Thematic Divisions in Book 11
1. The Martyrdom of Rogers 2. The Martyrdom of Saunders 3. Saunders' Letters 4. Hooper's Martyrdom 5. Hooper's Letters 6. Rowland Taylor's Martyrdom 7. Becket's Image and other events 8. Miles Coverdale and the Denmark Letters 9. Bonner and Reconciliation 10. Judge Hales 11. The Martyrdom of Thomas Tomkins 12. The Martyrdom of William Hunter 13. The Martyrdom of Higbed and Causton 14. The Martyrdom of Pigot, Knight and Laurence 15. Robert Farrar's Martyrdom 16. The Martyrdom of Rawlins/Rowland White17. The Restoration of Abbey Lands and other events in Spring 155518. The Providential Death of the Parson of Arundel 19. The Martyrdom of John Awcocke 20. The Martyrdom of George Marsh 21. The Letters of George Marsh 22. The Martyrdom of William Flower 23. The Martyrdom of Cardmaker and Warne 24. Letters of Warne and Cardmaker 25. The Martyrdom of Ardley and Simpson 26. John Tooly 27. The Examination of Robert Bromley [nb This is part of the Tooly affair]28. The Martyrdom of Thomas Haukes 29. Letters of Haukes 30. The Martyrdom of Thomas Watts 31. Mary's False Pregnancy32. Censorship Proclamation 33. Our Lady' Psalter 34. Martyrdom of Osmund, Bamford, Osborne and Chamberlain35. The Martyrdom of John Bradford 36. Bradford's Letters 37. William Minge 38. James Trevisam 39. The Martyrdom of John Bland 40. The Martyrdom of Frankesh, Middleton and Sheterden 41. Sheterden's Letters 42. Examinations of Hall, Wade and Polley 43. Martyrdom of Christopher Wade 44. Nicholas Hall45. Margery Polley46. Martyrdom of Carver and Launder 47. Martyrdom of Thomas Iveson 48. John Aleworth 49. Martyrdom of James Abbes 50. Martyrdom of Denley, Newman and Pacingham 51. Martyrdom of John Newman52. Richard Hooke 53. Martyrdom of William Coker, et al 54. Martyrdom of George Tankerfield, et al 55. Martyrdom and Letters of Robert Smith 56. Martyrdom of Harwood and Fust 57. Martyrdom of William Haile 58. George King, Thomas Leyes and John Wade 59. William Andrew 60. Martyrdom of Robert Samuel 61. Samuel's Letters 62. William Allen 63. Martyrdom of Thomas Cobb 64. Martyrdom of Catmer, Streater, Burwood, Brodbridge, Tutty 65. Martyrdom of Hayward and Goreway 66. Martyrdom and Letters of Robert Glover 67. Cornelius Bungey 68. John and William Glover 69. Martyrdom of Wolsey and Pigot 70. Life and Character of Nicholas Ridley 71. Ridley and Latimer's Conference 72. Ridley's Letters 73. Life of Hugh Latimer 74. Latimer's Letters 75. Ridley and Latimer Re-examined and Executed76. More Letters of Ridley 77. Life and Death of Stephen Gardiner 78. Martyrdom of Webb, Roper and Park 79. William Wiseman 80. James Gore 81. Examinations and Martyrdom of John Philpot 82. Philpot's Letters 83. Martyrdom of Thomas Whittle, Barlett Green, et al 84. Letters of Thomas Wittle 85. Life of Bartlett Green 86. Letters of Bartlett Green 87. Thomas Browne 88. John Tudson 89. John Went 90. Isobel Foster 91. Joan Lashford 92. Five Canterbury Martyrs 93. Life and Martyrdom of Cranmer 94. Letters of Cranmer 95. Martyrdom of Agnes Potten and Joan Trunchfield 96. Persecution in Salisbury Maundrell, Coberly and Spicer 97. William Tyms, et al 98. Letters of Tyms 99. The Norfolk Supplication 100. Martyrdom of John Harpole and Joan Beach 101. John Hullier 102. Hullier's Letters 103. Christopher Lister and five other martyrs 104. Hugh Lauerocke and John Apprice 105. Katherine Hut, Elizabeth Thacknell, et al 106. Thomas Drury and Thomas Croker 107. Thomas Spicer, John Deny and Edmund Poole 108. Persecution of Winson and Mendlesam 109. Gregory Crow 110. William Slech 111. Avington Read, et al 112. Wood and Miles 113. Adherall and Clement 114. A Merchant's Servant Executed at Leicester 115. Thirteen Burnt at Stratford-le-Bow116. Persecution in Lichfield 117. Hunt, Norrice, Parret 118. Martyrdom of Bernard, Lawson and Foster 119. Examinations of John Fortune120. John Careless 121. Letters of John Careless 122. Martyrdom of Julius Palmer 123. Agnes Wardall 124. Peter Moone and his wife 125. Guernsey Martyrdoms 126. Dungate, Foreman and Tree 127. Martyrdom of Thomas More128. Examination of John Jackson129. Examination of John Newman 130. Martyrdom of Joan Waste 131. Martyrdom of Edward Sharpe 132. Four Burnt at Mayfield at Sussex 133. John Horne and a woman 134. William Dangerfield 135. Northampton Shoemaker 136. Prisoners Starved at Canterbury 137. More Persecution at Lichfield
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Person and Place Index  *  Close
John Bradford

(1510? - 1555)

Protestant divine. Martyr. Of Manchester. [DNB]

Foxe gives an account of Bradford's birth, early life and education. 1563, p. 1172, 1570, p. 1779, 1576, p. 1520 , 1583, p. 1603.

Martin Bucer exhorted Bradford to preach and join the ministry. 1563, pp. 1172-73, 1570, pp. 1779-80, 1576, p. 1520 , 1583, p. 1603.

Bradford was persuaded to enter the ministry by Ridley. Foxe provides an account of Bradford's ordination and early career under Edward. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1520, 1583, pp. 1603-04.

He was deprived under Mary. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1520, 1583, p. 1604.

On 13 August 1553 Bradford saved Bishop Bourne from a riotous crowd when the bishop preached at Paul's Cross. (1563, pp. 904-5, 1173; 1570, pp. 1570, 1780; 1576, pp. 1339, 1520; and 1583, pp. 1497 (recte 1409), 1604).

One Sunday Bradford preached at the St Mary le Bow Church in Cheapside, reproving people for their 'sedicious misdeamenour'. He was accused of sedition in 1553 and committed to the Tower. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Bradford was committed to the Tower by the privy council on 16 August 1553 together with Thomas Becon and 'M. Vernon' [Jean Veron], (1583, p 1497, (recte 1409)). Another mention of Bradford being sent to the Tower, together with Veron and Becon, on 16 August 1553 is in 1570, p. 1634; 1576, p 1395; 1583, p. 1465.

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He was sent to the King's Bench in Southwark and later to the Counter, Poultry Street, London. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Rowland Taylor was imprisoned with him in the King's Bench. Taylor told his friends that Bradford was an angel of God sent to comfort him (1563, p. 1570; 1570, p. 1696; 1576, p. 1448; 1583, p. 1521).

In a letter William Tyms wrote to 'God's faithful servants', he named his fellow prisoners in the King's Bench as Robert Ferrar, Rowland Taylor, John Philpot, John Bradford and five other Sussex men. 1570, p. 2082, 1576, p. 1795, 1583, p. 1902.

Bradford became ill whilst incarcerated. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

He received the sacrament whilst incarcerated. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Foxe gives an account of Bradford's character and behaviour. 1563, p. 1174, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Bradford was generous with his money towards fellow prisoners. 1563, p. 1174, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Foxe describes the conditions of Bradford's imprisonment. 1563, p. 1174, 1570, p. 1781, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Ridley reported to Cranmer, in a letter written in the aftermath of the Oxford disputations in April 1554, that Crome, Rogers and Bradford would be taken to Cambridge for a disputation on similar lines to that held in Oxford (1570, p. 1634; 1576, p 1394; 1583, p. 1464; not in LM). It was rumored in May 1554 that Bradford, Saunders and John Rogers would be in a disputation to be held at Cambridge (1570, p. 1639; 1576, p 1399; 1583, p. 1469). Bradford was one of the signatories to a letter of 8 May 1554 protesting against the proposed disputation. The letter is printed in 1563, pp. 1001-3; 1570, pp. 1639-41; 1576, pp. 1399-1400; 1583, pp. 1469-71.

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On 6 May 1554, John Hooper sent Robert Ferrar, John Philpot, John Bradford and Rowland Taylor a letter discussing a proposed disputation in Cambridge in which they would represent the protestants. 1570, p. 1687; 1576, p. 1440; 1583, p. 1513.

Laurence Saunders sent a letter to him and his fellow prisoners Robert Ferrar, John Philpot and Rowland Taylor (1570, pp. 1671-72; 1576, p. 1426; 1583, p. 1500).

Ferrar would have taken the sacrament if not for Bradford's intervention. 1563, p. 1174, 1570, p. 1781, 1576, p. 1521, 1583, p. 1604.

Bradford's final days and execution are described. 1563, p. 1174-75, 1570, p. 1781, 1576, pp. 1521-22, 1583, p. 1604.

Bradford was examined after the lord chancellor and his commission had finished their talk with Ferrar. 1563, p. 1185, 1570, p. 1782, 1576, p. 1522, 1583, p. 1605.

Bradford was brought to speak to Bonner by the under-marshal of the King's Bench. Talk and communication took place between the lord chancellor, Bonner and John Bradford on 22 January 1555, during which the bishop of Durham, Sir Richard Southwell, Sir Robert Rochester, and Secretary Bourne questioned Bradford's eucharistic doctrine. 1563, pp. 1185-88, 1570, pp. 1782-84, 1576, pp. 1522-23, 1583, pp. 1605-06.

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Secretary Bourne declared that Bradford had caused much trouble with letters, as had been reported to him by the earl of Derby. 1563, p. 1186, 1570, p. 1783, 1576, p. 1523, 1583, p. 1606.

Bourne asked Bradford if the letters were seditious, but Bradford claimed they were not. 1563, p. 1187, 1570, p. 1783, 1576, p. 1523, 1583, p. 1606.

The bishop of Worcester was present at this examination. 1563, p. 1187, 1570, p. 1784, 1576, p. 1523, 1583, p. 1606.

The under-marshall was called to take watch over Bradford and was told to make sure that Bradford wrote no letters. 1563, p. 1187, 1570, p. 1784, 1576, p. 1523, 1583, p. 1606.

Bradford was examined on 29 January 1555 before Bonner. 1563, pp. 1185-92, 1570, pp. 1782-87, 1576, pp. 1524-26, 1583, pp. 1607-09.

Thomas Hussey met Bradford and spoke with him after his first examination. He told him that he could organise an escape for him, and that all those who had witnessed the examination could see that they had not reason to hold Bradford, yet Bradford did not want any assistance. 1563, p. 1191, 1570, p. 1786, 1576, p. 1525, 1583, p. 1609.

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During the conversation between Hussey and Bradford, Doctor Seton entered the room, and spoke a 'long sermon of my Lord Canterbury, M. Latimer, and M, Ridley'. He acknowledged that Latimer and Ridley were not able to answer anything at all at their examinations, and that Canterbury desired to confer with Durham and others, saying that Bradford should make a like suit, to which Seton received no agreement from Bradford. Seton berated Bradford for his attitude, and claimed that Bonner could be charitable. 1563, p. 1191, 1570, p. 1786, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1609.

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Bradford was brought before Stephen Gardiner at St Mary Overy's on 29 January 1555 (1570, p. 1655; 1576, p 1412; 1583, p. 1483).

Bradford's second examination took place directly after the excommunication of John Rogers. 1563, pp. 1185, 1570, p. 1784, 1576, p. 1524, 1583, p. 1607.

Gardiner told Bradford that he would be handed over to the secular authorities if he did not follow the example of Barlow and Cardmaker. 1563, p. 1188, 1570, p. 1784, 1576, p. 1524, 1583, p. 1607.

During Bradford's second examination, Doctor Seton described Ridley and Latimer as being unable to answer anything at all at their examinations. 1570, p. 1786, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1607.

Gardiner spoke on the subject of Bradford's allegedly seditious letters, referring to a report given by the earl of Derby. Bradford claimed that he had been denied paper, pen and ink. 1563, p. 1190, 1570, p. 1786, 1576, p. 1525, 1583, p. 1609.

Bradford was taken to St Mary Overyes church and stayed there until early morning after his second examination. 1563, p. 1191, 1570, p. 1787, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1609.

Bradford's last examination took place directly after the excommunication of Laurence Saunders. 1563, pp. 1192, 1195, 1570, p. 1787, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1609.

Mr Chamberlaine told Gardiner that Bradford had served Harrington, to which Gardiner answered that Bradford deceived Harrington out of ?7, and claimed that this was why Bradford left his service. Bradford said this was slanderous. 1563, p. 1197, 1570, p. 1788, 1576, p. 1527, 1583, p. 1610.

The bishop of London referred to Bradford's letter to Mr Pendleton as proof of his heresy. A clerk named Allen then reminded Gardiner of Bradford's letters to Lancashire. 1563, p. 1197, 1570, p. 1788, 1576, p. 1527, 1583, p. 1610.

Bradford and Gardiner debated transubstantiation and Bradford denied Christ's presence in the bread and wine. The bishops and council discussed Luther, Zwingli and Oecolampadius. A bishop asked Bradford if he received Christ's body to which he said that he did not. 1563, p. 1197, 1570, p. 1789, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1611.

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In his last examination Bradford was also questioned by the bishop of Worcester. 1563, p. 1197, 1570, p. 1789, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1611.

Gardiner excommunicated Bradford. 1563, p. 1198, 1570, p. 1789, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1611.

He was excommunicated and sentenced to death by Stephen Gardiner on 30 January 1555 (1570, p. 1655; 1576, p 1412; 1583, p. 1483; also see 1570, p. 1699; 1576, p. 1450; 1583, pp. 1523-24).

Bradford was handed over to the sheriff of London and taken to the Clink. He was then taken to the Counter in the Poultry, and it was intended that he be handed to the earl of Derby and burned in Manchester, but these original plans were altered and he was burned in London. 1563, p. 1199, 1570, pp. 1789-90, 1576, p. 1528,1583, p. 1611.

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On 4 February 1555, after the condemnation of Bradford, Bonner went to the Counter to degrade Master Taylor but spoke to Bradford first. 1563, p. 1199, 1570, p. 1790, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1612.

Rowland Taylor told Bradford that he threatened to strike Bishop Bonner as he (Taylor) was being degraded (1570, p. 1699; 1576, p. 1451; 1583, p. 1524).

On 4 February 1555 Bonner took Harpsfield to speak with John Bradford, who was imprisoned after his excommunication. 1563, p. 1199, 1570, p. 1790, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1612.

In February 1555 Willerton, a chaplain to Bishop Bonner, went to speak with John Bradford in prison. They discussed the doctors and scripture and agreed that each would write down his own arguments over transubstantiation. Willerton sent his few sparse answers to Bradford the next morning and went to see him in the afternoon. They discussed whether or not the scriptures should be in the vernacular. Bradford gave Willerton his answers on transubstantiation and told Willerton to form his answers as reasons. 1563, pp. 1199-1200. Willerton was with Creswell, Harding, Harpsfield and others. 1570, p. 1790, 1576, p. 1528, 1583, p. 1612.

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On 12 February 1555 a servant of the earl of Derby went to see Bradford in prison. He asked Bradford to tender himself, and what his answer would be if Derby petitioned the queen to have Bradford sent overseas. Bradford refused, as he believed he would only end up being burned in Paris or Louvain, instead of in England, which was where he wished to die. 1563, p. 1200, 1570, p. 1790, 1576, p. 1529, 1583, p. 1612.

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On 14 February 1555 Percival Creswell, an old acqauintance of Bradford's, went to visit Bradford in prison. He offered to make suit for Bradford. He returned later, at 11 o'clock, with another man and gave Bradford a book by More, desiring him to read it. He told Bradford that the lords of York, Lincoln and Bath wished to speak with him. Then at 3 o'clock the same day, Dr Harding, the bishop of Lincoln's chaplain, went to see Bradford in prison. Harding talked of his fear for Bradford's soul, and that he himself had spoke against Peter Martir, Martin Bucer, Luther and others for their beliefs. 1563, p. 1200, 1570, pp. 1790-91, 1576, p. 1529, 1583, pp. 1612-13.

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On 15 February 1555 Percival Cresswell and another man went to see Bradford once more. Harspfield discussed with Bradford the way to enter the kingdom of heaven and also baptism. 1563, pp. 1200-01. In 1570 the date is given as 25 February. 1563, p. 1200, 1570, p. 1791, 1576, p. 1529, 1583, p. 1613.

On 16 February 1555 John Harpsfield and two others went to see Bradford in prison, to defend the line of bishops in the catholic church. Bradford refuted the argument. 1563, pp. 1202-03, 1570, pp. 1792-93, 1576, pp. 1530-31, 1583, pp. 1614-15.

On 23 February 1555 the archbishop of York (Nicholas Heath) and the bishop of Chichester (George Day) went to the Counter to speak with Bradford. 1563, pp. 1204-08, 1570, pp. 1794-97, 1576, pp. 1532-34, 1583, pp. 1615-17.

Bradford was asked by Heath and Day to read a book that did Dr Crome good. 1563, p. 1208, 1570, p. 1797, 1576, 1524, 1583, p. 1617.

On 25 February , at about 8am, two Spanish friars visited Bradford in the Counter. One of them was the king's confessor, the other was Alphonsus, who had written against heresies. Their conversation was held in Latin. 1563, pp. 1208-11, 1570, pp. 1797-98, 1576, pp. 1534-36, 1583, pp. 1617-19.

On 25 February, at about 5pm, Master Weston visited Bradford and asked to speak with him in private. When the two men were alone, Weston thanked Bradford for his writings to him and then produced the work that Bradford had sent him. It was entitled, 'Certayne reasons againste Transubstantiation gathered by John Bradforde, and geuen to Doctour weston and others'. 1563, p. 1212. They discussed transubstantiation. 1563, pp. 1211-12, 1570, pp. 1801-02. [Note that in 1570 this meeting is dated as the afternoon of 28 March. 1570, p. 1800.]

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On 21 March 1555 Bradford talked with Dr Weston, after being told of Weston's intention to visit by the earl of Derby's servant (when master Collier, warden of Manchester, had come to dinner at the Counter). 1576, p. 1536. Bradford and Weston spoke to each other in the presence of Master Collier, the earl of Derby's servant, the subdean of Westminster, the keeper (Master Clayden), and others. 1570, pp. 1799-80, 1576, pp. 1536-37, 1583, pp. 1619-20.

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Bradford wrote his religious convictions down for Weston, and on or around 28 March 1555 Dr Pendleton, Master Colier (sometime warden of Manchester) and Stephen Beche visited Bradford in the Counter. 1563, p. 1213, 1570, p. 1800, 1576, p. 1537, 1583, p. 1620.

Bradford questioned Pendleton as to why Pendleton changed his religion. 1563, pp. 1213-14, 1570, p. 1800, 1576, p. 1537, 1583, p. 1620.

Foxe states that he omitted the talk that Bradford and Pendleton had of 'my lord of Canterbury, of Peter Martirs boke, of Pendleto[n']s letter laid to Bradford.' 1563, p. 1214, 1570, p. 1800, 1576, p. 1537, 1583, p. 1620.

Bradford's reasons against transubstantiation were given to Weston and others. 1563, pp. 1211-12, 1570, pp. 1800-01, 1576, pp. 1537-38, 1583, pp. 1620-21.

Weston told Bradford of what he had done for Grimald, who had subscribed. 1563, p. 1212, 1570, p. 1801, 1576, p. 1538, 1583, p. 1621.

On 5 April, at 2pm, Weston went to visit Bradford in the Counter. Weston had not visited him earlier due to ill health and also because he had been busy withstanding monks from entering Westminster. He also thought that Pendleton would be coming to see him. Weston told Bradford that the pope was dead and that Weston had petitioned the queen and so thought that death would not come to Bradford soon. 1570, p. 1802, 1576, pp. 1538-39, 1583, pp. 1621-22.

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As Weston left Bradford on 5 April, he sent for Master Weale. 1570, p. 1802, 1576, p. 1539, 1583, p. 1622.

After Weston left Bradford on 5 April, the keeper, Master Claydon, and Steven Bech came to Bradford and spoke unkindly to him even though they had hitherto appeared to be friendly to him. 1570, p. 1802, 1576, pp. 1538-39, 1583, pp. 1621-22.

Bradford spoke to the servant of an unnamed gentlewoman, misused by her family for not going mass, who visited Bradford while he was in prison. [Note that Foxe says that the gentlewoman is still alive and so does not give her name, but simply records the conversation between the servant and Bradford.] 1570, pp. 1802-03, 1576, pp. 1539-40, 1583, pp. 1622-23.

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Bradford told the servant of the unnamed gentlewoman that he had read the work of Friar Fonse. 1570, p. 1803, 1576, p. 1539, 1583, p. 1622.

The servant of the unnamed gentlewoman gave Bradford greetings from Cardmaker. 1570, p. 1803, 1576, p. 1539, 1583, p. 1622.

The servant of the unnamed gentlewoman told Bradford that she saw a priest come to him in the morning and Bradford told her that he had brought a letter from a friar, to which he was replying. 1570, p. 1803, 1576, p. 1539, 1583, p. 1622.

Rowland Tayor joked to Bradford as he was about to be led away to execution (1563, p. 1080; 1570, p. 1703; 1576, p. 1454; 1583, p. 1527).

Foxe describes Bradford's behaviour at his burning at Smithfield. 1563, p. 1215, 1570, pp. 1804-05, 1576, p. 1540, 1583, p. 1623.

Sheriff Woodruff chided Bradford at his burning. When Woodruff went home after the burning of John Bradford, he became paralysed in his legs and arms. 1563, p. 1215, 1570, pp. 1804-05, 1576, p. 1540, 1583, p. 1624.

Bradford sent Anne Smith money. 1563, pp. 1266-7, 1570, p. 1876, 1576, p. 1607, 1583, p. 1701.

He was described as a faithful witness of Christ by Robert Glover in a letter to his wife.1563, pp. 1273-80, 1570, p. 1886-89, 1576, pp. 1615-19, 1583, pp. 1710-12.

Bradford was one of the authors of a petition to Philip and Mary asking them for a chance to debate the rectitude of the Edwardian religious reforms. The petition is printed in 1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1483.

Bradford's letter to John Treves, dated February 1548. [BL Harley 416, fos.33r-34r. Not printed in AM or LM.]

Bradford's letter to John Treves, dated Christmas 1549. [BL, Harley 416, fo.37v. Not printed in AM or LM.]

Bradford's letter to an unnamed gentleman or noble, written during Lent 1549. [BL Harley 416, fo.37r. Not printed in AM or LM.]

Letters of Bradford: 1563, pp. 1176-85, 1570, pp. 1805-40, 1576, pp. 1541-75, 1583, pp. 1624-64.

Ridley and his fellow prisoners sent a letter to Bradford and his fellow prisoners in the King's Bench. 1563, pp. 1894-95, 1570, pp. 1896-97, 1576, pp. 1624, 1583, pp. 1724-25.

Ridley wrote a letter to Bradford. 1563, p. 1295, 1570, p. 1897, 1576, pp. 1624-25, 1583, p. 1725.

Ridley wrote a letter to Bradford and his fellow prisoners, in which Ridley spoke of his love for Taylor. The bearer of the letter to Bradford was Punt, who also carried Hooper's letters. 1570, pp. 1897-98, 1576, pp. 1625-26, 1583, p. 1725.

Another letter was written by Ridley to Bradford. 1570, p. 1898, 1576, p. 1626, 1583, p. 1726.

Grindal wrote to Ridley from his exile in Frankfort, to which letter Ridley replied. He mentioned his imprisonment with Cranmer, Latimer and Bradford. 1570, pp. 1901-02, 1576, pp. 1628-30, 1583, pp. 1729-30.

Foxe includes Ridley's lamentation for a change in religion, in which he makes reference to Latimer, Lever, Bradford and Knox, as well as Cranmer and their part in the duke of Somerset's cause. 1570, pp. 1945-50, 1576, pp. 1670-78, 1583, pp. 1778-1784.

Bradford received a letter from John Careless. 1570, pp. 2104-05, 1576, pp. 1815-16, 1583, p. 1922-23.

Bradford wrote a letter to Careless. 1570, p. 2105, 1576, p. 1816, 1583, p. 1923.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Martin Bucer

(1491 - 1551)

Protestant divine. [DNB]; Hillerbrand, Oxford Encyclopedia of the Reformation

Martin Bucer's body was exhumed and burned on Cardinal Pole's orders. 1563, pp. 1537 [recte 1549]-1558 [recte 1570], 1570, p. 1756; 1576, p. 1500; 1583, p. 1584.

Martin Bucer liked John Bradford and exhorted him to preach on several occasions 1563, pp. 1172-73, 1570, pp. 1779-80, 1576, p. 1520 , 1583, p. 1603.

He was mentioned in Bradford's letter to the university town of Cambridge, the inhabitants of which he asked to remember the readings and preaching of God's prophet and true preacher, Bucer. 1563, pp. 1178-80, 1570, p. p. 1808-09, 1576, pp. 1545-47, 1583, p. 1627.

Foxe refers to Martin Bucer's preaching at Cambridge University. 1563, p. 1538, 1570, p. 2143, 1576, p. 1863, 1583, p. 1956.

Scot, Watson and Christopherson interdicted St Mary's Church, Cambridge, where Bucer was buried.1563, p. 1541, 1570, p. 2145, 1576, p. 1965, 1583, p. 1959.

Bucer's good character is referred to. 1563, p. 1540, 1570, p. 2145, 1576, p. 1865, 1583, p. 1958.

Scot, Watson and Christopherson discussed and agreed to the exhumation of Bucer. 1563, p. 1541, 1570, p. 2145, 1576, p. 1866, 1583, p. 1958.

Bucer and Phagius were condemned. 1563, p. 1542, 1570, p. 2146, 1576, p. 1866, 1583, p. 1959.

Bucer's body was exhumed. 1570, p. 2150, 1576, p. 1858, 1583, p. 1963.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Nicholas Ridley

(d. 1555) (DNB)

Bishop of London (1550 - 1553). Martyr. [DNB]

Nicholas Ridley gave John Rogers a prebend in St Paul's (1563, p. 1023; 1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1484).

He led the bishops who compelled John Hooper to wear vestments at his consecration. Ridley wrote a letter to Hooper apologising for this in Mary's reign (1563, pp. 1050-2; 1570, pp. 1676-7; 1576, p. 1404; 1583, pp. 1504-5).

He preached a sermon at Paul's Cross, at the behest of the privy council, supporting Jane Grey's claim to the throne. After Mary's accession Ridley visited the queen at Framlingham and was arrested (1563, p. 903; 1570, p. 1569; 1576, p. 1338; and 1583, p. 1408).

He was engaged, over dinner with John Feckenham and Sir John Bourne, in a debate on the nature of the eucharist. An account of the debate, 'penned with his own hand,' is first printed in 1563, (1563, pp. 928-31; 1570, pp. 1589-91; 1576, pp. 1356-58; and 1583, pp. 1426-28). There is no earlier printed version or manuscript of the exchange.

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Ridley was examined by Weston and the other members of the catholic delegation to the Oxford disputations on Saturday 14 April 1554 (1563, p. 933 and 937-38; 1570, p. 1593; 1576, p. 1935 [recte 1359]; 1583, pp. 1429-30).

[NB: There is a summary of Ridley's disputation on Tuesday 17 April 1554 which was printed in its entirety only in 1563, pp 933-34].

Ridley disputed with Richard Smith and the other catholic doctors on 17 April 1554 (1563, p. 957-78; 1570, pp. 1606-22; 1576, pp. 1370-84; 1583, pp. 1441-54).

Ridley's preface to his account of the disputation is 1563, pp. 956-57 and (in a differently worded version) 1570, p. 1632; 1576, pp. 1392-93; 1583, p. 1463.

Ridley's conclusion to his account of the Oxford disputations is printed (only) in 1563, p. 978.

Ridley wrote to Weston protesting the conduct of the 1554 Oxford disputations and demanding that Ridley's written responses to the three propositions be shown to the higher house of convocation (1563, p. 977; 1570, p. 1633; 1576, pp. 1393-94; 1583, p. 1464).

The queen's letter ordering Ridley, together with Cranmer and Latimer, to be held in the custody of the mayor and bailiffs of Oxford during the disputation is printed in 1563, p. 999.

He was summoned, together with Cranmer and Latimer, before Weston and the commissioners on 20 April 1554. He refused to recant what he had said during the disputations. He was condemned and taken to the sheriff's house (1563, pp. 935-38; 1570, pp. 1632-33; 1576, p. 1393; 1583, pp. 1463-64).

On 21 April 1554, Ridley was compelled to observe, having been brought from the sheriff's house, a procession in which Weston carried the sacrament and four doctors carried a canopy over Weston (1563, p. 936; 1570, p. 1633; 1576, p. 1393; 1583, p. 1464).

Ridley wrote a letter to Cranmer, which was sent together with copies of his account of the disputation and news of recent developments (1570, pp. 1633-34; 1576, p. 1394; 1583, pp. 1464).

Foxe mentions Ridley's condemnation and disputation in passing in 1570, p. 1639; 1576, p. 1399; 1583, p. 1469.

In a letter of 10 October 1554, Heinrich Bullinger asked John Hooper to pass his commendations toRidley, Hugh Latimer and Thomas Cranmer (1570, p. 1692; 1576, pp. 1444-45; 1583, p. 1518).

Ridley was one of the authors of a petition to Philip and Mary asking them for a chance to defend, in public debate, the Edwardian religious reforms (1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1483).

Laurence Saunders sent a letter to Ridley, Thomas Cranmer and Hugh Latimer from the Marshalsea(1563, pp. 1042-43; 1570, pp. 1667-68; 1576, pp. 1422-23; 1583, pp. 1496-97).

Foxe describes Ridley's character. 1563, p. 1283, 1570, p. 1895, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

John Bradford was persuaded to enter the ministry by Ridley. Ridley called Bradford to take the position of deacon and, at Bradford's willing, ordered him deacon. 1563, p. 1173, 1570, p. 1780, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, pp. 1603-04.

He led the bishops who compelled John Hooper to wear vestments at his consecration. Ridley wrote a letter to Hooper apologising for this in Mary's reign. 1563, pp. 1050-2; 1570, pp. 1676-7; 1576, p. 1404; 1583, pp. 1504-5.

In a letter of 10 October 1554, Heinrich Bullinger asked John Hooper to pass his commendations to Ridley, Hugh Latimer and Thomas Cranmer. 1570, p. 1692; 1576, pp. 1444-45; 1583, p. 1518.

Ridley was one of the authors of a petition to Philip and Mary asking them for a chance to defend, in public debate, the Edwardian religious reforms. 1570, p. 1656; 1576, p. 1413; 1583, p. 1483.

Laurence Saunders sent a letter to Ridley, Thomas Cranmer and Hugh Latimer from the Marshalsea.1563, pp. 1042-43; 1570, pp. 1667-68; 1576, pp. 1422-23; 1583, pp. 1496-97.

During Bradford's second examination, Doctor Seton described Ridley and Latimer as being unable to answer anything at all at their examinations. 1570, p. 1786, 1576, p. 1526, 1583, p. 1607.

John Bradford sent a letter to Cranmer, Latimer and Ridley. 1570, p. 1815 1576, p. 1551, 1583, p. 1634.

Rowland Taylor wrote a letter to Thomas Cranmer, Nicholas Ridley and Hugh Latimer when they were prisoners in Oxford. 1570, p. 2072; 1576, p. 1787; 1583, p. 1893.

Foxe recounts the life of Ridley. 1563, pp. 1283-96, 1570, pp. 1895-96, 1576, pp. 1623-24, 1583, pp. 1717-30.

Ridley was kind to Heath, archbishop of York during Edward VI's reign. 1563, p. 1285, 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

Ridley was kind to Edmund Bonner's mother. She would dine at Ridley's manor in Fulham with Ridley and Mistress Mungey, Bonner's sister. 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

Ridley's sister and her husband, George Shipside, were also kind to Bonner's mother and sister. 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, pp. 1717-18.

Ridley was converted through the reading of Bertram's Book of the Sacrament, and confirmed in his beliefs through conference with Cranmer and Peter Martyr. 1563, p. 1285, 1570, p. 1895, 1576, p. 1623, 1583, p. 1717.

After Mary's accession, Ridley was kept first in the Tower, then in the Bocardo in Oxford, and then held in custody at Master Irish's house until his death. 1563, p. 1285, 1570, p. 1896, 1576, p. 1624, 1583, p. 1717.

Ridley was cast into Bocardo prison with Hugh Latimer. 1563, p. 1285, 1583, p. 1718.

A conference took place between Ridley and Latimer in prison on the objections of Antonian, in other words, those of a popish persecutor, such as Winchester. 1563, pp. 1285-94, 1583, pp. 1718-24.

Letters of Ridley. 1570, pp. 1896-1902, 1576, pp. 1624-30, 1583, pp. 1724-30.

A letter was sent by Ridley to West, in which Ridley asked West and also Dr Harvey to remember their promises to him. Foxe also includes West's letter and Ridley's response. 1570, pp. 1900-01, 1576, pp. 1627-28, 1583, pp. 1728-29.

Grindal wrote to Ridley from his exile in Frankfort, to which letter Ridley replied. He mentioned his imprisonment with Cranmer, Latimer and Bradford. He mentioned that he knew that Ferrar, Hooper, Rogers, Taylor of Hadleigh, Saunders and Tomkins, a weaver, had all been martyred, as had Cardmaker the day before he wrote this letter. He had heard that West had relented, and Grimald been cast into the Marshalsea. He had also heard that Thomas Ridley, of the Bull-head in Cheapside, had died. He had heard that his brother-in-law, Shipside, had spent much time in prison but was now released. 1570, pp. 1901-02, 1576, pp. 1628-30, 1583, pp. 1729-30.

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The examination of Ridley and Latimer by White (Lincoln) and Brookes (Gloucester) took place on 30 September 1555. White and Brookes received their commission from Cardinal Poole. 1563, pp. 1297-98, 1570, pp. 1903-09, 1576, pp. 1631-39, 1583, pp. 1757-60.

A communication took place between Ridley and Brookes in Irish's house on 15 October, on which day he was degraded, and at which Edridge ('reader then of the Greek lecture') was present.. 1563, pp. 1374-76, 1570, pp. 1934-35, 1576, pp. 1659-60, 1583, pp. 1768-69.

Ridley had a discussion with Brookes on 16 October, on which day he was degraded. 1563, pp. 1374-76.

Foxe recounts the behaviour of Ridley at supper the night before he was martyred. 1563, pp. 1376-79, 1570, pp. 1936-37, 1576, p. 1661, 1583, p. 1769.

Foxe recounts the behaviour of Ridley and Latimer at their martyrdom. 1563, pp. 1376-1379, 1570, pp. 1937-39, 1576, pp. 1661-62, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley gave his gown and tippet to Shipside. 1563, p. 1377, 1570, p. 1937, 1576, p. 1661, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley gave a new groat to Henry Lea. 1563, p. 1377, 1570, p. 1937, 1576, p. 1661, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley spoke with Lord Williams before his martyrdom. 1563, p. 1379, 1570, p. 1937, 1576, p. 1662, 1583, p. 1769.

Ridley's friendly farewell. 1563, pp. 1379-81, 1570, pp. 1939-43, 1576, pp. 1622-28, 1583, pp. 1770-76.

Ridley's lamentation for a change in religion, in which he makes reference to Latimer, Lever, Bradford and Knox, as well as Cranmer and their part in the duke of Somerset's cause. 1570, pp. 1945-50, 1576, pp. 1670-78, 1583, pp. 1778-84.

Cranmer was confirmed in his reformist beliefs after conference with Ridley. 1570, p. 2045, 1576, p. 1763, 1583, p. 1870.

Cranmer was examined by Bonner and Ely and condemned on 12 September 1556 (seven days before the condemnation of Ridley and Latimer). 1563, pp. 1491-92, 1570, p. 2046, 1576, p. 1765, 1583, p. 1871.

In the third year of Edward's reign, Cranmer and Nicholas Ridley admitted Robert Drakes to minister the sacraments. 1563, p. 1505, 1570, p. 2074, 1576, p. 1788, 1583, p. 1895.

Letter to Augustine Bernher [BL, Harley 416, fo.16v. Printed in LM, p. 72 et seq. Also in 1570, p. 1902 et seq.].

Letter to Augustine Bernher [BL Harley 416, fos.17v and 32r. Not printed in Foxe or LM].

Letter to Bernher [BL Harley 416, fo.32r. Not printed in AM or LM.]

Letter to Bradford. [BL Harley 416, fo.32v. Printed in LM, pp. 62 et seq. and 1570, p. 1897 et seq.]

Foxe records Nicholas Ridley's writings against idolatry. 1583, pp. 2128-31.

Lord Dacre would have paid a ransom to Mary for his kinsman Nicholas Ridley's life if it were possible but she refused. 1563, p. 1733, 1583, p. 2131.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Sir John Harrington

(1516? - 1578)

Gentleman [DNB sub Bradford]

Sir John Harrington was master to John Bradford prior to Bradford's attendance at the University of Cambridge. 1563, p. 1172.

Under the reigns of Henry VIII and Edward VI he was treasurer of the king's camps and buildings at diverse times at Boulougne. 1563, p. 1172.

Chamberlain told Gardiner that Bradford had served Sir John Harrington, to which Gardiner answered that Bradford deceived Harrington out of £7, and claimed that this was why Bradford left his service. Bradford said this was slanderous. 1563, p. 1197, 1570, p. 1788, 1576, p. 1527, 1583, p. 1610.

 
Person and Place Index  *  Close
Manchester
NGR: SJ 840 980

A parish in the hundred of Salford, county palatine of Lancaster; containing the manufacturing town of Manchester and 28 chapelries and townships. 36 miles east by north from Liverpool. Manchester comprises only one parish, which is in the Archdeaconry and Diocese of Chester. There are numerous subordinate churches; St Anne's, St Mary's, St Paul's, St John's, St James', St Michael's, St Martin's, St Peter's, St Stephen's, St Mathew's, St Philip's, St George's, St Andrew's, St Clement's, and St Luke's.

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English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)

Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)

The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.

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Person and Place Index  *  Close
Manningtree
NGR: TM 106 316

A parish in the hundred of Tendring, county of Essex. 36 miles north-east by east from Chelmsford. The living is a perpetual curacy in the Archdeaconry of Colchester, Diocese of London, and is in the patronage of the Rector of Mistley.

English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)

Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)

The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.

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1627 [1603]

Queene Mary. Nich. Chamberlayne, Tho. Osmund, Will. Bamford Martyrs. Iohn Bradfordes story.

MarginaliaAnno 1555. Iune.bloud, and are to be receiued onely for a remembraunce of Christes passion and death, without any substaunce of Christes body and bloud at all.

MarginaliaThe true eating of Christs body.To the fift Article they aunswere, that the true receiuyng and eatyng of Christes body, accordyng to Christes institution, is to take, distribute and eate materiall bread, and thereby to remember the passion and death of Christ, and so receiue by fayth (as they beleue) Christes body and bloud and not otherwise.

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To the sixt they aunswere the same to bee true in euery part therof, except that ouer and besides the Gloria in excelsis, the Epistle and Gospell, which they beleue to bee good they beleue the Pater noster and Creede vse in the Masse be also good.

MarginaliaAuricular confession not necessary.To the seuēth they aunswere and confesse, that auricular confession is not necessary to be made to the Priest: neuerthelesse they thincke that it is necessary to goe to such a Priest, as is able to geue good counsell. And that for counsell only, and not otherwise. MarginaliaCeremonyes idle in the Chusch.And as concerning the ceremonies of the church, they answer the same to be vayne & vnprofitable. No seruice in the Church ought to be sayde, but onely in the English tong.

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To the eight they answer and beleeue the same to bee true in euery part thereof, except that they doe not beleeue that they be heretikes, or suspected of heresie.

To the ninth, Osmund and Bamford aunswered, that they referred themselues to the sayd lawes, mentioned in that article, but Chamberlaine made no aunswer at all to this article.

To the tenth, the sayd Osmond and Bamford, answered and sayd, that by reason of their beliefe afore by them confessed, they are not to bee reputed, taken or iudged for wilfull and obstinate heretikes, nor to be punished therefore, as is declared in that article. The other aunswered nothyng.

¶ Scholies 
Commentary  *  Close

I.e., notes.

vpon the foresayd articles.  
Commentary  *  Close

Foxe added this section, warning the reader against accepting the articles objected to by the three martyrs at face value, in the 1570 edition. It is likely that some readers of the first edition pointed out to Foxe the danger of having these articles stand unchallenged as expressing the views of the martyrs. Some of the articles might allow the catholics to challenge the orthodoxy of the martyrs and also to provide a justificatory model for religious radicals.

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MarginaliaNotes or Scholies vpon the Articles vsed to be ministred to the poore Christians, by the Popes Church.THese articles in the same forme & maner of words are commonly obiected to all other that follow after, with the same aunsweres also thereto annexed. In which articles thou mayest note (Reader) the crafty and subtile handlyng of these Lawyers and Registers, who so deceitfully frame theyr articles and positions, that vnlesse a man doe aduisedly consider them, it is hard for a simple man to aunswer to them, but he shall be snared and intangled. So they paynt their Churche with such a visage of vniuersall, whole, holy, catholike, as who should saye: Hee that denieth Rome, denieth the holye Churche of Christ here in earth. Likewyse in examinyng them, and specially the simple sorte in the matter of the Sacrament, to the materiall breade in the Sacrament, MarginaliaThe crafty and captious dealing of the Papistes in propounding their articles.they put this worde (onely) very captiously and fraudulently, to take them at the worst auauntage, makyng the people beleeue that they take the holy Sacrament to bee no better then onely common bread. when they doe not so, but make a difference betweene the same, both in the vse, honour, & name thereof.

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Agayne, when the Examinates hold but only agaynst the erroneous poyntes of Romish Religion, these bishops in theyr Interrogatories geue out the matter so generally as thogh the said Examinates in generally spake against all the articles of fayth taught in Rome, Spayne, England, Fraunce, Scotland &c.

Moreouer, concernyng Latin seruice, in such crafty forme of words, they propound their article, that it might appeare to the people, these men do deny any seruice to be lawfull in any place, countrey, or language, but onely in English.

And as these articles are crafty, captiously and deceitfully in forme of words deuised by the bishops and their Notaries, so the aunswers agayne to the same, be no lesse subtilly framed, & after the most odious manner put downe in the name of the Examinates, which beyng read vnto them, thus without further aduise they were constrayned vpon a sodaine to subscribe the same with their hands. Wherby if any word escaped their hand, peraduenture not considerately subscribed: there the Papists take their aduantage agaynst them, to defame them and to bryng them into hatred with the people.

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These Articles thus propounded and aunswered, they were vntil the after none dismissed. At what tyme they did agayne appeare, and there were examined and trauayled with by fayre and flattering speaches, as well of the Bish. as of others his assistance, to recant and reuoke their opinions, who notwithstandyng remayned constant & firme, and therefore after the common vsage of their Ecclesiasticall lawes, were sent away agayne vntill the next day beyng Saterday, and the xviij. day of May. MarginaliaSentence against Osmund, Chamberlayne, Bamford. Iune. 14. Iune. 15.Then in the fore noone the Bishop vsing his accustomed maner of proceedyng: which he hath vsed before as well with them as wt others, did likewyse dismisse them, and at the last in the after

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noone condemned them as heretikes, and so deliuered thē to the Shirifes, in whose custodye they remayned vntill they were deliuered to the shiriffe of Essex, & by hym were executed, Chamberlayne at Colchester, the 14. of Iune, Thomas Osmund at Maningtree, the 15. of Iune, & William Bamford, aliâs Butler, at Harwich, the same 15. day in the month of Iune. MarginaliaThe Martyrdome of Thomas Osmund, Chamberlayne, and William Bamford.

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¶ The history of the worthy Martyr and seruaunt of God, M. Iohn Bradford, with his lyfe and actes, and sundry conflicts, with his aduersaries, and Martyrdome, at length most constantly suffered for the testimony of Christ and hys truth. 
Commentary  *  Close
The Martyrdom of John Bradford

Much of the material on Bradford's life and martyrdom first appeared in theRerum. This includes the material on Bradford's life before Mary's reign (Rerum, pp. 463-64), his saving of Gilbert Bourne's life and subsequent arrest (Rerum, pp. 464-65), Bradford's three examinations by Stephen Gardiner (Rerum, pp. 462-84), Bradford's 'private' disputations and his disputation with the Spanish friars (Rerum, pp. 484-502), Bradford's disputation with Pendleton (Rerum, pp. 499-501), Bradford's argument with Weston and his reasons against transubstantiation (Rerum, pp. 502 [recte 499]-499 [recte 500]). There was also a brief note on Bradford's execution which would be reprinted in every edition of the Acts and Monuments (Rerum, p. 501). All of this material came from Grindal. On 28 November 1557, Grindal wrote to Foxe sending him Bradford's examinations and certain other writings of the martyr along with the letter (BL, Harley 417, fo. 119r). In an earlier letter to Grindal, Foxe had acknowledged receipt of a 'historia Bradfordianum' along with various letters of the martyr (BL, Harley 417, fo. 113r).

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In the 1563 edition, Foxe added a mention of Bradford's objections to being made a deacon, a description of his preaching for three years in Edward VI's reign, a description of his imprisonment, a description of his character, lifestyle and appearance and Bradford's being taken to Newgate and then to the stake. Foxe also added an account of John Leaf (who was merely mentioned in the Rerum) and a new description of Bradford's behaviour at the stake, and an account of divine retribution on Woodruff, one of the sheriffs of London. Finally Foxe added an English poem lauding Bradford. All of this material came from individual informants, none from archival or print sources.

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The material on Bradford in the 1563 edition was badly out of order: Bradford's life, imprisonment and execution were followed, logically enough, by his letters to London, Cambridge, Lancashire, Walden and to a person, one 'B. C.'. But these letters were followed by his examinations, and then by more letters, more examinations. This was followed by the description of Leaf's martyrdom, Bradford's behaviour at his execution, and the poem praising him. In the 1570 edition, this material was brought into the classical order: life, imprisonment, examinations, execution and letters.

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Material was also added in the 1570 edition. Three examinations, taking place on 21 March, 28 March and 5 April, were added to this edition. They were reprinted from another version of Bradford's examinations which had been published in 1561 (All the examinacions of the martir J. Bradford [London, 1561], STC 3477, sigs. H5v-I1v, I5r-K5v. There are examinations in this 1561 volume which Foxe never printed: sigs. E5r-E7v). Foxe also added a talk Bradford had with a gentlewoman's servant and more information on Leaf in this edition. He also updated the account of the divine retribution inflicted on Woodroof, and he replaced the English poem praising Bradford with a Latin poem.

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The account of Bradford was unchanged in the 1576 and 1583 editions.

 
Cattley Pratt  *  Close
Cattley/Pratt, VII, Appendix: ref page 143

Strype in his Life of Grindal (book i. chap. 2) states, that Grindal furnished Foxe with the account of Bradford and with many of his letters. Grindal and Bradford were fellows of the same College, and fellowchaplains to the king and to Ridley.

 

Commentary on the Glosses  *  Close
John Bradford

Much of the text in this section is concerned with the discussions between Bradford and various catholic interlocutors. Many of the glosses give prompts and cues to the ebb and flow of this debating, with a good deal of quiet and not-so-quiet moulding of readers' expectations and perceptions in Bradford's favour. There are several examples of a marginal gloss denouncing a catholic assertion as untrue on the strength of it being about to be objected to by Bradford (e.g. 'Boner agayne commeth in with an other vntruth'; 'An other vntruth in Winchester'). At one point when Winchester changes the subject, the gloss announces that he has lost his 'holde' ('Winchester leaueth his holde'; see also the gloss 'Winchester driuen to eate his owne wordes'). A syllogism in the margin assumes that which the catholic interrogator it is directed against sought to disprove ('Argument who so receaue the body of Christ do receiue the fruite and grace of lyfe: no wicked do receiue fruite and grace of lyfe. Ergo, no wicked men receiue the body of Christ'). In addtion to all this there are more direct attacks. The dubious legality of holding Bradford is often alluded to in the margin ('Bradford committed to the tower most vniustly'; 'M. Bradford imprisoned without a cause'; 'Bradford condemned without iust cause but as was gathered at his iudgement against him'; 'Bradford imprisoned for that, for which he had the lawes on his side'), and the point that is made in the case of other martyrs, that they have been imprisoned in order to generate evidence rather than on the strength of any evidence, is also used ('M. Bradford imprisoned not for matter they had, but for matter they would haue agaynst him'). Foxe emphasises anything embarrassing to the papists, producing yet another reference to Winchester's De Vera Obedientia ('Herodes oth quoth Winchester'; 'Winchest. De vera obedientia') and reporting Tunstal's admission about the relative novelty of the doctrine of transubstantiation ('Note how these Bishops themselues do graunt, that the time was, when transubstantiation was not defined by the Church. Tonstall sayth it was more then 800: yeares after Christ'). The catholic preference for acting in darkness is also gets mentioned ('Bradford kept in the Vestrey till darke night'; 'M. Bradford had from the Counter to Newgate by night'), as does Winchester's apparent preference of vows to men over those to God ('The preposterous iudgement of Winchester, to care so little for an othe to God, and so much for his vowe to the Pope'; 'Winchester stumbling at vowes made to mā and leaping ouer solemne othes made to God') which ties in with Foxe's general complaint against catholicism: that it fails to give due weight to the genuinely divine over the merely human. The standard characterisation of the exasperation of the papists in the face of resolved protestants is used three times: twice they are portrayed as 'in a chafe', and once as in a 'pelting chafe' ('The Frier in a chafe'; 'Wynchester in a chafe'; 'Wynchester in a pelting chafe'). An implicit marginal unmasking occurs in the description of Seton as 'flattering' and then as one who 'rayleth' soon after ('The flattering commendation of D. Seton to Mayster Bradford'; 'D. Seton rayleth agaynst M. Bradford').

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While in comparison to certain moments in the Oxford disputations Foxe's notes are on the whole less intrusive, the level of aggression in the glosses increases somewhat during Bradford's discussion with Harpsfield; this may be because they go through a more diverse agenda than is usually the case. Alternatively, the fact that they agree on quite a few points and have quite a civilised discussion for the most part may have encouraged Foxe to display more opposition in the glosses. Pendleton is ungenerously treated, for the straightforward reason that he was a turncoat ('Pendleton belike would study out the reasons that moued him to alter, for he had none ready to shew'). As for the contribution of the glosses to the portrayal of Bradford, his ongoing pastoral enthusiasm despite his imprisonment is noted ('Bradford preacheth and ministreth the Sacrament in prison'; 'Byshop Farrar confirmed in the truth, by Iohn Bradford'; see also the gloss 'Note well the Popes way to bring men to fayth', which bemoans the catholic use of imprisonment as a means of conversion), as is the affection shown to him by the people ('The reuerēt regard and affection of the people to M. Bradford'; 'The people in Cheapside bad Bradford farewell') and the tears of the prisoners at his departure ('The prisoners take their leaue of Bradford with teares'). The glosses set Bradford up as the charismatic pastor that his letters in the following section prove him to have been. He also enjoys the martyr's privilege of forseeing his own death ('Bradford dreameth of his burning, according as it came to passe') and is shown to be unworldly ('Bradford content with a little sleepe'). His tearfulness ('Bradfordes teares') and (especially) the mention of his name in connection with mortification ('Bolde confidēce and hope of Gods word and promise, semeth strange among them which are not exercised in mortification') should be read in part as preparatives for the joyfully self-condemnatory nature of the impending letters. There are several cross-references to other places in the book; 1570 has a correct reference to all three citations, 1576 to one, in all other cases, no specific reference is given. There is one example of a gloss badly placed after 1570 and an example of a scriptural reference wrong in 1563 (1. Cor. 12) but correct thereafter (1. Cor. 11).

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MarginaliaIuly 1. MarginaliaThe history of M. Iohn Bradford, Martyr.AS touching first the country and education of Iohn Bradford, he was borne at Manchester in Lancastershire. His parents did bring hym vp in learnyng from his infancie, vntil he attained such knowledge in the Latin tong, and skill in writing, that he was able to gaine his owne liuyng in some honest condition. Then he became seruaunt to sir Iohn Harington knight, MarginaliaSyr Iohn Harrington. Knight. who in the great affaires of K. Henry the 8. and K. Edward the 6. which he had in hand when he was Treasurer of the kings campes & buildyng, at diuers times in Bullonois, had such experiēce of Bradfords actiuity in writyng, of expertnes in the arte of Auditors, and also of his faythfull trustines, that not onely in those affaires, but in many other of his priuate busines he trusted Bradford, in such sort that aboue all other he vsed his faythfull seruice. MarginaliaThe trusty seruice of Iohn Bradford vnder M. Harrington.

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Thus continued Bradford certayne yeares in a right honest and good trade of life, after the course of this world, lyke to come forward (as they say) if his mynde could so haue liked, or had ben giuē to the world as many other be. But the Lord which had elected him vnto a better function, and preordeined him to preach the gospell of Christ in that houre of grace which in his secret counsell he had appointed, called this his chosen chyld to the vnderstandyng and pertakyng of the same Gospell of lyfe. In which call, he was so truely taught, that forthwith his effectuall call was perceyued by the fruites. MarginaliaBradford called to the Gospell.For then Bradford did forsake his worldly affaires & forwardnes in worldly welth, and after the iust accompt geuen to his Maister of all hys doyngs, he departed from hym, 

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Bradford's leaving the employment of Sir John Harrington was not this simple. In his final examination of Bradford, Stephen Gardiner accused Bradford of having cheated Harrington out of ?140 and then becoming a 'gospeller'. Bradford indignantly and absolutely denied this accusation. Thomas Sampson, in a brief life of Bradford, which prefaced a 1574 edition of two of Bradford's sermons, wrote that Bradford, while in the service of Harrington, treasurer of Henry VIII's camp during the 1544 expedition to France, had taken money from the royal treasury without Harrington's knowledge. Later Bradford heard a sermon by Hugh Latimer, demanding the return of ill-gotten gains. This sermon seared Bradford's conscience and, following Latimer's counsel, he restored the money (Bradford [PS], I, pp. 32-33).

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Sampson's account is partially confirmed by the correspondence of Bradford with his friend John Traves, most of which was first published by Foxe in his 1583 edition. A letter written by Traves to Bradford, probably written about February 1548, contains Traves's advice to Bradford on restoring the money (BL, Harley 416, fos. 33r-34r, printed in Bradford [PS], I, pp. 1-4). In a letter written to Traves a few weeks later, Bradford stated that Latimer had advised him to write to Harrington, giving his former employer two weeks to make restitution. If Harrington refused, Bradford was to report the matter to the duke of Somerset and the privy council. A letter of 22 March 1548, from Bradford to Travers, describes Bradford's efforts to force a reluctant Harrington to return the money. A few weeks later Bradford wrote that Harrington had agreed to repay the money before 'Candlemas next coming' (2 February 1549) and that Latimer thought that this was sufficient. Apparently Harrington did not meet this deadline; in the autumn of 1549, Bradford wrote to Traves that Harrington had promised to make the payment on the following Candlemas. And in a letter to Traves written around February 1550, Bradford rejoiced that restitution had finally been made in full.

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From these letters, it would appear that Bradford was a party to some financial irregularity connected with Harrington's official duties on the French campaign in 1544. Years later, his conscience was stirred by Latimer, and following Latimer's advice, he forced Harrington to return the ill-gotten money.

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and with meruailous fauour to further the kyngdome of God by the ministery of his holy word, MarginaliaBradford geueth him selfe to the study of Scripture.he gaue himselfe wholy to the studye of the holy scriptures. The which his purpose to accomplish the better, he departed from the Temple at London,  
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Cattley/Pratt, VII, Addenda: ref page 143, line 33

The following trace of Bradford's residence in the Temple is from the MS. Admission Book, Inner Temple, London: "Anno primo Edwardi VI." - "Johannes Bradford de Exton in comitatu Rotelandiæ, octavo die Aprilis; plegii, Richard Chamber, Thomas Sampson."

where the temporall law is studied, and went to the vniuersitie of Cambridge,  
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Cattley/Pratt, VII, Addenda: ref page 143, line 34

Under date of May 12th, A. D. 1548, he writes to Traves, that he intended leaving London for Cambridge "afore Midsummer": and soon after he wrote to Traves, "This present day, by God's grace, I take my journey towards Cambridge;" "I will lie, God willing, this summer, at Katherine's Hall": and a subsequent letter is dated, "This Assumption Day [August 15th] in Katharine's Hall, in Cambridge".

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to learne by Gods law how to further the building of the Lordes Temple. In Cambridge his diligence in study, his profiting in knowledge and godly conuersation so pleased all men, that within one whole yeare after that he had bene there, the Vniuersitie did geue hym the degree of a M. of Arte. 
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Cattley/Pratt, VII, Addenda: ref page 143, line 38

This was Oct. 19th, A. D. 1549, as appears by the following extract from the MS. Grace book of the University of Cambridge, fol. 24, in the Registrar's office.

"Item conceditur Johanni Bradforde, viro constantis jam ætatis et probatæ vitæ, ut studium octo annorum in literis humanioribus, artibus, et sacrarum literarum, diligenti lectione, in quibus plurimum profecit, sufficiat ei pro completis gradu et forma magisterii in artibus; et ut hodie, si fieri potest, alioquin ad placitum, admittatur sine ulla magistrorum visitatione. Nam diutius hunc gradum sine magno suo dispendio expectare non potest, ut qui illi hoc tempore ampliorem vitæ conditionem adferre potest, quam sine eo assequi non potest. Ita ut ejus eruditio prius examinetur et approbetur per magistros Pylkington seniorem et Carre; et teneatur præterea proximis comitiis combinare cum cæteris ejus anni."

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The "ampliorem vitæ conditionem" here alluded to was a promised fellowship at Pembroke, which he could only hold as an M. A. See Bradford's letter to Traves, dated October 22nd.

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MarginaliaBradford M. of art & fellow in Pembrooke Hall.Immediately after the Maister and fellowes of Penbroke hal did geue him a felowship in their Colledge with them:  

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Cattley/Pratt, VII, Addenda: ref page 143, line 40

See Bradford's letter to Traves, which says, "I am now a fellow of Pembroke Hall:" it speaks of a debt to be repaid him "by Candlemas" [Feb. 2nd, 1550].

yea that man of God Martin Bucer so lyked him, that he had him not onely most deare vnto him, but also often tymes exhorted him to bestow his talent in preaching. Vnto which Brardford aunswered alwayes, that he was vnable to serue in that office through want of learnyng. To the whiche Bucer was wont to reply, saying: MarginaliaM. Bucers saying.If thou haue not fine manchet bread 
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**

The finest quality wheat bread [OED].

yet geue the poore people barly bread, or whatsoeuer els the Lord hath committed vnto thee. And whiles Bradford was thus persuaded to enter into the ministry, Doctour Ridley that worthy Byshop of Lōdon and glorious Martyr of Christ, accordyng to the order that then was in the Churche of England called hym to take the degree of Deacon.  
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Cattley/Pratt, VII, Appendix: ref page 143, bottom

The ordination of Bradford at Fulham, to be a deacon, is given in the Addenda from the Ridley Register, folio, 319 verso. It appears from the Register that at the same time and place Thomas Horton and Thomas Sampson, fellows likewise of Pembroke, were ordained deacons, and Thomas Lever, fellow of St. John's, priest. Addenda:Bradford's ordination at Fulham as deacon, Sunday, August 10th, A. D. 1550, is thus recorded in the Ridley Register, folio 319 verso: - "Die Dominica, decimo videlicet die mensis Augusti anno Domini millesimo quingentesimo quinquagesimo, ... ordines subscripti collati et celebrati fuerunt, per reverendum in Christo patrem ac dominum, Dominum Nicholaum, miseratione divina Londinensem episcopum, in capella sive oratorio infra manerium suum de Fulham, juxta morem, ritum, et formam hujus ecclesiæ Anglicanæ, nuper inde saluberrimè editam et ordinatam ... diaconi .... Magister Johannes Bradford, socius perpetuus collegii nuncupati Pembrook Hall in universitate Cantabrigiæ, oriundus in villa de Manchester in comitatu Lancastriæ, Cestrensis diocesis."

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MarginaliaIohn Bradford made Deacon by Bishop Ridley without any superstitious abuse therein.Which order because it was not without some such abuse as to the whiche Bradford would not consent, the Byshop yet perceauyng that Bradford was willing to enter into þe ministery, was content to order him Deacon without any abuse, euen as he desired. 
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It is not clear what particular abuses Bradford objected to. Perhaps he objected to wearing vestments. It is interesting that Foxe added the passages about Ridley allowing Bradford's ordination to proceed in the 1563 edition. In the early 1560s, some English bishops, such as Edmund Grindal, had ordained clergy, permitting them to officiate without wearing the hated vestments (Collinson [1979], pp. 172-73). Foxe probably added these passages to endorse this policy.

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MarginaliaIohn Bradford made Prebendary in Paules & licensed to preach.This beyng done, he obteyned for him a licence to preache,  
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Cattley/Pratt, VII, Addenda: ref page 144, line 5

In the diary of King Edward, Dec. 18th, A. D. 1551 (see Burnet's Reformation), we read: - "It was appointed I should have six chaplains ordinary, of which two ever to be present, and four always absent in preaching; one year, two in Wales, two in Lancashire and Derby; next year, two in the marches of Scotland, two in Yorkshire; the third year, two in Devonshire, two in Hampshire; fourth year, two in Norfolk and Essex, and two in Kent and Sussex, &c.: these six to be Bill, Harley, Perne, Grindal, Bradford, and Knox."

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and did geue him a Prebend in his Cathedrall Church of Saint Paules. 
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Cattley/Pratt, VII, Appendix: ref page 144, line 6

Ridley at one time had an idea of giving it to Grindal; and had some difficulty in keeping it out of the hands of William Thomas, clerk of the Council. (See Ridley's Letter to Sir John Cheke, Fulham, July 23d, 1544, in Burnet, Strype, and Parker Soc. Ridley; see also Appendix to vol. vi., note on p. 550.) Addenda:Bradford's institution to the prebend of Kentishtown, in St. Paul's, is thus recorded in the Ridley Register, folio 312 verso: - "Vicesimo quarto die mensis Augusti idem Reverendus pater Dominus Nicholaus Londinensis Episcopus canonicatum et prebendam in ecclesia cathedrali Divi Pauli London. dictam Cantlers alias Kentyshetowne, per mortem naturalem Willielmi Layton, clerici, ultimi canonici et prebendarii eorundem, vacantes, et ad collationem ejusdem reverendi patris pleno jure spectantes, dilecto sibi magistro Johanni Bradford, artium magistro, contulit caritatis intuitu; eumque canonicum et prebendarium dictorum canonicatus et prebendæ, de expressè renunciando pretensæ et usurpatæ jurisdictioni auctoritati et potestati episcopi Romani, ac supremitatem serenissimæ regiæ majestatis juxta leges, &c. fideliter agnoscendo. necnon de fideliter observando statuta ordinationes provisiones ac laudabiles dictæ ecclesiæ cathedralis consuetudines, quatenus eum ratione ipsorum canonicatus et prebendæ tangunt et concernunt, ac quatenus legibus et statutis ac provisionibus hujus regni Angliæ non adversantur, &c. primitus juratum, rite et legitime instituit et investivit, &c. Et recepta ejus obedientia legitima scriptum fuit decano et capitulo dictæ ecclesiæ cathedralis ac eorum vicesgerentibus, &c. pro ejus inductione et installatione suis."

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In this preaching office by the space of three yeares, how faithfully Bradford walked, how diligently he labored, many partes of England can testify. 

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In some of his letters Bradford mentions places in which he preached and it is an impressive list: Manchester, Ashton-under-Lyne, Bolton, Bury, Wigan, Liverpool, Mottrine, Stepport, Winsley, Eccles, Prestwich, Middleton, Radcliff and Chester, as well as Walden in Essex. Apparently Bradford divided his time between Lancashire and Cheshire, on the one hand, and London and Essex on the other.

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Sharply he opened and reproued sinne, sweetely he preached Christ crucified, pithily he impugned heresies and errrours, earnestly he persuaded to godly life. After the death of blessed yong King Edward the sixt, when Queene Mary had gotten the crowne, still continued Bradford diligent in preaching

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