noted not that mony to be against gods law, because it had an image in it, as thogh it were against the precept of God: Thou shalt haue no grauen image, but taught thē good ciuilitie, in calling it the Emperors image, & bad thē vse the mony as it was ordered to be vsed in his right vse,

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There is no scripture that reprooueth trueth, and all Scripture reproueth falshoode. False writinges, false bookes, false Images and false men, all be nought, to be contemned and despised, as for paper, inke, parchment, stones, wood, bones A. B.

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