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784 [784]

Actes and Monumentes of the Churche.

aultar, or at the least vpō a superaltare, to supplie the default of the aultar, which must haue had his prints & characts, or els it was thought that the thing was not lawfullie don. But this supersticious opinion is more holdē in þe minds of the simple and ignoraunt by the form of an aulter, thē of a table, wherfore it is more mete for the abolishment of this supersticious opinyon, to haue the Lords bourd after the forme of a table then of an altar.

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The forth reason.

MarginaliaThe name of an alter how it is deriued and what it signifyeth.Fourthly the form of an aultar was ordeyned for the sacrifices of the lawe, & therfore the altar in greke is called xxx quali sacrificii locus. But now both the law and the sacrifices therof do cease: Wherfore the form of the altar vsed in the law, ought to cease with al.

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The fifte reason.

MarginaliaChrist vsed a table & not an altar.Fiftly Christ did institute the sacramēt of his bodie and bloud at his last supper at a table, & not at an aultar, as it appeareth manifestly by the thre euangelists. And S. Paule calleth the coming to the holy communiō, the cōming vnto the Lordes supper. MarginaliaThe aultar neuer vsed emong the Apostles.And also it is not reade, that any of the apostls or the primatiue church did euer vse any altar in the ministratiō of the holly communion, wherfore, seing the form of a table is more agreable with Christes institutiō, and with the vsage of the apostles and of the primatiue church, then the forme of an aultar, therfore the form of a table is rather to be vsed, then the forme of an altar, in the admynistration of the holy Communion.

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The sixt reason.

Finally it is said in the preface of the boke of commō praier, that if any doubt do arise in the vse & practising of the same booke, to appease all suche diuersitie, the matter shalbe referred vnto the B. of the dioces who by his discretion shall take order for the quieting and appeasing of the same, so that the same order be not contrary vnto any thing conteined in that booke. Nowe it is most certayne and euident, that of the form of the Lords bourd, there arose great diuersitie, som vsing it after the forme of a table, and som of an altar, wherin whē the same reuerend father was required to say as the bishop of þe dioces, what was most mete, he could do no les of his bounden deutie, for to appease all such diuersitie, and to procure one godly vniformitie, to exhorte all his dioces vnto that, which he thought did best agree with scripture the vsage of the Apostles, and the primatiue church, and to that which is not only, not contrary vnto any thing cōteyned in the sayd boke of common praier, as is herebefore proued, but also shal highly further the king his most godly procedinges, in abolishing of diuers vayne & supersticyous opinions of the Popish masse out of the harts of the simple, and to bring them to the righte vse taught by holy scripture of the Lordes supper: the which as euery good man,no doubt, will desire of God, that it may be restored agayne vnto Christes church, so is it not to be doubted, but that euery godly wyse man (considering the iust and resonable cause therof cannot but allowe and commende, the sayd reuerend fathers doing in this behalfe.

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Here foloweth the history, of the doings and attempts of Steuen Gardiner late B. of Winchester, 
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Stephen Gardiner's letters

Stephen Gardiner's troubles with the Council sprang from the same root as Bonner's - an unwillingness to accept the changes of direction in religion which Cranmer was trying to introduce. Edward Vaughn was Captain of Portsmouth, and in the spring of 1547 it came to the bishop's attention that there had been an outbreak of iconoclasm in the town, and that this 'containeth an enterprise to subvert religion'. Gardiner subsequently preached in the town. There are accounts of this episode in Jordan, Edward VI: the Young King (London, 1968), p.155; James Muller, Stephen Gardiner and the Tudor Reaction (London, 1926), p.150; and Glyn Redworth, In Defence of the Church Catholic (Oxfrod, 1990), pp.255-6. In 1547 Gardiner was regarded as the principal champion of conservative values, and was also incarcerated in the Fleet for his opposition to the Injunctions. His delaying and evasive tactics during the autumn of 1547 were masterly, but ineffective. Having been forced into a show of conformity, he was released on the 20th February 1548, and retuned to his diocese (Redworth, In Defence of the Church Catholic, pp.255-69). This whole exchange was drastically reduced after the 1563 edition

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David Loades
University of Sheffield

with the proces of his articles and examinations vpon the same.

NOw that we haue discoursed þe proces doings, & examinations of Edmond Boner, followeth next in order þe stori of Steuē Gardiner B. of Winchester in proces not much vnlike to the other in stoutnes like arrogant, & glorious: in craft & subteltie, going before him, although in order & time of his examinations came behinde him. Thys Gardner hauing precept & cōmaundment geuē vnto him by the king to preache vpon certaine poynts which they had him in suspition for, in muche like sorte as Boner did before, shewed him self in performing the same, both stubborn & wilfull, as was declared of the other before, wherupon the next day after his sermō, ensewing, being arested by Sir Antony Wingfield, and Sir Raphe Sadler knightes, accompanied with a great nōber of the garde, was cōmitted to the Tower, from whence at length he was brought to Lābeth to his examinations, wher of more shalbe said hereafter (christ permitting) at large. In the meane time to comprehende & collect all thinges in order: First we will begin with the beginninges of his deserued trouble, how he was cōmitted to kepe his house, and afterward had to the Fleet, and what letters he wrote, as wel to other as especially to the lord Protector, whose answers again to the said. B as many as came to our hands we haue therto annexed, by the example & copie of whiche his letters, here being expressed for the, gentle reader, to peruse, thou maiest easyly perceaue and vnderstād the proud and glorious spirit of that man, his stubborn cōtumacie against the king, and malicious rebellion against god and trew religion, with sleight and crafte inough to defend his peuish purposes.

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The examples and copies of certayne letters written by Steuen Gardiner Bishop of Winchester, conteining diuers matters not vnworthye to be knowne for this present historye.


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Gardiner's letter to Edward Vaughan was printed by Foxe from a lost original, and reprinted by James Muller (Letters of Stephen Gardiner (Cambridge, 1933), pp.272-6). The letter to Somerset of 28 February [1547] is similarly printed by Muller, citing Foxe as his source (pp.264-7). The same is true of his letter of 21 May, although Muller notes (p.276) that 'a sixteenth century copy of the last twelve lines is in BL, Add.MS 28,571, f.21'. Muller identifies no MS source for the letter of 6 June (pp.286-295), again quoting Foxe as his source. The letters of 10 June and 'after 12 June' concerning the homilies, are similarly reprinted by Muller from Foxe (pp.296-7, 297-8). When Gardiner wrote again to Somerset from the Fleet in October 1547, Foxe edited the version which he had in front of him. About 40% of the original survives in BL Harley MS 417, fols 84-9 (one of Foxe's manuscripts) and most of the rest in a sixteenth century copy (BL Cotton MS Vespasian D.XVIII, ff.138-45). Foxe edited a good deal out of the original, but is the only source for the last paragraph, which does not appear in the other versions. The letter which follows, whish is not dated, but which Muller ascribes to the 27 October, is again known only from Foxe's version (pp.402-10). Muller's order of printing thereafter differs from Foxe's. That appearing on pages 746-7 is dated by Muller to the 20 November, and appears on pp.419-23, while that appearing on p.748, and tentatively dated 'shortly after 4th November' appears on p.410. In each case, Foxe is used as the source, although in respect of the letter appearing on pp.748-9, it is noted that the first twelve lines can also be found in BL Add.MS 28,571, f.14. The 'certaine additions' and the 'summe and conclusyon' appear to be Foxe's own composition. The letter to Nicholas Ridley, criticising a sermon which he had preached at court, which appear here on pp.751-4, is placed by Muller in its correct chronological place (February 1547), and appears on pp.255-63. Foxe is once again the only source. The originals of Somerset's side of the correspondence do not appear to have survived at all, and no scholar has so far collected the Protector's letters. John Strype in his Ecclesiastical Memorials (London, 1809 edition), 2, p.785, prints a version of Gardiner's letter to the Protector concerning the Book of Homilies, taken from BL Cotton MSS Vespasian D. XVIII, f.139, with the comment 'I remit the reader for the rest of this letter to Winchester's ninth letter in Foxe's Acts, the former part of the letter which is now exposed to view having been by him ommitted'. Partial drafts of the same letter are to be found in Harleian MS 417, ff.8 and 9, and these appear to have been Foxe's source.

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The 'copie of a writte or evidence' which appears in the 1570 edition (p.1521) may be an edited version of a Council letter, or it may be Foxe's own work.

MarginaliaA letter of Steuen Gardner to Captaine Vaughin.MAster Vaughan, After my right hartie cōmendations, in my last letters to my Lord Protector, signyfying according to the generall commaundemēt by letters geuen to all Iustices of peace, the state of this shire, I declared (as I supposed trewe) the Shire to be in good order, quiet, and conformitie, for I had not then hard of any alteration in this shire which the said letters of commaundment did forbid. Now of late within these two dayes I haue hard of a great and detestable (if it be trew that is tolde me) Inouation in the

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