1583 Edition | Book 12 | Page 2086 
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(1513 - 1576) [SP11/5, no. 6]; Bindoff, Commons]
Justice of the Peace, Essex (1554 - 1558/59). Bailiff, St Osyth, Essex (1553), MP Maldon (1554, 1558). (Bindoff)
Edmond Tyrrel was one of the commissioners who examined Thomas Wattes on 26 April 1555. These commissioners sent Wattes to Bishop Bonner on 27 April to be tried for heresy. 1563, pp. 1162-63 and 1165-66; 1570, pp. 1769-70; 1576, p. 1511; 1583, pp. 1594-95
Edward Tyrrel met with John Denley and John Newman prior to their deaths. 1563, p. 1244, 1570, p. 1864, 1576, p. 1596, 1583, p. 1683.
Edmond Tyrrel wrote to one of the queen's commissioners stating that he had received a letter from that [unnamed] commissioner and Sir Nicholas Hare via John Failes on 12 June 1555. 1563, p. 1245, 1570, p. 1864, 1576, p. 1596, 1583, p. 1683.
He found articles of religion on Denley, Newman and Pattingham. 1563, p. 1244, 1570, p. 1864, 1576, p. 1596, 1583, p. 1683.
Two sermons were preached in Plumborough and Beaches Woods in Essex, to the great annoyance of Edmund Tyrrel. 1563, p. 1505, 1570, p. 2074, 1576, p. 1788, 1583, p. 1895.
Tyrrel went to Hockley in Essex to see who was at the preaching in the woods. 1570, p. 2074, 1576, p. 1788, 1583, p. 1895.
He tried unsucessfully to force John Gye to seek out Tyms, whom Tyrrel believed to be behind the sermons against him. 1570, p. 2074, 1576, p. 1788, 1583, p. 1895.
When Tyms was brought before Tyrrel, he spoke to him for over three hours without witness, although his words were overheard and so reported to Foxe. 1570, p. 2075, 1576, p. 1789, 1583, p. 1896.
Sir John Mordant wrote a letter to Bonner with Edward Tyrrel about women prisoners in the county of Essex. 1563, p. 1518, 1570, p. 2091, 1576, p. 1804, 1583, p. 1910.
Margaret Ellis was delivered up for examination by Sir John Mordant and Edmund Tyrrel, by means of a letter written to Bonner. 1563, p. 1518, 1570, p. 2091, 1576, p. 1804, 1583, p. 1910.
Joan Potter was delivered to Bonner by Mordant and Tyrrel for examination. She was named in a letter by the two justices written to Bonner. 1563, p. 1518, 1570, p. 2091, 1576, p. 1804, 1583, p. 1910.
Elizabeth Thackvel was delivered up for examination by Sir John Mordant and Edmund Tyrrel, by means of letter written to Bonner. 1570, p. 2091, 1576, p. 1804, 1583, p. 1910.
James Harris was delivered by Mordant and Tyrrel to Bonner for examination, as evidenced by a letter to Bonner written by the two justices. 1563, p. 1518, 1570, p. 2091, 1576, p. 1804, 1583, p. 1910.
Joan Horns was delivered up for examination by Sir John Mordant and Edmund Tyrrel. 1563, p. 1539, 1570, p. 2090, 1576, p. 1803, 1583, p. 1910.
Katherine Hut was delivered up for examination by Sir John Mordant and Edmund Tyrrel, through a letter written to Bonner. 1563, p. 1519, 1570, p. 2091, 1576, p. 1804, 1583, p. 1910.
On 29 August 1557 an indenture was made between several lords and justices and John Kingston concerning the delivery of 22 prisoners from Colchester. Tyrrel was one of the persecutors named in the indenture. 1563, p. 1565, 1570, p. 2157, 1576, p. 1864, 1583, p. 1975 [incorrectly marked as 1971]
On 7 March 1557 at two o'clock in the morning, Edmund Tyrrel took William Simuel, the bailiff of Colchester, and two constables of Great Bentley, John Baker and William Harris, to the house of William Mount and his family in order to arrest them. 1570, p. 2199, 1576, p. 1897, 1583, p. 2006.
Rose Allin challenged Edmund Tyrrel over his accusations of heresy, for which he took her candle from her and burned the back of her hand until the sinews cracked. 1563, p. 1707, 1570, p. 2200, 1576, p. 1898, 1583, p. 2007.
Edmund Tyrrel called Rose Allin a whore on several occasions while he burned her hand and became frustrated when she would not cry. 1570, p. 2200, 1576, p. 1898, 1583, p. 2007.
Rose Allin told Edmund Tyrrel that the Lord might give him repentance, if it were his will. 1570, p. 2200, 1576, p. 1898, 1583, p. 2007.
Edmund Tyrrel found John Thurston and Margaret, his wife, at William Mount's house and so sent them to prison at Colchester castle, along with the Mounts and their daughter. 1570, p. 2200, 1576, p. 1898, 1583, p. 2007.
In prison, Rose Allin told a friend that she could have smashed Edmund Tyrrel in the face with a pot she held in her free hand whilst he was burning her other hand, but she was glad she had not. 1570, p. 2200, 1576, p. 1898, 1583, p. 2007.
After a list of clerics who died around the time of Mary's death, Foxe refers to Tyrrel's survival. 1563, p. 1706, 1570, p. 2298, 1576, p. 1990, 1583, p. 2101.
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(b. 1541?)
Of Billericay.
James Harris was apprehended and sent to Bonner in the company of Margaret Ellis by Sir John Mordaunt and Sir Edmund Tyrrel. 1563, p. 1692, 1570, p. 2264, 1576, p. 1555, 1583, p. 2062.
Harris confessed but then was troubled at doing so. 1563, p. 1692, 1570, p. 2264, 1576, p. 1955, 1583, p. 2062.
When Harris told the priest that he could not confess his sins as they were so manifold, he was sent to Bonner who took him out into the garden and whipped him. 1563, p. 1692, 1570, p. 2264, 1576, p. 1955, 1583, p. 2062.
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(1490? - 1562)
First baron Mordaunt of Turrey. Privy councillor and a member of several county commissions.(DNB)
John Mordaunt was one of the recipients of the proclamation from Philip and Mary authorising the persecution of protestants. 1563, p. 1561, 1570, p. 2155, 1576, p. 1862, 1583, p. 1974[incorrectly numbered 1970].
Robert Farrer talked with Laurence Sheriff in the Rose tavern and suggested to Sheriff that Elizabeth had been involved in Wyatt's rebellion. Sheriff complained to Bonner about Farrer before Mordaunt, Sir John Baker, Darbyshire, Story, Harpsfield, and others. 1570, p. 2296, 1576, p. 1988, 1583, p. 2097.
[Back to Top]John Fetty was taken by Richard Tanner and his fellow constables to Sir John Mordaunt who then sent him to Cluney, Bonner's summoner. 1563, p. 1693, 1570, p. 2257, 1576, p. 1949, 1583, p. 2056.
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(d. 1556)
Maid. Of Billericay.
Margaret Ellis was delivered up for examination by Sir John Mordant and Edmund Tyrrell, by means of a letter written to Bonner. 1563, p. 1518, 1570, p. 2091, 1576, p. 1804, 1583, p. 1910.
She died in Newgate late in April or in early May 1556, before she could be sent to the stake. 1563, p. 1518, 1570, p. 2091, 1576, p. 1804, 1583, p. 1910.
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(d. 1558)
Smith. Of London.
Robert Williams was whipped in Bonner's orchard. 1563, p. 1692, 1570, p. 2264, 1576, p. 1955, 1583, p. 2061.
He died shortly after his whipping by Bonner. 1563, p. 1692, 1570, p. 2264, 1576, p. 1955, 1583, p. 2061.
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Martyr. Occupation unknown.
Articles were ministered against Stephen Cotton by Thomas Darbyshire on 22 June 1558. 1563, p. 1669, 1570, p. 2241, 1576, p. 1935, 1583, p. 2039.
Cotton gave answers to the articles. 1563, p. 1669, 1570, p. 2241, 1576, p. 1935, 1583, p. 2039.
He appeared before Darbyshire on 11 July 1558. 1563, p. 1669, 1570, p. 2241, 1576, p. 1935, 1583, p. 2039.
The sentence was read by Darbyshire in the presence of Edward Hastings and Thomas Cornwallis. 1563, p. 1669, 1570, p. 2241, 1576, p. 1935, 1583, p. 2039.
Cotton was burned at Brentford on 14 July 1558. 1563, p. 1669, 1570, p. 2241, 1576, p. 1935, 1583, p. 2039.
He wrote a letter to his brother. 1563, pp. 1688-89, 1570, p. 2264, 1576, p. 1555, 1583, p. 2062.
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A chapelry in the parish of Great Burstead, hundred of Barnstaple, county of Essex. 9.5 miles south-south-west from Chelmsford. The living is a perpetual curacy annexed to the vicarage of Great Burstead, in the Archdeaconry of Essex and Diocese of London.
English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)
Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)
The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.
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Colingborow not identified - perhaps:
Collingbourne Kingston, a parish in the hundred of Kinwardstone, county of Wilts. 4 miles north-north-west from Ludgershall. The living is a vicarage in the Archdeaconry of Wilts., diocese of Salisbury.
English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)
Scottish information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Scotland (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1846)
Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)
The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.
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A city having separate civil jurisdiction, locally in the hundred of Underditch, county of Wilts. 82 miles south-west by west from London. The city comprises the parishes of St Edmund, St Martin and St Thomas, in the jurisdiction of the Sub-Dean, and in the diocese of Salisbury, of which the city is the seat. The cathedral precinct is extra-parochial, and under the jurisdiction of the Dean and Chapter. The living of St Edmund is a rectory not in charge; St Martin is a discharged rectory; and St Thomas a perpetual curacy.
[Back to Top]English information from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of England (S. Lewis & Co: London, 1831)
Welsh information taken from Samuel Lewis, A Topographical Dictionary of Wales(Lewis & Co: London, 1840)
The reason for the use of these works of reference is that they present the jurisdictional and ecclesiastical position as it was before the major Victorian changes. The descriptions therefore approximate to those applying in the sixteenth century, after the major changes of 1535-42. Except for the physical locations, which have not changed, the reader should not therefore take these references as being accurate in the twenty-first century.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaStephen Cottons letter to his brother.BRother, in the name of the Lord Iesus I cōmend me vnto you, and I doe heartely thancke you for your godly exhortation and counsell in your last letter declared to me. And albeit I doe perceiue by your letter, you are informed, that as we are diuers persons in number, so we are of contrary sectes, conditions, and opinions, contrary to that good opinion you had of vs at your last being with vs in Newgate: be you most assured good brother in the Lorde Iesus, we are all of one minde, one faith, one assured hope in the Lord Iesus, whome I trust we altogether with one spirite, one brotherly loue, doe daily call vpon for mercy & forgeuenesse of our sinnes, with earnest repentaunce of our former liues, and by whose precious bloudshedding wee trust to be saued onely, and by no other meanes. Wherefore good brother, in the name of the Lorde, seeing these impudente people, whose mindes are altogether bent to wickednesse, enuie, vncharitablenesse, euill speaking, doe goe about to slaunder vs with vntruth, beleeue them not, neither let their wicked sayings once enter into your mind. And I trust one day to see you againe, although now I am in Gods prison, which is a ioyfull schoole to them that loue theyr Lord God, and to me being a simple scholer most ioyfull of all.
[Back to Top]Good brother, once againe I doe in the name of oure Lorde Iesus, exhort you to pray for me, that I may fight stronglye in the Lordes battaile, to bee a good souldioure to my Captaine Iesus Christ our Lord, and desire my sister also to do the same: and doe not ye mourn or lament for me, but be ye glad and ioyful of this my trouble: For I trust to be loosed out of this dongeon shortly, and to go to euerlasting ioy, which neuer shal haue end. I heard how ye were with the Commissioners. I pray you sue no more for me, good brother. But one thing I shal desire you, to be at my departing out of this life, that you may bear witnes with me that I shal die, I trust in God, a true Christian, and (I hope) all my cōpanions in the Lord our God: and therfore beleue not these euil disposed people, who are the authors of all vntruthes.
[Back to Top]I pray you prouide me a long shirt against the day of our deliuerance: for the shirt you gaue me last, I haue geuen to one of my companions who had more neede then I: And as for the money and meat you sent vs, the Bishops seruaunts deliuered none to vs, neither he whome you had so great trust in. Brother, there is none of them to trust to: for qualis Magister talis Seruus.
qualis Magister talis Seruus Not translated. As is the master so is the slave
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Your brother, Steuen Cotton.
IN this societie of the scourged professors of Christ, was also one MarginaliaIames Harris scourged.Iames Harris of Billerica in Essex, a stripling of the age of 17. yeares: who being apprehended and sent vp to Boner in the company of Margaret Ellis, by Syr Iohn Mordant Knight, and Edmund Tyrel Iustices of peace (as appeareth by their owne letters before mentioned, pag. 2020.) was by Boner diuers times straitly examined. In the which examinatiōs he was charged not to haue come to his parish church by the space of one yeare or more. MarginaliaReade before pag. 1804.Wherunto he graunted, confessing therwithal, that once for feare he had bene at the Church, and there had receiued the Popish sacrament of the aultare, for the whych he was hartely sorie, detesting the same with all his hart.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaIames Harris repenteth his comming to the Popish Church.After this and such like answeares. Boner (the better to try him,) perswaded him to goe to shrift. The lad somwhat to fulfil his request, consented to go, & did. But whē he came to the Priest, he stoode stil and saide nothing. Why quoth the Priest, sayest thou nothing? what should I say, sayd Harris? Thou must confesse thy sins, sayd the priest. My sinnes (saith he) be so many, that they cānot be numbred. MarginaliaThe cause of Iames Harris scourging.With that the Priest told Boner what he had sayde, and he of his accustomed deuotion, tooke the pore lad into his garden, and there with a rod gathered out of a Cherie tree, did most cruelly whip him.
[Back to Top]OVer and besides these aboue mētioned, was one Roberte Williams, who being apprehended in the same cōpany, MarginaliaThe scourging of Robert Williams.was so tormented after the like maner wyth rods in his arbour: who there subscribing and yelding himselfe by promise to obey the lawes, after being let go, refused so to doe: whereupon he was earnestly sought for, but could not be found, for that he kept himselfe close, and went not
[Back to Top]abroad but by stelth: & now in the meane time of this persecution, this Robert Williams departed thys life, and so escaped the handes of his enemies. The Lord therfore be honoured for euer. Amen.
¶ And for asmuch as I haue begon to wryte of Boners scourging, by the occasion therof commeth to minde to inferre by the way, his beating of other boyes and children, and drawing them naked through the nettels, in his iourney rowing toward Fulham. The storie although it touch no matter of Religion, yet because it toucheth some thyng the nature and disposition of that man, and maye refreshe the Reader, wearied percase with other dolefull stories, I thought not to omitte.
[Back to Top]MarginaliaB. Boner causeth certayne boyes to be beaten.BOner passing from London to Fulham by Barge, hauing Iohn Milles and Thomas Hinshaw aboue mētioned with him, both prisoners for Religion, by the way as he went by water, was saying Euensong with Harpsfield his chaplaine in the barge, and being about the middle of their deuout orisons, they espied a sort of yōg boyes swimming and washing themselues in the Thames ouer against Lambeth, or a little aboue: MarginaliaBoners pityfull hart.vnto whome hee went and gaue very gentle language, and faire speach, vntill he had let his man a lande. That done, his men ran after the boyes to get them, as the Bishop commaunded them before, beating some with nettles, drawinge some throughe bushes of nettles naked, and some they made leape into the Thames to saue them selues, that it was maruell they were not drowned.
[Back to Top]Now as the children for feare did crie, and as this skirmishing was betweene them, immediatly came a greater lad thither, to know what the matter ment that the boyes made suche a noise. Whome when the bishop espied, he asked him whether he wold maintain them in their doings or no. Vnto whom the yong fellow made answer stoutly, yea. Then the B. commanded him to be taken also: but he ran away with spede, and there auoided the bishops blessing. Now when the B. sawe him to flee away, & an other man sitting vpon a rail in the way where he ran, he willed him likewise to stop the boy: and because he wold not, he commaunded his men to fet that man to him also: but he hearing that, ran away as fast as he coulde, and by leaping ouer the ditch, escaped the bishop in like maner.
[Back to Top]Then the Bishop seeing the successe of his battaile to prooue no better, cried to a couple of fery boies to run and holde him that last ran away. And for that they sayde they could not (as in deede it was true) therefore he caused his men by and by to take and beat them. The boyes hearing that, lept into the water to saue themselues: notwithstanding they were caught, and in the water by the Byshops men were holden and beaten.
[Back to Top]Now, after the ende of this great skirmish,
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The Edition of 1563 adds; "and the Castle wonne, that never was kept."
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"And so sayd forth." This is the reading in the first three Editions; in the later it has been corrupted into "forsooth." For other instances see Strype's Annals, I. p. 359, line 7 from the bottom. In Bp. Bale's Kynge Johan (p. 5) we have also:- "Of that we shall talk together: say forth thy mind now."
[Back to Top]MarginaliaA poore begger whipt at Salisbury, for not receiuing with the Papistes at Easter.VNto these aboue specified, is also to be added the miserable whipping of a certain pore starued seely begger, who because he would not receiue the sacramēt at Easter in the towne of Colingborow, was brought to Salisbury with billes and gleiues to the Chancellor doctor Geffrey who cast him into the Dongeon, and after caused him miserably to be whipped of two catchpoles. The sight wher of made all godly hearts to rew it, to see such tyrannye to be shewed vppon such a simple and seely wretche: for they which saw him haue reported, that they neuer saw a more simple creature: But what pitie can mooue the heartes of mercilesse Papists?
[Back to Top]Besides these aboue named, diuers other also suffered the like scourgings and whippings in their bodies for the faithfull standing in the truth. Of whom it may be sayde, as it is wrytten of the holy Apostles in the Actes. MarginaliaActes 5.Which departed from the counsel, reioysing that they were counted woorthy to suffer for the name of Iesus.
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For discussions of the importance of the providential judgements to Foxe and his contemporaries, and of the importance of these tales of divine protection of the faithful to Foxe's work see Alexandra Walsham, Providence in Early Modern England (Oxford: 1999), pp. 65-115 especially pages 108-09, and Thomas S. Freeman, 'Fate, Faction and Fiction in Foxe's Book of Martyrs', Historical Journal 43 (2000), pp. 601-23.
[Back to Top]Tales of the providential rescue of Alexander Wimshurst and of the protestant congregation at Stoke Nayland in Suffolk had already been printed in the Rerum (pp. 636-38) and were simply translated and reprinted in 1563 and all subsequent editions.
In the 1563 edition there was an important list of protestants who were non-lethally persecuted in Mary's reign (1563, pp. 1677-79). Most of this list was never reprinted because it contained the names of a number of protestant radicals - including freewillers and anabaptists - whom Foxe wished forgotten. Nevertheless a number of individual stories mixed in with these lists (the accounts of Edward Grew and William Browne) would be saved and reprinted in all editions.
[Back to Top]Beyond these cases, the stories of Simon Gryneaus, Thomas Christenmass and William Watts, John Glover, Dabney, Bosom's wife, John 'Moyse' (almost certainly John Noyse), the London congregation, the English at Calais, Thomas Horton, Robert Harrington, Nicholas Throgmorton and Thomas Musgrave all first appeared in the 1563 edition.
[Back to Top]In the next edition, some of these accounts were deleted for various reasons: the account of 'Moyse' was dropped almost certrainly because of the continuing influence of Francis Nunn, the Suffolk JP, whose persecution of 'Moyse' was graphically described, while Robert Cole's providential rescue was probably deleted because of Foxe's anger at Cole's prominent support of Archbishop Parker's vestments policy. The account of Throgmorton's successful defiance of the Marian government may have been politically sensitive by 1570. The accounts of Robert Harrington and Thomas Musgrave were also deleted for less clear reasons.
[Back to Top]On the other hand, numerous stories were added in the 1570 edition: the rescues of William and Julian Living, as well as that of John Lithall, and the deliverances of Elizabeth Young, John Davis, Anne Lacey, Edward Benet, Jeffrey Hurst, William Wood, Katherine Brandon (the dowager duchess of Suffolk), Thomas Sprat and William Porrege, John Cornet, Thomas Brice, Gertrude Crockhay, William Maldon, Robert Horneby and Elizabeth Sands. The account of Simon Grineaus was moved from the main body of the Acts and Monuments, where it had been in 1563 (pp. 441-42), and material was added to the story of Thomas Horton.
[Back to Top]In the 1576 edition, the story of Mrs Roberts was added and the account of John Davis deleted. This deletion was probably inadvertant and the account of Davis was re-inserted in the 1583 edition.
ALthough the secreat purpose of almighty God, which disposeth all thinges, suffered a greate number of hys