Thematic Divisions in Book 4
1. Lanfranc2. Gregory VII3. William the Conqueror4. William Rufus5. Henry I6. Stephen and Henry II7. Frederick Barbarossa8. Thomas Becket9. Becket's letters10. Becket's martyrdom and miracles11. Events of 1172-7812. Waldensians13. Other incidents of Henry II's reign14. First year of Richard I's reign15. Strife at Canterbury16. Richard I and Third Crusade17. William Longchamp18. King John19. Henry III's early reign20. Innocent III and mendicant orders21. Papal oppression of the English Church22. Albigensian Crusade23. Hubert de Burgh24. Gregory IX25. Schism between Greek and Latin Church26. Papal exactions from England27. Louis IX on Crusade28. Frederick II29. Opponents of Papacy30. Robert Grosseteste31. Aphorisms of Robert Grosseteste32. Persecution of Jews33. Papal oppression and Alexander IV34. Conflicts in universities and mendicant orders35. Henry III and the barons36. Battle of Lewes37. Battle of Evesham38. End of baronial war39. Ecclesiastical matters and Edward prince of Wales goes on crusade40. Foreign events in Henry III's reign41. First seven years of Edward I's reign42. War with Scotland43. Philip IV and Boniface VIII44. Events of 1305-745. Cassiodorous's letter46. Pierre de Cugniere47. Death of Edward I48. Piers Gaveston49. The Despensers and the death of Edward II50. John XXIII and Clement VI51. Rebellion in Bury St. Edmunds52. Edward III and Scotland53. Edward III and Philip VI54. Edward III and Archbishop Stratford55. Events of 1341-556. Outbreak of the Hundred Years War57. English ecclesiastical affairs 1330-6458. Anti-papal writers59. Quarrel among mendicants and universities60. Table of the Archbishops of Canterbury
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293 [270]

K. Henry. 3. Trouble and contention about the popes cruell exactions.

euery person there the articles of his beliefe: MarginaliaAlbingenses falsly suspected for heresie.and if he foūd any person or persōs, holding that which was not Catholike, he would see the same to be corrected and amēded, according to the censure of holy Church to þe vttermost. Or if he should finde any citty rebelling agaynst hym, he to the vttermost of his might with the inhabitance therof, would compell them to doe satisfaction therfore. And as touching himselfe, if he had committed or erred in any thing (which he remembreth not to haue done) he offered their full satisfaction to God & Church, as becommed any faithfull christen man to doe, requiring moreouer therefore the Legate to be examined of his fayth. &c. MarginaliaThe proud vilanie of the Popes Legate.But all this (sayth Mathæus) þe legate despised: neither could the catholike Erle (saith he) there find any grace, vnlesse he would depart from hys heritage: both from himselfe and from his heires for euer. In fine, when it was required by the cōtrary part that he should stand to the arbitrement of xii. peeres of France: to that Reimundus answered, that if the French king would receaue his homage, which he was redy at al times to exhibite, he was cōtented therewith. For els they would not (sayd he) take him, as one of their society & fellowe subiect.

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After much altercatiō on both sides about the matter, the Legate willeth euery archbishop to call aside his Suffraganes, to deliberate with them vpon the cause: and to geue vp in writing what was concluded. Whiche being done accordingly, the Legate denounceth excommunication to all such as did reueale any peece of that whiche was there concluded, before the pope and the king had intelligence there of.

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These things thus in hudder mutter among thēselues concluded, the Legate gaue leaue to al proctors of couents and chapters to returne home, onely reteining with him þe Archbishops, bishops, and Abbots, & certayne simple prelates, such as he might be more bold withall to opē, and of thē to obtaine the other part of his commissiō: which was in deed to obtein of euery cathedral church 2. prebendships, one for the bish. the other for the chapter. And in monasteries also after þe like sort, where the Abbot and the Couent had diuers and seueral portions: to require two churches, one for þe Abbot, the other for the couent, keeping this proportion: that how much should suffice for the liuing of one Monk, so much þe whole couent should find for their part, and as much the Abbot likewise for his. And for so muche as he would not seeme to demaūd this without some color of cause, his reason was this: that because the Courte of Rome had long bene blotted wt the note of auarice, whiche is mother of all euil, for that no man could come to Rome for any busines, but he must solfe for the expedition of the same: therfore for the remouing away of the occasiō of that slaunder: the publike helpe of the Churche therefore must necessarily be required. &c.

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The proctors and parties thus sent home by the Legates, merueiling wt themselues why the Bishops & Abbots should be stayd & they sent home, & suspecting no les but as the matter was in deed: MarginaliaMarke reader the practise here of prelates, for thy learningconferred their counsailes together, & deuised wt themselues to send certain vnto him in the behalfe of all the cathdrall & conuentuall Churches in Fraunce, & sent to the sayd Legate the message, to signifie vnto him: That they were credibly informed, that he came wt special letters from the court of Rome, for the obteining of certein prebendaries wtin euery cathedrall and conuētuall church. MarginaliaThe clergie of Fraunce answering to the legate.Which being so, they much merueiled þt he would not in the publike counsaile, make manifest to thē those letters which specially cōcerned thē as much as the others. Wherfore their request was to him in þt Lord, that no such offensiue matter might rise by him in þe Frēch church: knowing this that the thing which he enterpriseth could not be brought to effect, without great offence taken, and inestimable damage to the Churche of Fraunce. For graunt sayde they, that certayne will assent vnto you, yet their assent standeth in no effect, concerning such matters as touch the whole: especially, seeyng both the states of the Realme with all the inferior subiectes, yea and the king himselfe, they are sure, will withstand the same: to the venture not onely of their honour, but of their lyfe also, considering the case to be suche, as vpon the offence whereof, standeth the subuersion both of the realme publike, and of the whole Church in generall. Declaring moreouer the cause of this feare to rise hereof, for that in other realmes such communicatiō hath bene with byshops & prelates, for the procuring of such prebendships, where as neither the prince nor the subiectes, were made anye thing priuy therto.

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MarginaliaInferiors euermore bolde to speake in difficult causes of trueth, then the rich.In conclusion, when the matter came to debating with the Legate, the obiections of the inferior parties, agaynst the cruell exaction, were these in briefe effect, as is in Parisiens. noted.

First they alledged their great damages and expenceswhiche they were like to sustayne thereby MarginaliaThe obiections of the clergie of Fraunce, against the Popes exaction.by reason of the continuall procurators of the Pope, whiche in euery diocessee must liue not of their owne, but must be susteined vpon the charges of the cathedrall Churges, and other churches also: and many times they being but procurators wil be found as Legates.

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Item, by that meanes, they sayd great perturbations might ensue to the couentes and Chapters of Cathedrall churches in their elections: for so muche as the Popes agents and factors being in euery cathedrall church & chapter house, percase the pope woulde commaund hym in hys person to be present at their elections, and so might trouble the same: in delaying and deferring till it might fall to the court of Rome to geue. And so shoulde be placed moe of the Popes clientele in the churches of Fraunce, then of the proper inhabitance of the land.

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Item, by this meanes they affirmed, that al they in the court of Rome should be richer and shoulde receiue more for their proportion, then the king of the realme: by reason of whiche aboundaunce of riches, it was like to come to passe, that as the worm of rich men is pride: so by the meanes of this their riches, the court of Rome would delay & driue of great suites, and scarse would take any paynes wt small causes: the experiment whereof is euident, for that now also they vse to delay their matters whē they come wt their giftes, and being in assuraunce to receiue. And thus should iustice stand aside, and poore suters dye at þe gates of the court of Rome, thus flowing and triumphing in ful aboundance of all treasure and riches.

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Item, for somuch as it is mete and conuenient to haue friendes in the court of Rome, for the better speeding of their causes: therefore they thought to keepe them needy, whereby their giftes may be the sweeter and their causes sooner dispatched.

Item, when as it is impossible the fountaine of greedy desire to be stopped, it was to be feared, that eyther they would do that by other, which they were wont to doe by themselues: or els they should be enforced to geue greater rewardes then before. For smal giftes in the sight of great rich men are not looked vpon.

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Item, where he alledged the remouing awaye of the slāder which goeth on the court of Rome: By this means rather the contrary were to be feared: wherein they alleaged the sentence of the verse, that great riches stop not the taking of much, but a mynde contented with a little.


Quòd virtus reddit, non copia sufficientem.
Et non paupertas sed mentis hiatus agentem.

Farther they alledged that great riches woulde make the Romaines mad: and so might kindle among thē sides and partes taking: so that by great possessions sedition might follow, to the ruine and destructiō of the city: wherof some experiment they had already.

Item, they added that although they woulde condescend and oblige themselues to that contribution, yet their successors would not so be bound, nor yet, ratifie the bond of theirs.

Lastly thus they conclude the matter, desiring him that the zeale of the vniuersall Churche, and of the Churche of Rome would moue him. For if this oppression of þe church should be vniuersall: it were to be doubted, least any vniuersall departing might follow from the Church of Rome (which God forbid say they MarginaliaGod graunt say we.) should happen.

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The Legate hearing these words, being therwith somthing moued, as seemed, thus excused himself, that he being in the court, neuer agreed in this exaction. MarginaliaThe Cardinall repulsed, and defeyted of his purpose in Fraunce. And that þe letters hereof came not to hym before he was in Fraunce, whereat he sayd was greatly sory. Adding this withall, that the words of his precept included this secret meaning in them, thus to be vnderstand and taken: so farre forth as the Empire and other realmes would agree vnto þe same. And as for hym, he would stirre no more in the matter, before it were proued, what other countryes would say and doe therein.

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And thus much concerning the second part of the blind commission of this Legate, touching his exaction of prebendships in euery Cathedrall and conuentuall Churche, Wherin as ye heare, he was repulsed. Ex Mat. Paris. pag. 62. MarginaliaEx Math. Parisiensi. Pag. 63.

MarginaliaThe Pope rayseth war against the Earle & the people of Tholouse.Now to returne to the first part of his commissiō again which was cōcerning Reimundus þe godly Erle of Tholouse, thus þe story proceedeth 

Commentary  *  Close
Albigensian Crusade

The Albigensian Crusade was a response to the Cathar 'heresy' flourishing principally in the Languedoc region of France and in Italy. This was the first crusade against a Christian region and resulted in the successful extermination of the Cathars. The situation was more complex than Foxe details here, with political and religious priorities making the Crusade a complex event. For an outline of these complexities, especially its connection to England see Nicholas Vincent, 'England and the Albigensian Crusade', in Björn Weiler and Ifor W. Rowlands (ed.), England and Europe in the Reign of Henry III 1216-1272 (Aldershot, 2002), pp. 67-85.

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Foxe's concentration on the Siege of Toulouse taken from Matthew Paris, Chronica Majora, ed. Henry Richards Luard, Rolls Series (7 vols., London, 1872-1884), vol. 3, pp. 51-7 and ending with a description of the history of the persecution taken from Chronica Majora, vol. 3, pp. 57, 105-119 presents the Cathars and Count Raymond VI of Toulouse as holding 'true' doctrines and being unfairly treated by the machinations of the papacy. There were, in fact, a variety of differences in the dualistic and Gnostic doctrines of the Cathars to the beliefs of the Protestant reformers, however Foxe uses the lack of detailed documentation available to him to his advantage, by having previously stated that 'what these Albingenses were, it can not be wel gathered by the old popishe histories' (1570, f. 341). Instead Foxe concentrates on how the Papacy through greed, trickery and hatred forced the French to persecute the Cathars as they had done on a variety of other occasions. Thus Foxe uses the Albigensian Crusade as a characterisation assassination of the papacy and its legates.

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In-between this account Foxe has added accounts of events going on in England at the same time largely taken from his favoured sources the Chronica Majora, Flores Historiarum and Nicholas Trivet. This includes the arrival of the Minorities to England from Chronica Majora, vol. 3, pp. 60-1, Matthew Paris, Flores Historiarum, ed. Henry Richards Luard, Rolls Series (3 vols., London, 1890), vol. 2, pp. 187-8 and Nicholas Trivet, Annalium continuatio; ut et Adami Murimuthensis Chronicon (Oxford, 1722), p. 211, Stephen Langton's holding of a meeting at Oxford from Nicholas Trivet, p. 210, an introduction to Hubert de Burgh from the Chronica Majora, vol. 3, pp. 71-3, 291, with whom Foxe would deal in detail after the Albigensian crusade, general conflicts between the Bishops of London and Westminster and bad storms across the country also from the Chronica Majora, vol. 3, pp. 74-75 and the Flores Historiarum, vol. 2, pp. 172-5. As an introduction to the Albigensian persecution Foxe also described Louis IX (ruled 1226-1270) becoming king of France from the Chronica Majora, vol. 3, p. 77, Flores Historiarum, vol. 2, pp. 177-8 and Nicholas Trivet, p. 212.

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From other sources Foxe mentioned the building of Salisbury Minster from Arundel MS 5 (which Foxe names Scala Mundi) and the reaffirmation of Magna Charta from The Chronicle of Walter of Guisborough, ed. Harry Rothewell, Camden Society, 3rd Series, 89 (London, Camden Society, 1957), pp. 162-173. Guisborough was probably the most detailed account of Magna Charta available to Foxe, however he did not solely rely on it for his account. He took from Robert Fabian, The New Chronicles of England and France, ed. Henry Ellis (London, 1811), p. 326 a corrective on the dating of the affirmation.

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Matthew Phillpott
University of Sheffield

. That while the legate was in hand with this matter of the popes mony, in the meane season certayn preaching Fryers were directed by the said Romannes the Popes Legate, into all France: to incite & stirre vp the Frenchmen to take the crosse vpon them, and to war agaynst the Erle of Tholouse, and the people ther-

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