printed and set forth, bearing diuers titles, and printed in diuers places. The first was called Thomas Mathews Bible,
This folio version of the English-language Bible, an amalgam of Tyndale's and Coverdale's earlier translations, was actually compiled in Antwerp in 1537 by the English clergyman John Rogers.
Tyndale's name being now tainted with the fact of his execution for heresy, Rogers instead attributed the edition to a "Thomas Matthew," a pseudonym possibly derived from the names of the two apostles. Grafton and Whitchurch sponsored a print run of 1,500 copies of Matthew's Bible in Antwerp that was shipped to London in 1537.
[Back to Top]Cranmer liked it enough to pass on a copy to Cromwell in August of that same year.
Cromwell managed to procure royal licence for this edition pursuant to his own programme to place a vernacular Bible in all parish churches. Coverdale's Bible of 1535 boasted only of a dedication to the king; this was a further step towards the eventual authorization of the Great Bible of 1539.
Coverdale was ordered to revise these potentially heretical marginal notes the 1539 Bible.
MarginaliaAn other Bible of the great volume printed at Paris.Furthermore, after the restreynt of this foresayd Bible of Mathew, an other Bible began to be printed at Paris, an. 1540. Whiche was called the Bible of the large Volume.
Here Foxe returns to his story of the abortive Paris printing, which was actually attempted in 1538 and shifted successfully to London in 1539.
After this, the Bishops bringing their purpose to passe, brought the Lord Cromwell out of fauour, and shortly to hys death: and not long after great cōplaint was made to the kyng of the translation of the Bible, and of the preface of the same, MarginaliaThe sale of the Bible stayde by the kyng, through the bishops meanes.and then was the sale of the Bible commaunded to be stayed, the Bishops promising to amend and correct it, but neuer performyng the same. Then Grafton was called, and first charged with the printyng of Mathewes Bible, but he being very fearefull of trouble, made excuses for hym self in al thinges. Then was he examined of þe great Bible, & what notes he was purposed to make. To þe which he aunswered, that he knewe none. For hys purpose was to haue retayned learned men to haue made the notes, but when he perceaued the kynges maiestie, and his Clergye not willing to haue any, hee proceded no further. MarginaliaRichard Grafton imprisoned for printing the Bible.But for all these excuses, Grafton was sent to the Fleete,
Grafton was imprisoned once in 1541 and twice more in 1543 on similar charges.
I.e., his assurance was underwritten with a 300 pound fine.
No revisions nor new versions of the English Bible were commissioned or printed for the remainder of Henry's reign.
But yet one thing more is to bee noted, that after the imprinters had loste theyr Bibles, they contynued suters to Boner, as is aforesayd, to bee a meane for to obteyne of the Frenche king theyr bokes agayn: but so long they continued suters, and Boner euer fed them with faire woordes, promysing thē much, but dyd nothing for them, till at the last Boner was discharged of hys ambassade, & returned home, where he was right ioyfullye welcomed home by the Lorde Cromwell, who loued hym very dearely, and hade a maruelous good opinion of hym.
Once again, Foxe backtracks in his account.
Cromwell had himself been known to employ ballad-mongering for political purchase; a number of both pro- and anti-Cromwellian ballads were circulating by the time of his execution.
This lengthy section narrates the lives and deaths of the three most prominent evangelicals executed for heresy by Henry VIII after the break with Rome, on each of whom see the ODNB. It is also a section which was extensively rewritten by Foxe between the 1563 and 1570 editions, although after 1570 only one, very minor change was made to the text. The account of Barnes in the 1563 edition drew principally on three sources. First was Barnes' autobiographical account in his A supplicacion vnto the most gracyous prynce H. the .viij. (STC 1471: London, 1534), sigs. F1r-I3r. This was extended, and slightly altered, from the account given in the 1531 edition of the Supplication, a text which Foxe apparently did not know. Alongside this was Edward Hall and Richard Grafton, The vnion of the two noble and illustrate famelies of Lancastre & Yorke (STC 12721: London, 1548), part II, fos. 241v-243r; and Barnes' protestation from the stake, found in John Standish, A lytle treatise composyd by Johan Standysshe, against the protestacion of R. Barnes (STC 23209: London, 1540) and reproduced in full by Foxe. In the 1570 rewriting, a new section was added, based on the detailed narrative in Stephen Gardiner, A declaration of such true articles as George Ioye hath gone about to confute as false (STC 11588: London, 1546).The main source for the account of Thomas Garret is a lengthy testimony of events in 1528 written by Anthony Dalaber, apparently specifically for Foxe's use. As Foxe tells us (1583, p. 1197), Dalaber died in Salisbury diocese in 1562, leaving his account unfinished. His text is reproduced apparently in full in 1563. There are some minor abridgements of Dalaber's account in 1570 and subsequent editions, mostly to omit digressions, lists of names or personal details apparently irrelevant to Garret's case. The remainder of Foxe's account of Garret is far sketchier and is assembled from the accounts of unnamed 'auncient and credible persones'.The source for the short account of William Jerome, which only appears in 1570 and subsequent editions, is unclear. Almost all of the information here can be substantiated from three documents in the State Papers (National Archives, SP 1 / 158 fos. 50-2, 120, 124-5 (LP XV 354.1, 411.2, 414), but these do not appear to be Foxe's sources, not least because none of them refer to Dr. Wilson's role, which is otherwise unrecorded. The account appears to be based entirely on a summary of Jerome's recantation sermon, given at St. Mary Spital on 29 March 1540, the Monday of Easter week.Alec Ryrie
[Back to Top]MarginaliaRob. Barnes. Tho. Garret, W. Hierome, Martyrs. Ike as in foreine battailes the chief point of victory cōsisteth in the safetie of þe Generall or Captain: euen so when the valiaunt standerd bearer and stay of the Churche of England, Tho. Cromwell I meane, was made away, pitie it is to beholde, what miserable slaughter of good men and good wemen ensued thereupō, wherof we haue now (Christ willing) to entreat. For Winchester hauing now gotten his full purpose, and free swynge to exercise his crueltie, wonder it was to see that Aper Calydonius, or (as the scripture speaketh) that Ferus singularis, MarginaliaPsal. 40.what troubles he raised in the Lordes vyneyard. And lest by delayes hee might loose the occasion presently offered, he straight wayes made his first assaultes vpō Robert Barnes, Thomas Garet, and William Hierome, whō in the very same moneth within ij. dayes after Cromwels death
This corrects the chronological error in the 1563 edition.
MarginaliaRob. Barnes Prior of the house of Augustines in Cambridge.This Barnes, after he came from the Vniuersitie of Louaine, went to Cambridge, where hee was made Prior, and Maister of þe house of þe Augustines. At that tyme the knowledge of good letters was scarsely entred into the Vniuersitie, all thinges beyng ful of rudenes and barbaritie, sauing in very few, which were priuye and secret. Wherupon Barnes hauing some feling of better learnyng and authors, began in his house to
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