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Bologna (Bononium)

[Bononie; Bonomie; Bonony; Bononia]

Emilia-Romagna, Italy

Coordinates: 44° 30' 27" N, 11° 21' 5" E

Cathedral city

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Caesarea Palaestina (Pyrgos Stratonos)



Coordinates: 32° 30' 0" N, 34° 53' 59" E

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Cervia [Seruia]

province of Ravenna, Emilia-Romagna, Italy

Coordinates: 44° 15' 0" N, 12° 22' 0" E

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Faenza (Faventia) [Fauentia]

Ravenna, Emilia-Romagna, Italy

Coordinates: 44° 17' 0" N, 11° 53' 0" E

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Forli (Forolivium)

Emilia-Romagna, Italy

Coordinates: 44° 14' 0" N, 12° 3' 0" E

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province of Bologna, Emilia-Romagna, Italy

Coordinates: 44° 21' 0" N, 11° 43' 0" E

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[Hierusalem; Ierusalem; Ierosolyma]

Coordinates: 31° 47' 0" N, 35° 13' 0" E

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(Mediolanum) [Mediolanensis; Millan; Millaine; Miliane; Millayne; Millen]

Lombardy, Italy

Coordinates: 45° 28' 0" N, 9° 10' 0" E

Cathedral city

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Pisa [Pysas; Pise; Pisae]

Tuscany, Italy

Coordinates: 43° 43' 0" N, 10° 24' 0" E

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Emilia-Romagna, Italy

Coordinates: 44° 25' 0" N, 12° 12' 0" E

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Turin (Torino; Taurinorum) [Taurinum; Thurin]

Piedmont, Italy

Capital of Piedmont region; cathedral city

Coordinates: 45° 4' 0" N, 7° 42' 0" E

759 [735]

K. Henry. 7. Pope Julius 2. rayseth warre. The history of the Turkes.

such other of his owne friendes writing of him, are compelled to say of him, Marti illum quam Christo deditiorem fuisse: that is, that he was more geuen to warre and battayle, then to Christ. Concerning the madnesse of this man thys is most certaynely knowne, that at what time he was going to warre, he cast the keyes of S. Peter into the riuer of Tybris, sayinge, that for as much as the keyes of Peter would not serue him to his purpose, he woulde take himselfe to the sword of Paule. Wherupon Philip Melancthõ, amongest many other writing vpon the same, maketh this Epigrame.

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Cum contra Gallos bellum papa Iulius eßet

Gesturus, sicut fama vetusta docet:

Ingentes martis turmas contraxit, & vrbem

Egressus sæuas edidit ore minas.

Iratusq; sacras claues in flumina iecit

Tibridis, hic vrbs pons vbi iungit aquas.

Inde manu strictum vagina diripit ensem,

Exclamansq; truci talia voce refert:

Hic gladius Pauli nos nunc defendet ab hoste,

Quandoquidem clauis nil iuuat ista Petri.

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Whereupon also Gilbert Ducherius maketh this Epigrame.

In Gallum vt fama est, bellum gesturus acerbum,

Armatum educit Iulius vrbe manum:

Accinctus gladio, claues in Tibridis amnem

Troijcit, & sæuus talia verba facit:

Quum Petri nihil efficiant ad prælia claues,

Auxilio Pauli forsitan ensis erit.

¶ The sense of these Epigrammes in English is this.

When Iulius Pope agaynst the French

determined to make warre:

As fame reportes, he gathered vp

great troupes of men from farre.

And to the bridge of Tybur then,

marching as he were wood:

His holy keyes he tooke, and cast

them downe into the floud.

And afterward into his hand,

he tooke a naked sword:

And shaking it, brake forth into

this fierce and warlike word.

The sword of Paule (quoth he) shall now

defend vs from our foe:

Since that this key of Peter doth

nothing auayle thereto.

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MarginaliaThe popes law geueth leaue to kyll all that be accursed of him.Of this Iulius it is certaynely reported, that partly wt his warre, partly with his cursinges, within the space of 7. yeares, as good as 200000. Christians were destroyed. MarginaliaThe warres and bloudshed of pope Iulius. 2.Fyrst he besieged Rauenna agaynste the Venetians, then Seruia, Imola, Fauentia, Foroliuium, Bononia and other cities, whiche he gate out of Princes handes, not with out much bloudshed. The Chronicles of Iohn Sledan maketh mention, that when this Iulius was made Pope he tooke an oathe, promising to haue a Councell within two yeares: but when he had no leysure thereunto, being occupyed with his warres in Italy amõg the Venetians, and with the French king, and in Ferraria, and in other countryes: 9. of his Cardinalles departing from him, came to Millayne, and there appoynted a Councell at the Citty of Pise, amongest whome the chiefe, were Bernardus, Cruceius, Gulielmus Prenestinus, Franciscus Cõstantinus, with diuers others: amongest whome also were adioyned the Procuratours of Maximilian the Emperour, and of Charles the French king. So the Councell was appoynted the yeare of our Lord 1511. to begin in the Kalendes of September. MarginaliaThe pope periured.The cause why they did so call this Councell was thus alledged, because the Pope had so brokē his oth, and all this while he gaue no hope to haue any councell, & also because there were diuers other crimes, wherupõ they had to accuse him. MarginaliaA councell called to depose pope Iulius.Theyr purpose was to remoue him out of his seat, the which he had procured through bribes and ambition. Iulius hearing this, geueth out contrary commaundement vnder great payne, no man to obey them, & calleth himselfe another councell agaynst the next yeare, to be begon the 19. day of Aprill. The French king vnderstãding Pope Iulius to ioyne with the Venetians, and so to take theyr part agaynst him, conuented a councell at Thurin in the month of September, in the which councel these questions were proposed.

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Whether it was lawfull for the Pope to moue warre agaynst any
prince without cause.

Whether any Prince in defending himselfe, might inuade his ad-
uersary: and deny his obedience.

Vnto the which questions it was answered, that neither the bishop ought to inuade, and also that it was lawfull for the king to defende himselfe. MarginaliaThe Pragmaticall Sanction established, mentioned before, pag. 674.Moreouer that the Pragmaticall sanction was to bee obserued thorowe the realme of Fraunce: MarginaliaNo vniust excommunication to be feared.Neyther that any vniust excommunications ought to be feared, if they were founde to be vniust. After this the king sent vnto Iulius, the aunswere of his councell, requiring him either to agree to peace, or to appoynt a generalll Councell some other where, where thys matter myght bee more fully decided. Iulius woulde neyther of both these, but forthwith accursed Charles the French king, with all his kingdome. At the lenth, at Rauenna in a great war, he was ouercome by the frēch king, and at last, after much slaughter and great bloudshed, and mortall warre, this Pope dyed in the yeare of our Lorde 1513. the 21. day of February.

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MarginaliaThe turkes doing requisite to be knowen of Christians.IF it were not  

Commentary  *  Close
History of the Turks to Sulieman I

In a number of ways the sudden inclusion of a large - even by A&Mstandards - section on the history of the Turks in an ecclesiestical history is somewhatsurprising. Virtually no attention had been paid to this subject in either of Foxe'sLatin martyrologies. There were, moreover, only cursory references to the Turks in the 1563 edition (pp. 422 and 442): although the characterization of the Turks' 'extreme cruelty and tirrany' in the first of these passages is revealing of Foxe'sattitudes. Foxe himself recognized that his account of the Turks was an unusual ex-cursus and offered several justifications for it: that an understanding of the history ofthe Turks was necessary for an understanding of Biblical prophecy; that it was impor-tant to understand the danger the Turks presented to the survival of the Church; thatit enabled the reader to recognize the Turks as God's scourge and to repent sin; thatit would inspire Christians to unite against the Turks; that it showed that the Turkswere backed by the Devil and could only be defeated with God's aid and finally thatthe English tended to minimize the imminence of the Turkish threat and needed to bealerted to it.

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All of these reasons were inter-connected. The importance of understanding the Turkish role in prophetic history, at least to Foxe, is demonstrated by the fact thathe devoted a section of his account of the Turks to the subject. Two thingsare essential to understanding Foxe's view of the Ottoman empire. The first is that hethought, whether or not it was Antichrist (as we shall see, Foxe was unsure about this), it was unquestionably in league with Satan. Moreover, the rise of the Ottomanempire took place in what - in Foxe's eyes, at least - was the the final days of theworld, with the Apocalypse imminent. Thus the Ottoman empire was not a politicalpower, posing a military threat, it was a spiritual power, posing a supernatural threatand it had to be fought by spiritual means. Yet the Turks were also part of God's planand should inspire people to repentance and right conduct. By emphasizing the powerand the cruelty of the Turks (which he would do stridently), Foxe was following whathe believed was his duty: alerting God's flock to danger and exhorting them to repentance.

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The interesting question is why did Foxe believe that the Ottomans were adiabolical threat? One reason was their invincibility. Foxe wrote his account of theTurks in 1566, at the very end of the reign of the greatest sultan of the Ottomanempire, Süleyman I (reined 1520-1566). From this vantage point, the trajectory of theOttoman empire was one of almost unbroken success. Secondly, and probably mostimportantly, the Turks seemed to fit the descriptions of Antichrist in certain key respects, such as their cruelty and their hostility to Christianity. Less obviously, butof equal importance to Foxe, was that their state was tyranny without law, order ormorality; a diabolical parody of a godly commonwealth. But above all, at least inFoxe's eyes, the Turks had no true family structure. Instead of godly monogamousmarriage, the Turks had concubines and harems; instead of an orderly successionfrom father to son, there were assassinations and civil wars.

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Finally Foxe was greatly influenced in his perception of the Turk by hisexile. Continental writers, particularly those in Germany and Italy, were greatly concerned about the Ottoman threat, for obvious reasons, and in Basel, Foxe wasexposed to their writings on the subject. In fact, much of his history of the Turkswould be based on two works, both of which were printed in Basel. One of theseworks, De origine et rebus gestis Turcorum, was printed by Foxe's employerJohann Oporinus in 1556; Foxe may well have corrected. The other work wasTheodore Bibliander's Latin translation of the Koran, which was printed in 1550,a few years before Foxe arrived in Switzerland. It is not easy to perceive Foxe's indebtedness to these books. Both works were actually compilations of texts about the Turks. De origine is a collection of histories of the Ottomans by different authors; it is usually attributed to the Greek humanist Laonicus Chalkokondylas, but, in fact, he was only the author of the first work in the collection. Bibliander's translation of the Koran was also bound with works on the history and religion of the Turks. Foxe did not cite these works, but rather the individual works contained in them, giving the impression that he had read dozens of books when he had read two books.

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Apart from these two works, Foxe also drew on a few reliable and obvious sources: Sebastian Munster's Cosmographia and Caspar Peucer's edition of Carion'schronicle. Foxe also consulted Johann Cuspinian's De Turcorum origine. These sources, although secondary, were some of the finest works on the Ottomans in sixteenth-century Europe. As a result, Foxe's history of the Ottomans was the bestavailable in English during the sixteenth century.

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Because of its quality, the relative popularity of the Acts and Monuments, and the authority Foxe's work enjoyed, his account of the Turks was quite influential. This was especially true in two areas. One of these was in the exegesis of Revelationand the development of apocalyptic thought in England. The other wasin English literature, particularly drama. Christopher Marlowe based his drama Tamburlaine on the Acts and Monuments. (See William J. Brown, 'Marlow'sDebasement of Bajazet: Foxe's Actes and Monuments and Tamburlaine, Part I',Renaissance Quarterly 24 [1971], pp. 24-38 and Roy W. Battenhouse, Marlowe'sTamburlaine [Nashville, 1964]).

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Thomas S. Freeman
University of Sheffield

that I feare to ouerlay this our volume wt heapes of forreigne historyes, which haue professed chiefly to entreat of Actes and Monuments here done at home: I woulde adioine after these popes aboue rehearsed, some discourse also of the Turkes story: of theyr rising, and cruell persecution of the sayntes of God, to the great anoiance and perill of Christendome: yet notwithstanding certayne causes there be which necessarily require the knowledge of theyr order and doinges, and of theyr wicked procedings, theyr cruell tyranny, and bloudy victories, the ruine & subuersion of so many Christen Churches, with the horryble murders and captiuitye of infinite Christians to bee made playne and manifest, as well to this our countrey of England, as also to other nations:

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MarginaliaThe first cause.First for the better explayning of the Prophecies of the new Testament, as in S. Paules Epistle ad Thessall. and also in the reuelation of S. Iohn. Whiche Scriptures otherwise, without the opening of these historyes, can not so perfectly bee vnderstand. Of the whiche Scriptures we mynde hereafter (Christ graunting) orderly, as the curse of matter shall lead vs, to make rehearsall.

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MarginaliaThe seconde cause.An other cause is, that we may learne thereby eyther with the publique Churche, to lament with our brethren such a great defection and decay of christian fayth, through these wicked Turkes: or els may feare thereby our owne daunger.

MarginaliaThe third cause.The thyrd cause, that we may põder more deeply with our selues, the scourge of God for our sinnes, and corrupte doctrine, which in the sequele hereof, more euidently may appeare to our eyes, for our better admonition.

MarginaliaThe fourth cause.Fourthly, the consideration of this horrible persecution of the Turkes, rising chiefely by our discord and dissention among our selues, may reduce vs agayn from our domesticall wars, in killing and burning one of an other, to ioyne together in Christian patience and concorde.

MarginaliaThe fift cause.V. but chiefely these great victoryes of the Turkes and vnprosperous speed of our men fighting agaynst thē, may admonish & teach vs, MarginaliaAdmonition to fight against the turke. folowing the example of the olde Israelites, how to seek for greater strēgth to encounter with these enemyes of Christ, then hitherto we haue done. First we must cõsider, that the whole power of Sathan þe prince of this world, goeth with the Tnrkes. Whiche to resist, no strēgth of mans arme, is sufficient, but onely the name, spirite, and power of our Lord Iesus the sonne of god, going with vs in our battels, as among the olde Israelites, the Arcke of Gods couenaunt and promise wente with them also, fighting agaynst the enemies of God. For so are wee taught in Scripture, that we christen mē haue no strength, but in Christ onely. MarginaliaChristian fayth necessary to be ioyned with outward force against the turk. Whether we warre agaynst the deuill, or agaynst the Turke it is true that the Scripture sayeth: Sine me nihil potestis facere. i. without me you cã do nothing. Otherwise there is no puissaunce to stand agaynst þe deuill or to conquere the world, Nisi fides nostra: that is, our fayth onely all the promises of God (touching saluation) be annexed, beyonde which promises we muste not goe, for the worde must be our rule. He that presumeth beyond the promises in the word expressed, goeth not, but wandereth, hee can not tell whether. Neither must we appoynt God, how to saue the worlde, but must take that way whiche he hath appointed. Let vs not set our God to schoole, nor cõprehēd his holy spirite within our sculles. MarginaliaGratis venum dati estis, gratis redimemini. Esai 52.He that made vs wtout our counsell, did also redeeme vs as pleased hym. If he be mercifull, let vs be thankefull. And if his mercyes surmoūt our capacity, let vs therfore not resist, but search his word, and thereunto apply our will: which if we will doe, all our

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