Thematic Divisions in Book 4
1. Lanfranc2. Gregory VII3. William the Conqueror4. William Rufus5. Henry I6. Stephen and Henry II7. Frederick Barbarossa8. Thomas Becket9. Becket's letters10. Becket's martyrdom and miracles11. Events of 1172-7812. Waldensians13. Other incidents of Henry II's reign14. First year of Richard I's reign15. Strife at Canterbury16. Richard I and Third Crusade17. William Longchamp18. King John19. Henry III's early reign20. Innocent III and mendicant orders21. Papal oppression of the English Church22. Albigensian Crusade23. Hubert de Burgh24. Gregory IX25. Schism between Greek and Latin Church26. Papal exactions from England27. Louis IX on Crusade28. Frederick II29. Opponents of Papacy30. Robert Grosseteste31. Aphorisms of Robert Grosseteste32. Persecution of Jews33. Papal oppression and Alexander IV34. Conflicts in universities and mendicant orders35. Henry III and the barons36. Battle of Lewes37. Battle of Evesham38. End of baronial war39. Ecclesiastical matters and Edward prince of Wales goes on crusade40. Foreign events in Henry III's reign41. First seven years of Edward I's reign42. War with Scotland43. Philip IV and Boniface VIII44. Events of 1305-745. Cassiodorous's letter46. Pierre de Cugniere47. Death of Edward I48. Piers Gaveston49. The Despensers and the death of Edward II50. John XXIII and Clement VI51. Rebellion in Bury St. Edmunds52. Edward III and Scotland53. Edward III and Philip VI54. Edward III and Archbishop Stratford55. Events of 1341-556. Outbreak of the Hundred Years War57. English ecclesiastical affairs 1330-6458. Anti-papal writers59. Quarrel among mendicants and universities60. Table of the Archbishops of Canterbury
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Châlus-Chabrol [Galuz] CastleRouen
 
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Châlus-Chabrol [Galuz] Castle

Limoges, Limousin, France

Coordinates: 45° 39' 18" N, 0° 58' 49" E

 
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Rouen

[Rowocum; Rhone; Rouan; Roan; Roane; Rowan; Rhoan]

Normandy, France

Coordinates: 49° 26' 38" N, 1° 6' 12" E

Capital of Normandy; cathedral city

272 [249]

The death of K. Rich. K. Iohn. K. John diuorced from his lawfull wife.

MarginaliaAnno. 1197.The next yeare following: which was the 1197. yere of the Lord, Philip þe french king brake truce made betwene him and king Richarde, whereuppon the king was compelled to saile ouer againe to Normandy to withstand the malice of his enemy. About which time, my story recordeth of one called of some Fulco: some say, he was the Archbyshop of Roane called Gualter. This Fulco being then in England, and comming to the kings presence, sayde vnto him with great courage & boldnes. Marginalia3. daughters of the king noted.Thou hast O mighty King, three daughters very vicious and of euill disposition: take good heede of them, and betimes prouide for them good husbandes: least by vntimely bestowing of the same, thou shalt not onely incurre great hurt and damage, but also vtter ruine and destruction to thy selfe. To whom the king in a rage sayde: Thou lying and mocking hypocrite, thou knowest not where thou art, or what thou sayest: I thinke thou art mad or not well in thy wittes, for I haue neuer a daughter as all the world knoweth, and therefore thou opē lier get thee out of our presence. To whom Fulco aunswered: no, and like your grace I lie not, but say truth: for you haue iij. daughters, which continually frequēt your court, and wholy possesse your person: and such iij. whoores & naughty packes as neuer the like hath bene heard off. I meane mischieuous pride, gredy couetousnes and filthy luxurity. And therfore againe I say, O king, beware of them, and out of hand prouide mariages for them, least in not so doing, thou vtterly vndoe both thy selfe and all the whole realme.

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The which his wordes, the King tooke in good parte: with correction of himself, & confession of the same. Wherupon incontinently he called his Lordes and Barons before him, vnto whome he declared the cōmoning aud monition of Fulco, who had willed hym to beware of his iij. daughters: pride, auarice, and luxurie, with counsel out of hand to marrie them: least further discommoditie shoulde ensue both to him and the whole realme, whose good coūsell (my Lordes) I entende to follow, not doubting of all your consents therunto. Wherefore here before you all, I geue my daughter swelling pride to wife, to the proude Templars: my greedie daughter auarice to the couetous order of the Cistercian Monkes, and last of all, my filthie daughter luxurie, to the riotous prelates of the Churche, whom I thinke to be very meete men for her: and so seuerally well agreeing to all their natures, that the like matches in this our Realme are not to be found for them. And thus much concerning Fulco.

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Not long after this, it befell that a certaine noble personage (Lord of Lemonice in litle Britaine, Widomarus by name) found a great substance of treasure both of golde and siluer hid in the ground: wherof a great part he sent to king Richard, as chiefe Lorde and Prince ouer the whole countrey. Which the king refused, saying, he would either haue all or none, MarginaliaHe that all would haue, shall all forgoe. for that he was the principall chiefetaine ouer the land. But the finder woulde not condescende to that. Wherefore the king laide siege to a Castell of hys called Galuz, thinking the treasure to lie there. But the keepers and warders of the Castel, seeing themselues not sufficient to withstand the king, offered to him the castell, desiring to depart with life and armour. To this the king woulde in no wise graunt, but bid them to reenter the castell againe, and to defende it in all the forceable wise they coulde. MarginaliaCouetous greedines plagued.It so befell, that as the King with the Duke of Brabant went about the castel, vewing the places therof: a souldiour wythin, named Bertandus Cordoun, MarginaliaThe death of k. Richard the first.stroke the king with an arrow in the arme, whereupon the yron remaining and festering in the wound, the king within 9. daies after died: who because he was not content with the halfe of the treasure that an other man founde, lost all his own treasure that he had. The king being thus wounded caused the man that stroke him, to be brought vnto him, and asked the cause of him, why he so wounded him. Who answered againe (as the storie sayeth) that he thought to kill rather then to be killed. And what punishment soeuer he should susteine, he was cōtent, so that he might kil him, which had before killed his father and brethren. MarginaliaK. Richard forgeueth him that killed him.The king hearing his words, frely forgaue him, and caused an hundreth shillings to be geuē him. Albeit (as the story addeth) after the death of the king, the duke of Brabāce, after great torments caused hym to be hāged. Ex historia Regis Richardi 2. cui initium. De patre istius Bruti. &c. The storie of Gisburne sayeth, that the killer of king Richarde, comming to the French king, thinking to haue a great rewarde, was commanded to be drawen a sonder wt horse, and his quarters to be hanged vp. MarginaliaEx bibliotheca Cariensi. Ex Gualtero Hemyngford, monacho Gisburnensi.

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An other story affirmeth, and Gisburn partly doth testifie the same, MarginaliaVaine feare of purgatorythat a litle before the death of K. Richarde: 3. Abbotes of the order Cistercian came to him, to whomehe was confessed. And when he sawe them somewhat stay at his absolution, had these wordes: that he did willingly commit his body to the earth, to be eaten of wormes: and his soule to the fire of Purgatory there to be tormented til the iudgement, in the hope of God his mercy. Ex Iornalens. Gisburn. & alijs. MarginaliaEx Iornal. Gisburnensi. & alijs.

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About the raigne of this king, the sayd Iornalensis maketh mention of Roger archbish. of Yorke, which put out of his Churche the Monkes, and placed for them seculare Priests: MarginaliaMonks put out, and secular priestes receiued. saying that he woulde rather wish Ecclesiasticall benefices to be geuen to wanton Priests then to abhominable Monkes, & that Thurstinus did sinne neuer worse in al his life, then in building that house for monks &c. An other story I haue which sayth, that this was the Byshop not of Yorke, but of Couentrie.

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King John

This passage reflects the remarkable English protestant reversal of the accepted historiography of the reign of King John, whom medieval chronicles had, almost without exception, vilified. The process had begun with William Tyndale's The Obedience of a Christian Man (1528), which presented John's reign as that of a good king battling heroically against papal tyranny and it reached its canonical limits with Bale's drama, King Johan (see Caroline Levin, Propaganda in the English Reformation: Heroic and Villainous Images of King John [Lewiston, NY, 1988), esp. pp. 55-104). These reassessments all had, however, the weakness that they were not based on newly-discovered evidence, but a skewed reading of the sources that were already common knowledge. Foxe's account, at the first read, seems to rectify that deficiency, supported a favourable account of John's reign with quiverfuls of new sources: Matthew Paris, Roger of Howden's Chronicle, the life of John by Ralph Niger, Caxton's edition of the Brut, and the fourteenth-century chronicle known as the Eulogium Historiarum. These are carefully enumerated in the marginalia to the 1563 account, which would become a commonplace for English protestant polemicists thereafter.

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The account of John's reign is surprisingly detailed and circumstantial. It begins with Arthur, John's nephew, challenging his uncle's rights to the crown, supported by Philip Augustus, King of France. It alludes to Philip's conquest of Normandy before concentrating at length on the dispute over the election of the archbishop of Canterbury and Pope Innocent III's rejection of the royal candidate and installation of his own nominee, Stephen Langton. The consequences (the papal interdict, the royal confiscation of ecclesiastical lands and revenues, the failures of mediation and the excommunication of John) are all given substantial coverage. Following a digression to describe (and denounce) the Fourth Lateran Council, Foxe's narrative picks up the continued scheming of the clergy against the king, the Dauphin Louis' invasion, John's reconciliation with some of the rebellious nobles (Magna Carta goes unmentioned) and the king's death (by poisoning). The account was the first, thorough 'post-medieval' narrative of John's reign to be based on such a wide range of sources.

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Yet, as this project has argued in extensor elsewhere (Tom Freeman, 'John Bales' Book of Martyrs?: The Account of King John in Acts and Monuments', Reformation 3 (1998), 175-223) this section was very unlikely to have been written by Foxe, and that it was very probably an account of the reign, prepared by John Bale after his return to England in 1559, as part of a long-projected continuation of his Acts of the English Votaries, originally published in its first two parts in 1551, and which had ended with the reign of Richard I. We surmised that, when Bale realised that his final illness would prevent his completing the work, he sent the account of King John to Foxe, who readily incorporated it into the first book of the Acts and Monuments, itself evidently (the tell-tale signs are its irregular pagination and the awkward transition to the next book) a late addition to the work. This circumstantial reassignation of authorship is advanced on the basis of a detailed discussion of the sources used for the narrative, and the way in which they are handled. The account relies, directly or indirectly, on the following:-a) Roger of Howden's chronicleb) Roger of Wendover's Flores Historiarumc) Matthew Paris' Cronica Majorad) Matthew Paris' Historia Anglorume) The Barnwell Chroniclef) The Eulogium Historiarum, also quoted in William Caxton's The chronicles of England (London, 1482)g) Ranulph Higden's Polychroniconh) The chronicle sometimes known as the 'Annals of Winchester'The article, cited above, examines these borrowings, and the ways in which the sources were more available to Bale than to Foxe in 1563. It also demonstrates how the ways in which they were used are much more consistent with Bale's handling of historical sources than Foxe's. Whilst Foxe was capable of the heavily partisan and selective citation of his sources to construct his narrative, he was generally not disposed to inventive elaboration of them, such as occurs in this passage.

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One element of this account of King John's reign became the target for Foxe's critics after 1563. It concerned the final account of a monk poisoning the king. In 1565, the Catholic apologist Thomas Harding (in A Counterblast to M. Hornes vayne blast [Louvain, 1567], fols 312B-314A) attacked the credibility of Foxe's narrative by enumerating those sources which unambiguously attributed John's death to natural causes. Two years later, Thomas Stapleton questioned the credibility of the Eulogium Historiarum in the version edited and printed by Caxton. Foxe's response in the 1570 edition did not specifically refer to Stapleton's criticism, but responded indirectly in two ways: firstly, by the addition of another account of John's poisoning, taken from Walter of Guisborough's chronicle, in which the monks murder John with a poisoned dish of pears (see Freeman, 'John Bales' Book of Martyrs', p. 207; and p. 223). His second response was the late addition to the 1570 text of two texts, the first on the 'Primacy of the Popes' and the second entitled 'The Image of Antichrist'. Foxe's other changes in 1570 were minor (thus indicating that, even if he had not composed the narrative himself, he certainly was in accord with its views), and reflect the tensions and fears of catholic conspiracy prevalent in 1569-70. He inserted 'another chronicle' account of John's inconclusive conference with two papal legates in 1211 (taken from the Eulogium) and designed to emphasise that the Pope sought to humiliate the English king. He also expanded on a passage in 1563 in which Pope Innocent III announced that any soldiers invading England were entitled to war the livery of Crusaders. The revised passage read that the Pope promised the French king and his soldiers remission of sins if they invaded England. Foxe probably had the rebellion of the Northern Earls of 1569 in mind when he wrote that John submitted to the Pope from fear of foreign invasion and 'his own people, especially his lords and barons being rebelliouslye incited against him, as by the popes curses and interdictions against such as tooke hys part' (1570, p. 331). The passage did not change in the editions following 1570.

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Mark Greengrass
University of Sheffield

The king not long after departed without issue: and Iohn his brother reigned after him: in whome, although some vices may worthely be reprehēded: especially for his incontinent and too much licentious life, yet was he farre from that deseruing, for the which he hath bene so il reported of diuers wryters: who being led more with affection of Poperie, then with true iudgement and due consideration, depraued his doings more then the sincere trueth of the historie will beare them. Concerning which historie, after so many wryters we thought also to bestowe a little labour: although in this matter we can not be so long as I would, and as the matter requireth.

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Kyng Iohn.

MarginaliaKing Iohn.AFter the death of king Richarde called Coeur de Lyon, reigned his brother Iohn Earle of Morton. Afterward the Archbyshop put the crowne on his head, and sware him to defend the churche, and to maintaine the same in her good lawes, and to destroy the euil. And except he thought not in his minde to do this, the Archb. charged him, not to presume to take on him this dignitie. And on Saint Iohn Baptists day next following, king Iohn sailed into Normandy & came to Roan: where he was royally receiued, and truce concluded betweene him & the French king for a time. And thether came to him the Earle of Flaunders, and all other Lords of Fraunce that were of K. Richards band and frendship, and were sworne vnto him.

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Not long after this, Philip the French king made Arthur Knight, MarginaliaArthur of Britayne. and tooke his homage for Normandie, Britaine, and al other his possessions beyond the sea: and promised him helpe against K. Iohn. MarginaliaA communication betweene the king of england and the French king.After this Ring Iohn and the French king talked together wyth theyr Lordes, about one houres space: And the Frenche King asked so much land for himself and knight Arthur, that king Iohn would graunt him none, and so departed in wrath.

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The same yeare, a legate came into Fraunce, and commaunded the King in paine of interdiction, to deliuer one Peter out of prison, that was elect to a Bishoppricke, and thereupon he was deliuered.

And after that, the Legate came into England, & commaunded K. Iohn vnder paine of interdiction, to deliuer the Archb. which he had kept as prisoner 2. yeares: which the King denied to do, till he had payd him 6000. markes. Because he tooke him in harnes in a field against him, and sware him vpon his deliuerance, þt he should neuer weare harnesse against any Christen man.

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MarginaliaMariage in the 3. degree forbidden by the popeThis time, diuorce was made betweene K. Iohn and his wife, daughter of the Earle of Glocester, because they were in the iij. degree of kinred. And after, MarginaliaAnno. 1200. by the counsell of the French king, king Iohn wedded Isabel daughter of the Earle of Anguilla, and then Arthur of Britaine did homage to king Iohn for Britaine and other.

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MarginaliaAnno. 1202.At this time fell strife betwene K. Iohn and Geoffrey the Archbishop of Yorke for diuers causes: first, because he would not suffer and permit the Sheriffe of Yorke in such affaires as he had to do for the King within his Diocesse. Secondly, because hee did also excommunicate the sayde sheriffe. Thirdly, because he would not saile with him into Normandie, to make the mariage betwene Lewes the French kinges sonne and his niece. &c.

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After this, in the yeare of our Lorde 1202. Phillip the French king (in a communication betwene K. Iohn and him) required: that the saide K. Iohn should depart with all his landes in Normandy and Pictauia which he had beyond the sea, vnto Arthur his nephew, and that incontinent, or els he would warre against him, and so did. For when king Iohn denied that request, the next day folowing, the French king with the sayde Arthur, set vpon certain of his townes and castels in Normandy, and put him

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