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tell he came to the second gate of Paules, and then he tooke his Mule, and the mitred menne came backe again. Then these pore men wer come downe from the stage, whereon the swepers stode when they swepte the churche, and the bishops sate them downe againe, and commaūded the knight marshal, the warden of þe Flete, with their company to cary them about the fire, and then brought them to the bishops, there they kneled downe, & Rochester stode vp and declared vnto the people how many daies of pardon, and forgeuenesse of sinnes, they had for being at that sermond & there did assoil D. B. with thother, & shewed the people that they wer receiued into the churche again. And then was the Wardē of the Flete & the knight marshal cōmaunded to haue them to the Flete again, & comaunded þt they shuld haue the liberty of þe Flete as other prisoners had, and that their frends shuld come vnto them, & remaine til my L. Car. pleasure wer known. Ther he continued half a yere, & after he was deliuered he was committed to be fre prisoner in the Austen friers in London. When those Caterpillers and bloudy beasts had vnderminded him, they did complaine on him again to my Lorde Cardinall. Then he was remoued to the Friers of Northampton, there to be burned. Yet he knew not but that he shoulde be in the Austens, in free prison with his special frend master Horne, who broughte hym vp. and he had bene there but a litle while, but master Horne had hard þt the writ shuld shortly come to burn him. Then 

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Barnes' escape took place in 1528. The deception involved in this episode was subsequently criticised by Catholic polemicists: see Robert Persons, A treatise of three conversions of England (STC 19416: St. Omer, 1604), vol. III p.181.

he gaue him counsell þt he shoulde fain him selfe to be desperate, and þt he should wryte a letter to my lord Car. and leaue it on his table where he lay, & a paper by, to declare whether he was gone to drowne him self, MarginaliaD. Barns fained hym selfe to be drowned. and to leaue his clothes in the same place, & there a nother letter to be lefte to the maire of the towne, to search for him in þe water, because he had a letter wrytten in parchment aboute hys necke closed in waxe, for my Lorde Cardinall which would teach all men to beware by him. Vpon this they were vii. daies a searching for him, but he was conueyed to London in a pore mans apparell, & so taried not there but toke shipping & went by long seas to Andwarpe, & so to Luther, & ther fel to study til he had made answer to al þe bishops of þe realm, & had made a boke intituled Acta Romanorū pontificum 
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Barnes' Vitae Romanorum pontificorum was actually first published in 1536, in two editions, one in Wittenberg, the other in Basel.

, MarginaliaAc. Roma. pōtificum. by doctor barnes. & a nother boke wt a supplication 
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There were two, sharply differing editions of this text: A supplicatyon made by Robert Barnes doctour in diuinite, vnto the most excellent and redoubted prince kinge henrye the eyght (STC 1470: Antwerp, 1531), and a more politic revision, A supplicacion vnto the most gracyous prynce H. the .viij. (STC 1471: London, 1534).

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to king Hēry Immediatly it was told þe car. þt he was drowned & he said, perit memoria eius cum sonitu. But this did light vpon him self shortly after. For he poisoned him selfe 
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This scurrilous and occasionally repeated libel, for which of course Foxe had no evidence, was dropped from all subsequent editions of the Acts and Monuments.

at Leicester. In the meane season D. Barns was made strong in Christ, & got fauor both of the learned in christ & forren princes in Germany, & was great wt Luther, Melanchton, Pomeran, Iustus Ionas, Hegēdorphinus & Hippin9 of Hamborough, & with þe duke of Saxon, & the king of Dēmark, which king of Dēmark in þe time of More and Stokesly 
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In fact this embassy took place in the summer of 1534. Foxe is here referring to Barnes' visit to England in 1531-32, as an envoy from the Wittenberg theologians.

sent him wt the Lubeckes, as an ambassador to king Henry the viii. He laye wt the Lubecks chācelor at the stiliard, Moore wold haue fain trapped him both at this time & at a nother time, but þe king wold not let hym, for Crōwel was his great lord. And or he went þe Lubecks & he disputed with the bishops of this realme & cōfuted them: & departed again wtout restraint wt the Lubeckts. After þt going again to Whittēb. to þe duke of Saxon, & to Luther, he remained ther wt his frēds to set forwards his workes in print þt he had begon, he came again in þe beginnīg of þe raign of Quene Anne as other did, & continued a faithful preacher in this city 
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This sweeping description of the 1530s omits the significant amount of time Barnes spent on the Continent, including a lengthy trip to Wittenberg in 1535-6.

. In her graces time wel entertaind & promoted. And after that 
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This embassy took place in 1539.

sente ambassador by king Henry the viii. to the duke of Cleue, for þe mariage of the lady Anne of Cleue, betwene þe king and her, and was well excepted in þe ambassade, & in al his doings, vntill the time that Gardiner 
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This is a typical example of how conspiracy theories clustered around Gardiner in Foxe's work and in the wider English Protestant imagination. See Alec Ryrie, '"A Saynt in the Devyls Name": Heroes and Villains in the Martyrdom of Robert Barnes' in Thomas S. Freeman and Thomas F. Mayer (eds), Martyrs and Martyrdom in England, c.1400-1700 (Woodbridge, 2007), 144-65.

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came out of Fraunce, (for in Gardiners absence the honorable Quene Anne and Lord Cromwell, Doctor Barnes wt the other protestants in the religion of Iesus Christ prospered wel, but after he came, neither religion prospred nor þt the Quenes maiesty, Cromwel nor þe preachers, thē folowed alteration in mariage, vntill he had grafted the mariage in an other stocke, by the occasion wherof he began his bloudy work. For sone after D. Barnes wt his hrethren were taken & caried before þe kinges maiesty to Hāpton court, & there was examined, & there the kings maiesty seking þe menes of his safety to bring Win. & him agreed, was willed to go home wt Win. to confer with him. & they not agreing, Gardiner seking oportunity as he had done before by þe Quenes maiesty Quene Anne, and Lady Anne of Cleue, so thought he to dispatche, as he did dispatche the L. Cromwel, D. Barns wt the rest, as it folowed to lamentably to be sene or known: both to þe despising of the godli, & in the sheding of their bloud most tirannically, & trapped al the innocēts so couertly 
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So covertly, in fact, that Foxe had no evidence for this insinuation at all. In 1570 and subsequent editions, this claim that Gardiner lay behind the requirement to preach the Spital sermons was dropped.

, þt he wold seme to do no euel, & yet was the causer of al mischefe, as it folowed after that wolfe in a shepes clothing, suffering these lambs to preach which wold not be his scholers, willed them of a speciall loue to preach iii. notable sermonds at þe spitle, which wer baits to minister iust occasion of their condēpnation. As it did apeare bi Barns preching the i. sermon at the spittle, loking for the same, knowing Win. malice & seing him ther presēt. Said openly in the face of the world, askynge Win. if he had any malice toward him to forgeue him, & to hold vp his hād. And yet for al þt like a wolf whē they had all iii. preached, they wer sent for to Hāpton courte: and from thēce wer caried to the towre, by syr Ihō Gostwike.

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