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983 [982]

K. Henry. 8. Persecution of good men. The life of Cardinall Wolsey.

Persecuters. Martyrs. The Causes.

Hawkes of
An. 1530

ned gods seruice: nay,
sayd Nicolas, it main
teyneth great houses,
as Abbeys & other.
Item, that men
should say their
, and Aue Ma-
, in English, with
the Crede, and decla
red the same in Eng-
.Itē, that the Sa-
crament of the aultar

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was not, as it was pretended, the flesh, bloud, & bone of Christ: but a Sacrament, that is, a Typicall signification of his holy body.

To William Wingraue moreouer, it was obiected that he should say, that there was no Purgatory: and if there were any Purgatory, & euery Masse, that is sayd should deliuer a soule out of Purgatory, there should be neuer a soule there: for there be moe Masses sayd in aday, then there be bodyes buryed in a moneth.

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MarginaliaSimon Wisedome abiured.
Ihon Lõg-
land By-
shoppe of

of Burford.
Symon Wisedome
of Burford was char
ged in iudgement 
Commentary  *  Close

In 1538 a Simon Wisdom of Burford was collector of the lay subsidy for the hundreds of Bampton and Chedington (R.H. Gretton, The Burford Records: A Study in Minor Town Government (Oxford, 1920), p. 200). A man named Wisdom fled to the Continent in 1546, saying that he had feared for his life at the hands of the persecuting bishops (L&P, 21(1), pp. 748-9). This may have been Simon Wisdom, not the better known evangelical, Robert Wisdom. Simon Wisdom was a clothier and a mercer who purchased enough land to attain the status of a yeoman. He was elected bailiff of Burford seven times in the years 1545-67 and was an alderman of the town nine times in the years 1559-81. Wisdom was steward of the town in 1553. He died around 1585 (Gretton, Burford, pp. 97, 103 and 199-201). For persuasive arguments that Simon Wisdom the clothier and Burford official was the same Simon Wisdom who was accused of heresy in 1530 see Gretton, Burford, pp. 199-200).

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, for
hauyng three bookes
in English: one was
the Gospels in Eng
lish, an other was
the Psalter, the iij. was
the Summe of the ho
ly Scripture in En-

MarginaliaIames Algar abiured.
ry to the
Byshop of

Iames Al-
gar, or Ay-
An. 1530.
It was articula-
Commentary  *  Close

There is no independent corroboration of this account.

and obiected to
Iames Ayger, first
that he speaking to a
certaine D. of diuinity,
named Aglonby, sayd
that euery true Chri-
sten man lyuing after
the lawes of God, and
obseruyng his Com-
maundementes, is a
priest as well as he. &c.
Item, that he sayd,
that he would not his
executours to deale a-
ny pēny for his soule,
after his death, for he
would do it with his
owne hands while he
was alyue: and that
his cõsciēce gaue him,
that þe soule, so soone
as it departeth out of
þe body, goeth streight

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either to heauen, or to hell.

Item, when Doctour Aglonby aforesayd had alleged to him the place of S. Mat. 16. Thou art Peter. &c. He aunswered hym agayne with that which foloweth in the Gospell after: Get thee after me Sathan. &c.

Item, the sayd Iames hearyng of a certaine Church to be robbed, sayd openly, it made no great force, for the Church hath enough already.

MarginaliaIohn Frēch abiured.
of Long-
At Long-
An. 1530.
Agaynst Iohn
Frēch likewise 
Commentary  *  Close

This may the same John French who was charged as a sacramentary in the diocese of Canterbury in 1543 (L&P 18(2), p. 306).

three Articles were
obiected. 1. That he bele-
ued not the body of
Christ, fleshe, bloud,
and bone to be in the
2. That he was not
cōfessed to any Priest
of long tyme.
3. That Priestes had
not power to absolue
from sinnes. &c.

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For the which he likewise wyth the other, was troubled, and at length compelled also wyth them to kneele down, and to aske his holy Catholicke fathers and mothers blessing of Rome.

¶ But what stand I here numbering the sand? For if all the Register bookes were sought, it would be an infinite thyng to recite all them, which through all the other Diocesses of the realme in these dayes, before & since, were troubled and pursued for these and such lyke matters. But these I thought for example sake, here to specifie, that it myght appeare what doctrine it is, and long hath bene in the Church, for the which the Prelates and Clergie of Rome haue iudged men hereticks, and so wrongfully haue molested poore simple Christians.

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Now, passing from the abiurations of those poore men, we will somethyng speake (God willing) of the lyfe & doynges of the contrary part, who were their persecutours, & chief Rulers then of the church, to the entent that by those Rulers, it may better be discerned and iudged, what maner of Church that was, which then so persecuted þe true doctrine of Christ, and members of hys Churche.

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¶ A briefe discourse, concerning the storie and lyfe of Thomas Wolsey 
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Thomas Wolsey

The reason for Campeggio's mission in 1518 (not 1517, as Foxe states) was to persuade Henry VIII to support Pope Leo X's project for a crusade. Legates a latere were only exceptionally admitted to England (or to several other states), but this intention gave Cardinal Wolsey the opportunity to seek the same status for himself. Henry VIII therefore wrote on 11 April 1518, agreeing to the request on the condition that Wolsey was accorded the same rank. The Bull conferring this on the English cardinal was issued on 17 May, over a month before Campeggio reached Calais, so the sequence of events proposed by Foxe is in error. The real reason for the delay in the latter's proceeding to England was that Wolsey had another request. Cardinal Adriano Castelli, who held the English see of Bath and Wells, had been marginally involved in a plot against Leo, and Wolsey was anxious to secure his deprivation in order to possess the see himself. His campaign against Castelli was aided by another cardinal, Sylvestro Gigli, and it appears to have been Gigli's idea to keep Campeggio waiting until their demand was met. Campeggio reached Calais about 21 June and Wolsey sent an escort to bring him into England on around 10 July (Peter Gwyn, The King's Cardinal: the Rise and Fall of Thomas Wolsey [1990], pp. 102-3). An authentic account of Wolsey's pomp is contained in George Cavendish, The Life and Death of Cardinal Wolsey, ed. Richard S. Sylvester, Early English Text Society No. 243. (London: Oxford University Press, 1959). Cavendish wrote between 1556 and 1558, but his work remained in manuscript, and there is no reason to believe that Foxe ever saw it. This account is taken from Edward Hall, The Union of the two noble and illustre families of Lancastre and Yorke (London, 1550), 'The triumphant reign of K. Henrie the eight', p. 64r-v [STC (2nd ed.) 12723a]. An additional source may be found in BL Harley MS 433 fo. 293, calendared in the Letters and Papers…of the Reign of Henry VIII. ed. J. Gairdner et al. (London, 1862-1910), 2, No. 4333. This manuscript originally belonged to John Foxe.

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The main source for Foxe's story of Campeggio's second visit in 1529 is Edward Hall's chronicle, referred to above, pp. 161-3, 170r-171v, and 184v. This is in the regnal year 21 Henry VIII, not, as stated, 19 Henry VIII. The pope in question was Clement VII, not Clement VIII. This appears to have been simply a mistake (if he had been counting the anti-popes, he should have been Clement IX, since 'Clement VII' reigned at Avignon from 1378 to 1394, and 'Clement VIII' from 1423 to 1429). The occasion for this second visit was, of course, the resolution of the 'King's Great Matter' - the annulment of his marriage to Catherine. The story of the sack of Rome, which helped to frustrate the king's efforts, is also taken from Hall's Chronicle (pp. 159-61). The story of Wolsey's malice against Richard Pace, dean of St Paul's (and dean of Exeter and dean of Salisbury), however, does not come from Hall, and although the fact of his collapse can be confirmed from letters calendared in the Letters and Papers, there is no likelihood that Foxe would have known about these. It no doubt derived from the letter of Erasmus to Thomas Lupsett of 4 October 1525, in which he hoped that 'our friend Pace has recovered by now' from 'the love disease' [syphilis] which afflicted him (Erasmus, Collected Works ed. Alexander Dalzell [1994], No. 1624 [p. 305]). This had already been published in the Opus epistolarum Des. Erasmi Roterodami (Basel: Froben, 1529). There is no reason to suppose that the cardinal was deliberately responsible for Pace's insanity, which caused him to be recalled from Rome in November 1525, although it is possible that the pressures put upon him may have been a contributory factor. Pace was relieved of his duties as king's secretary in 1526, and consigned to the care of the Brigittine monks at Syon. Pace was in and out of care for the rest of his life, pursuing his scholarly interests as best he could. For a while, he lived normally in London, but later he returned (apparently voluntarily) to Syon. On the whole, Wolsey's treatment of him was patient and considerate, and Foxe was taking at face value hostile stories that had become part of the cardinal's 'Black Legend'. The former diplomat never, however, completely recovered, and died eight years later. On Pace, see Jervis Wegg, Richard Pace, A Tudor Diplomat (London, 1932), pp. 273-288. The original of the 'ambitious letter', written by Wolsey to Gardiner, is to be found in BL Cotton MS B.XI, fo. 57, although how Foxe obtained a copy of it is not known. The source of the 'Instructions' is similarly unknown, but the stories about Barnes and the Legatine Congregation are to be found in Hall's Chronicle, pp. 146-7, 166, and 169. Wolsey's arrest, the summoning of Parliament, and More's appointment as chancellor, are similarly taken from Hall, as are the 'Greuvances against the Clergie' (p. 188) and the articles against Wolsey (p. 189). The petition of Humphrey Monmouth to Wolsey and the Council, dated 19 May 1528, from which most of the story his 'trouble' is taken, came from a manuscript in Foxe's possession (BL Harley MS 421). It was printed by Strype (Ecclesiastical Memorials, 1, ii, p. 89) and taken from Strype by the Letters and Papers (4, ii, No 4282). The proceedings against Arthur, Bilney, and others are taken from the registers of John Tunstal, bishop of Durham (not Stokesley), bishop of London (London Guildhall Library, Guildhall MS 9531/10 (fos.131r-36r)), whilst the story of Thomas Hytten probably comes from John Fisher's Rochester register, now missing. The substance of these blocks was repeated with very little alteration in 1583.

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David Loades

, late Cardinall of Yorke, by way of digression, wherin is to be seene & noted the expresse image of the proud vainglorious Church of Rome, how farre it differeth from the true Church of Christ Iesus.

MarginaliaCardinall Wolsey. ALthough it be not greatly pertinent vnto thys our historie, nor greatly requisite in these so weightie matters, entreatyng of Christes holy Martyrs, to discourse much of Thomas Wolsey Cardinall of Yorke: notwithstandyng, for somuch as there be many, which beyng caryed away wyth a wronge opinion, and estimation of that false glitteryng Church of Rome, doe thynke that holynes to be in it, which in deede is not: to the entent therefore, that the vaine pompe and pride of that ambitious Church, so farre differing from all pure Christianitie, and godlynes, more notoriously may appeare to all men, and partly also to refreshe the Eeader wyth some varietie of matter, I thought compendiously to expresse the ridiculous and pompous qualities, and demaner of thys foresayd Thomas Wolsey, Cardinall and Legate of Rome, in whom alone, the Image and lyfe of all other such lyke followers and professors of the same Church, may be seene and obserued. MarginaliaExample of the Lacedemoniās. For lyke as the Lacedemonians in times past, were accustomed to shewe and demonstrate dronken men vnto their children, to beholde and looke vpon, that through the foulnes of that vice, they myght inflame them the more to the studie and desire of sobrietie: euē so it shal not be hurtfull sometymes to set forth the examples which are not honest, that others might therby gather the instructions of better and more vnright dealyng.

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Wherefore thou shalt note here (good reader) in thys hystorie, with all iudgement, the great difference of lyfe and Christian conuersation, betwene thys Church, and the other true humble Martyrs and seruantes of God, whom they haue, and doe yet persecute. And first to beginne, with the first meeting and commyng in of thys Cardinall, and hys fellow Cardinall Campeius into England: it was about the tyme, when Pope Leo intending to make warre agaynst the Turkes, sent three Legates together from Rome, whereof one went into Germanie, an other into Fraunce, MarginaliaCampeius sent into England. Laurentius Campeius was appointed to come into England. When he was come to Callis, and that the Cardinall of Yorke had vnderstanding therof, he sent certayne Byshops and Doctors, wyth as much speede as he coulde, to meete the Legate, and to shewe hym that if he would haue hys Ambassade take effecte, he shoulde send in poste to Rome, to haue the sayde Cardinall of Yorke made Legate, and to be ioyned wyth hym in commission. Which thyng he much affected, misdoubtyng least his authoritie thereby myght perhappes be diminished through the commyng of the Legate, MarginaliaCardinall Wolsey seeketh to be ioyned in equall commissiõ with Campeius. and therefore required to be ioyned wyth hym in lyke degree of that Ambassade. Campeius beyng a man lyght of beliefe, and suspectyng no such matter, gaue credite vnto hys wordes, and sent vnto Rome wyth such speede, that within xxx. dayes after, the Bull was brought to Callis, wherein they were both equally ioyned in Commission: duryng which tyme, the Cardinall of Yorke, sent to the Legate at Callis, red cloth to clothe hys seruauntes withall, MarginaliaNote the state and pride of the Popes Clergie. which at their comming to Callis, were but meanly apparelled.

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When all thynges were ready, Cãpeius passed the seas and landed at Douer, and so kept forth his iourney toward London. At euery good towne as they passed, he was recea-

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